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      • KCI등재

        페루 신자유주의의 함정: 도런페루의 약탈적 기업 전략

        오삼교 서울대학교 라틴아메리카연구소 2014 이베로아메리카硏究 Vol.25 No.2

        This paper deals with the case of predatory business practices of DoeRun Peru, which is owned by Renco Groups, which is in turn wholly owned byfamily trusts established by the company’s Chairman and CEO, Ira Rennert. Justas Renco companies have been notorious in their environmental records, DoeRun Peru has ignored its environmental obligation by postponing the building offacilities to alleviate air pollution caused by La Oroya metallic complex and byasking to extend the completion of the Environmental Remediation andManagement Program (PAMA) several times. When grassroots organizations inLa Oroya and environmental and human rights NGOs took on pollution issues,the company first denied the existence of the problem. When confronted withtest results showing high levels of lead in residents’ blood, the company blamedthe hygiene and malnutrition of the local people. When the business got worsein the wake of a decrease in commodities prices in early 2009, the company filedfor bankruptcy to avoid additional investments in the PAMA, aiming to keeprunning the companywithout paying extra environmental costs. When the peopleof La Oroya sued the company in Missouri for compensation for the health riskscaused by the negligent behavior of the company, the Renco group asked thePeruvian state to pay any expenses incurred by the court decision. The corporateplunder of Doe Run Peru proves that neoliberalism not only does not work asconceived in theory but also allows spaces for predatory practices by companiessuch as Doe Run Peru. To prevent corporate pillage of this kind, local civil societyand NGOs need to be better organized and connected to transnationaladvocacy networks, and the Peruvian state should strengthen itsmonitoring andsupervising capabilities by reinstating the regulatory power of the state. 이 글은 신자유주의가 지역의 다양한 구체적 상황에서 어떻게 전개될 수 있는가라는 보다 큰 전망의 연구 시각에서 외국 자본의 약탈적 축적논리가 신자유주의 이데올로기가 제공하는 정책 공간을 어떻게 악용할 수 있는가에 대한 사례 연구이다. 1997년 페루 정부의 민영화를통해 라오로야(La Oroya) 금속제련 단지를 인수한 미국계 도런페루(Doe Run Peru)의 약탈적인 기업 전략과 행태는 이 점에서 다국적기업의 기만적이고 인권 유린적인 축적 논리를 허용하는 신자유주의의 이중성을 적나라하게 보여주는 사례이다. 도런페루는 페루 정부와 약속한 환경정화 프로그램의 이행을 두 차례나 연기하여 환경오염을 방치하고 주민의 건강을 희생하여단기적 이익을 추구하였을 뿐만 아니라 주민들에게 잘못된 정보를 제공하고 지역사회를 동원하여 정부의 규제와 감독을 피하려 하였다. 뿐만 아니라 모회사인 렌코그룹의 미국에서의 기업행태를 그대로 페루에서도 되풀이 하여 경영이 어려워지자 파산을 통해 환경부담 비용을 회피하려 하였다. 미국 법정에서 라오로야 피해 아동들의 피해 보상 소송이 제기된 후에는 페루 정부가 부당한 차별대우를 하였다는 이유로 국제중재심판소에 제소하여 회사 측이 환경 의무 불이행 책임을 페루 국가에 전가하려 하고 있다. 이러한 도런페루의 약탈적 기업행태는 경쟁력있고 효율적인 세계적 기업이 자유 시장논리에 따라 성장과 발전, 고용과 번영을 창출한다는신자유주의 논리의 허구성을 폭로하고 있다. 미국 렌코그룹의 자회사인 도런페루의 약탈적 기업 전략은 외국 기업의 유치를 통해 성장을 추구한다는 신자유주의 발전 정책이 국가와 지역주민에 부메랑으로 작용한 대표적 사례라 할 수 있다. 라오로야의 사례는 페루 신자유주의 체제의 취약성을 노정하는 사례로 페루 광산부문의 지속적 성장과 민주적 거번넌스를 위해 극복해야 할 과제를 제시하고 있다.

