일반논문 : 북한이탈주민의 병역면제; 현황과 쟁점 및 비교연구

오주영 ( Joo Young Oh ),정해빈 ( Hae Bin Jeong ) 서울대학교 BK21 법학연구단 공익인권법연구센터 2013 공익과 인권 Vol.13 No.-

병역법 제64조 제1항 제2호는 지방병무청장으로 하여금 군사분계선 이북지역에서 이주하여 온 사람이 원할 경우 징병검사를 하지 아니하고 병역을 면제할 수 있다고 규정함으로써 북한이탈주민들에게 병역면제의 길을 열어주고 있다. 대한민국과 북한이 하나의 민족이면서도 여전히 군사적 적대상태에 놓여있음을 고려한다면 북한이탈주민을 병역자원으로 고려하여 그들에게도 병역의무를 부과할 것인지는 매우 까다로운 주제라고 할 수밖에 없다. 하지만 이 논의는 당장 현존하는 북한이탈주민들의 병역의무에 관한 문제를 넘어서, 통일 이후 대한민국과 북한의 군사적 통합과 관련된 거시적 주제의 기초가 되는 논의라는 점에서 깊게 탐구될 필요가 있다. 본 연구의 핵심을 간단히 요약하면 다음과 같다. 첫째, 북한이탈주민의 병역면제 규모는 대한민국의 전체 병역자원에 비해 그 크기가 매우 작아 그 자체로는 대한민국 군대의 운영에 별다른 영향을 끼치지 못한다. 따라서 긴급한 병력 충원의 필요성에 의거하여 북한이탈주민들이 징집되어야 한다고 주장하기는 어렵다. 둘째, 북한이탈주민의 실제 의사와는 무관하게 일괄적인 병역면제처분이 내려짐으로써 실질적인 입대 제한이 존재함을 접근 가능한 자료들을 통해 간접적으로 추측할 수 있다. 셋째, 북한이탈주민의 병역면제 조항은 입법된 이래로 단 한 번도 그 목적이 명시적으로 설명되거나 공개된 적이 없다. 이는 해당 조항의 입법목적이 이를테면 북한이탈주민들이 군에 입대할 경우 ‘내부의 적’이 될 수 있다는 가능성에 의거하고 있지 않은지를 의심케 한다. 다른하나는 이것이 북한주민들에 대한 시혜적 조치의 일환으로 이루어지고 있을 가능성이다. 넷째, 정말로 북한이탈주민이 ‘내부의 적’이 될 가능성을 우려하여 병역법 제64조 제1항 제2호를 입법했다면 ‘출원’에 의해 병역면제의 기회를 준다는 입법형식 자체가 문제가 있다. 이는 해당 조항의 입법이 별다른 검토 없이 이루어졌을 가능성을 암시한다. 다섯째, 북한이탈주민에 대한 시혜적 조치로 병역면제 제도가 도입되었다고 보기는 어렵다. 왜냐하면 대한민국에는 병역대체세금이 없어 병역의 부담이란 제1국민역으로서의 부담이 대부분이기 때문에, 병역의 부담을 덜어주는 것이 입법의도였다면 굳이 병역면제 처분을 내릴 필요 없이 징집만 면제하여 제2국민역에 포함하면 그만이기 때문이다. 그럼에도 불구하고 징집면제가 아닌 병역면제를 조항의 효과로 설계했음은 병역법제64조 제1항 제2호가 북한이탈주민에 대한 시혜적 차원이 아닐 가능성을 시사한다. 여섯째, 누군가가 한 분단국가의 상대세력 출신이라는 점이 그에게 병역면제 처분을 내릴 수 있는 단독요건이 된다는 것은 독일의 사례에서는 발견되지 않는 대한민국 병역법의 특징이다. 이 특징에 비추어보건대 대한민국 군대가 북한이탈주민을 받아들이려 하지 않는다고 이해할 수 있으며, 현행 병역법의 입법의도 및 병무행정은 북한이탈주민을 내부의 적으로 성장할 가능성을 우려하여 그들을 몰아내려는 데에 그 목적이 있음을 보여준다. 일곱째, 그럼에도 불구하고 현행 병역제도의 목적과는 상관없이, 북한이탈주민들이 병역법과 병무행정에 의해 결과적으로 혜택을 보고 있을 가능성은 제외할 수 없다. Article 64, section 1, clause 2 of Korean Military Service Law permits local administrators of military manpower administration to lift North Korean defectors` duty of examination of conscripts and to exempt them from conscription if they want, which is allowing north korean defectors in Republic of Korea(ROK) to evade obligatory military service. Considering that South and North Korea have same ethnic identity but both are still engaged in war against each other, it is very difficult to decide whether the North Korean defectors in South Korea should receive obligation of military service and should be regarded as military manpower or not. However, this discussion is not only about the present problem of North Korean defectors` obligation of military service but also about the matter of unification between military systems of South and North Korea. Essential discoveries of this study can be summarized as follows. First, the number of people who are exempted from Korean military service as North Korean defectors is very small compared to the whole size of Korean military, so it cannot affect the management of Korean military. Thus it is difficult to maintain that North Korean defectors should be drafted as ordinary Korean citizens on the basis of urgent need of military recruitment. Second, presence of effective restraint against North Korean defectors which is unrelated to actual intention of them can be inferred indirectly using several open references. Third, the article that rules North Korean defectors` chance of military service exemption has no open and specified purpose of legislation. It can be put on supposition that the purpose of legislation was to restrain possibility of some North Korean defectors becoming ‘internal enemy’ when they join Korean military. Another possible answer is that the article was made to give North Korean defectors some benefits by exempting them from Korean military service. Fourth, if article 64, section 1, clause 2 of Korean Military Service Law was legislated to exclude the possibility of North Korean defectors who joined the Korean military turning into ‘internal enemy’, the form of legislation itself which is giving North Korean defectors chance of exemption from military service when they want is big problem. It alludes the possibility that article 64 of Korean Military Service Law was legislated carelessly without proper review. Fifth, it is very difficult to understand the purpose of article 64 of law as giving North Korean defectors some benefits. Because if the purpose of article 64 was giving North Korean defectors some benefits, there is no clear reason for designing article 64 to give North Korean defectors the right to be exempted from military service. Just giving them right to be exempted from active duty and organizing them as second eligible conscription status is enough, since the burden of Korean military service is fully originated from active duty, not the duty of military service itself considering that current Korean military service system has no tax for substitution of military service duty. Sixth, compared to German Military Service Law, it is characteristic feature of Korean Military Service Law that it uses the fact whether or not someone is a North Korean defector as independent requirement to exempt someone from military service. This can be understand that Korean military really does not want enrollment of North Korean defectors, raising the possibility that current military service law and its administration was made to remove almost all North