      • KCI등재

        The Drivers of South Korea’s Digital Government Cooperation Policy toward Peru

        명석영,정호윤 한국정치사회연구소 2022 한국과 국제사회 Vol.6 No.2

        Recently, South Korea has embarked on new digital government cooperation with Peru by establishing Korea-Peru Digital Government Cooperation Centre in Lima. How can we explain South Korea-Peru digital cooperation? What drives South Korea’s digital government cooperation with Peru? Existing literature on determinants of South Korea’s foreign assistance has focused heavily on the donor’s economic self-interest. Previous studies thus failed to offer a relevant analytical framework for explaining South Korea’s digital government cooperation with Peru from a political standpoint. To fill this gap, this study examines key political drivers that have led to digital cooperation between both countries by employing a “level of analysis” framework in international relations. This study argues that, at an international level, Peru’s perception of Korea as the best partner for digital government cooperation, combined with Korea’s interest in enhancing soft power through recognition as a leader in the digital area, created a crossroad. At a domestic level, a government-led plan to promote the digital government and strategical selection of priority partner countries for ODA can be considered relevant factors of the digital government cooperation between two countries.

      • KCI등재

        한-페루 해양과학기술 국제협력 잠재성 고찰: 협력 현황과 이슈 및 미래 방안 탐색

        하상섭,김경진 한국외국어대학교 중남미연구소 2015 중남미연구 Vol.34 No.1

        There exist various methods and directions for international cooperation especially in marine science technology via development and conservation issues within and among international community. For achieving this long goal through international cooperation, many scientists made a great efforts and focused on research developments for obtaining scientific knowledge and technological innovation. International community also encouraged joint efforts through many international convention and finally agreed a sea convention among many individual countries, such as UN Convention on the Law of Sea(UNCLOS) in 1994 and has searched for more sustainable ways of ocean development. Based on this long historical background, this research focuses on a special case of marine cooperation between Korea and Peru, investigating the current situations of marine cooperation and considering the potential directions with development vs conservation issues, trying to find out main cooperative issues for sustainable ocean development in near future. What are emerging issues for ocean development and cooperation in Peru is quite related with fishing and aquaculture industry fields as the recent and main international cooperative ones. On the one hand and for this purpose, this research finds out that reducing climate change impacts is also a quite important issue for reducing potential damages in fishing field or other industrial sectosr(such as El Niño phenomenon in pacific ocean) in Peru. On the other hand and as ocean conservation matter (e.g. designation of MPA and ocean management monitoring system, etc.) is also critical issue for future international cooperation. Finally, this research also explain and look into the real cooperative activities and methods between Peru and Korea in recent years through cooperation making process(demand survey among government bodies and their activities) and various efforts for both countries as well. Sure enough this research also identify and suggests that resolving the dilemma or difficulty of harmonizing between development and conservation, the marine science technology could play a great role. For this reason this research suggests what kinds of alternative marine science technology is necessary for international maritime cooperation between Korea and Peru and then the main priorities as well. In particular, for development of fishing and agriculture industry via sustainable way of development and adoption for climate change impacts(El Niño) in Peru, this research observes that the ‘climate oscillation monitoring system’ is urgently and helpful for international and marine scientific cooperation. 해양개발과 보존 분야에 대한 국제협력은 그 방향과 방법에 있어 다양하다. 과학지식의 발전과 기술혁신을 위한 연구개발 및 이의 국제협력 강화를 통해 공동의 노력은 그동안 국가간 협정과 다양한 국제해양협약을 통해 지속가능한 해양발전을 주도해 오고 있다. 본 논문은 우리나라의 중남미 지역 페루를 상대로 한 지속가능한 해양협력의 현황 파악은 물론 향후 페루를 포함해 중남미지역으로의 미래 해양협력 확대를 위한 방향성 제시와 주요 이슈 분석에 초점을 두었다. 양국 간의 해양협력의 최근 현안으로 등장한 페루 수산업 및 양식업 발전을 위한 개발협력은 물론 기후변화영향(엘리뇨) 및 해양보존(해양보호지역(MPA) 지정 및 해양관리 모니터링 시스템)의 이슈들이 협력 대상으로 분석되었다. 이에 더하여 실질적인 협력 활동과 방법이 분석되었으며 양국의 다양한 노력이 시기적으로 설명되었다. 물론 해양개발과 보존 사이의 딜레마를 해결할 해양과학기술의 역할은 중요하며 구체적으로 우리나라의 페루에 대한 협력 가능한 과학기술적 접근이 대안으로 제시되었다. 특히 페루의 수산업 및 농업 발전은 물론 엘리뇨 같은 기후변화에 대한 적응 차원의 기후진동 모니터링 시스템 구축 같은 해양과학기술의 국제협력은 페루에 가장 시급한 실정이다. 여타 다른 중남미 이웃지역으로 해양협력 확대를 위한 거시적 로드맵은 추가 연구로 남겨졌다.

      • KCI등재

        페루 채굴반대운동과 정치적 기회구조

        오삼교 한국라틴아메리카학회 2019 라틴아메리카연구 Vol.32 No.3

        Anti-extractivist movements in Peru have been characterized as limited in scope and space, occurring mostly around high altitude Andes villages near the mining sites and in the middle of the rainforest. Though the extractive disputes have been numerous and persistent since 2000, numerous anti-extractivist movements could not expand beyond local boundaries, which is basically for two reasons. First, anti-mining movements could not build a nation-wide alliance network due to their lack of economic or environmental interests in common with other sectors and areas. Second, the political opportunity structure has been unfavourable to the small voices of the peasants from the remote and isolated mountain areas. While there could be many explanations for the weakness of anti-extractivist movements in Peru, this paper focuses on the political opportunity structure as the most relevant approach. I pay special attention to the reason anti-mining movement, it being the most prominent source of social conflict in Peru, and which proved to be unable to achieve any real change in the mining policy of the government. I focus on three main sources of political opportunity structure which were unfavourable to the anti-mining movement: 1) the authoritarian elite control of the state, 2) weak political institutions that disempower formal democracy, and 3) a weak civil society. More specifically, authoritarian exercise of the power by the state, the class nature of the neoliberal state, the fragmented party politics, an ineffective and weak democracy, a weak civil society, and the resulting lack of indigenous/peasant voices in Peru have resulted in closed opportunity for the required reform of the extractive sector. It would be necessary to develop a more democratic and responsive state and a more effective political party system with a more autonomous and mature civil society, in order to contribute to more effective policy reform, reduced socio-environmental conflicts and a more dynamic and stable economy in Peru.

      • KCI등재

        미식국가 페루의 공동체 통합과 발전

        임수진(Sujin Lim) 한국정치사회연구소 2021 한국과 국제사회 Vol.5 No.6

        잉카 문명의 나라 페루는 1990년대 초반까지 내전과 경제위기를 겪으면서 사회적 갈등이 심각했고, 관광자원이 풍부함에도 불구하고 치안이 불안한 페루를 찾는 외국인의 수는 적었다. 1994년 아쿠리오 가스통이라는 스타셰프의 등장으로 시작된 작은 변화는 브랜드 페루라는 국가 차원의 전략으로 확대되었다. 페루 음식에는 고유의 전통과 이민자들의 문화가 결합한 다양성이라는 특징이 있었고, 고원, 해안, 아마존 등에서 생산되는 풍부한 식재료가 있었기에 이를 각 지역의 문화와 결합시켜 페루만의 문화컨텐츠로 발전시켰다. 미식국가 페루라는 문화공공외교의 결과 페루 음식을 체험하기 위해 페루를 찾는 외국인들이 늘어났고, 음식을 매개로 한 관광산업도 발전하였다. 이로써 미식강국 페루라는 국가정체성을 확립하였고, 백인문화 중심이었던 것에서 페루 공동체 누구나 존중받는 사회로 변하였다. 그 중심에는 지역의 마을공동체가 있었고, 풀뿌리 조직이 사회적 자본을 축적하며 지방정부, 중앙정부와 유기적으로 협력함으로써 페루 공동체 발전을 지향하고 있다. 미식강국 페루의 사례는 인간을 존중하고 소외된 사람이 없는 포용적 성장이 경제 발전의 목표가 되어야함을 보여준다. Peru suffered from civil war and economic crisis until the early 1990s, and social conflicts were severe. The small change that started with the appearance of a star chef named Acurio Gaston in 1994 has expanded to a national strategy called the Brand Peru. Peruvian food had the characteristic of indigenous tradition and the diversity of immigrants culture. There were abundant ingredients produced in the Andes, coasts, and the Amazon. As a result of the active food tourism promotion strategy abroad, the number of foreigners visiting Peru to experience Peruvian food has increased, and the food-based tourism industry has also developed. This established the national identity of Peru as a gastronomic country, and changed from being a society of white people to a society where everyone in the Peruvian community was respected. Local community as a grassroots organization accumulated social capital and organically cooperated with the local and central governments to achieve the recovery of the Peruvian community. Peru as a gastronomic country, shows that an inclusive growth that respects human beings should be the goal of economic development.

      • KCI등재

        What determines international tourist arrivals to Peru? A gravity approach

        Maritza Elizabeth Bermeo Velasquez,오진환 한국외국어대학교 국제지역연구센터 2013 International Area Studies Review Vol.16 No.4

        Using the gravity model, this study examines Peru’s tourism patterns by analyzing a panel dataset of the country’s international tourism flows from 59 countries over 22 years (1990–2011). The empirical results for the entire dataset are consistent with the general prediction of the gravity model (positive coefficients for economic size and negative coefficients for distance). Peru mainly has potential to expand tourism flows from E uropean countries like Portugal, Belgium,Russia, Norway, Sweden, Switzerland, Italy, Germany and France. Although Peru offers no visa requirements for such countries, this policy seems to not be sufficient to increase tourism flows from them. Further collaboration between Peru and its neighboring countries in providing coordinated investment in transport infrastructure is necessary to create economies of scale that allow benefits from the cluster effect.

      • KCI등재

        Comparison of the Health Insurance Systems of South Korea and Peru

        김양희,Martín Tantaleán-Del-Aguila,Yuliya Dronina,남은우 한국보건행정학회 2020 보건행정학회지 Vol.30 No.2

        Background: The public health care system of a country is shaped and driven by its historical background as well as social, economic, and cultural structures. This study sheds light on the unique features, strengths, and weaknesses of the health insurance systems of South Korea (Korea) and Peru. Methods: The capacity mapping tool was used to explore the Korean and Peruvian population and geographical structures; health insurance laws, regulations, and policies; payment systems; eligibility and contribution collection; and long–term care insurance. Results: The study found that the Korean government took the lead in integrating multiple insurers into a single–payer system in an effort to reinforce and stabilize its health insurance system in 2000. Peru has been developed mixed model such based on taxes and contributions, to address a gap between different social classes. Peruvian government developed a two–axis system, one for low–income earners, financed by taxes, and another financed by contributions paid by workers and government officials in the formal sector. Peru has introduced many variations to its fee payment and insurer systems, target population, and coverage scope, and maintains its health insurance system accordingly to this day. Conclusion: The current study provides observation of the Health Insurance System in two different countries and helps to understand possible ways to improve the health insurance system in both countries. Based on this study, Peru will be able to see how its system differs from Korea’s and benefit from the related policy implications.

      • KCI등재

        페루 군부정권의 정치개혁 : 1968-1980

        김달관 한국스페인어문학회 2023 스페인어문학 Vol.- No.106

        In Peru, unlike before, the presidential and general elections were held in a free atmosphere in 1980 without any problems. As a result of the election, Peru achieved democratization with the election of Fernando Belaúnde Terry (President during 1963-68 and 1980-85), a politician not from the military but from civilian sources. Prior to 1980, the military junta of Juan Velasco Alvarado (1968-75), who came to power in a military coup, and the subsequent military junta of Francisco Morales Bermúdez (1975-80), who came to power in a military coup, were politically active during the period 1968-1980. Reforms were attempted, and democratization was reached in 1980. The purpose of this study is to examine the political reform of the military government in Peru during the period from 1968 to 1980. Through the political change caused by the political reform of the Peruvian military government, it is possible to provide a basis for understanding the current state of Peru. This is the most important meaning of this study.

      • KCI등재

        페루 후지모리 권위주의 정권의 등장과 몰락: 1990-2000

        김달관 한국스페인어문학회 2023 스페인어문학 Vol.- No.107

        This study is a research on the emergence and fall of the Fujimori authoritarian regime in Peru. What situation in Peru allowed Fujimori to be elected president? Since he was elected president in 1990, the Fujimori administration in 1992 has shifted from democracy to authoritarian system after 12 years(1980-92), so why did he switch from democratic to authoritarian system? In 2000, Fujimori fled Peru and faxed his resignation to the Peruvian Parliament in Japan, but Fujimori was impeached, not resigned, and the authoritarian system finally collapsed, so why did the Fujimori regime collapse? Answering questions about back is the basic goal of this study. In conclusion, the key factor in the collapse of the Fujimori regime can be seen as individualistic and arbitrary characteristics, but individualistic and arbitrary characteristics are closely related to patronage and anti-institutional and non-institutional tendencies.

      • KCI등재후보

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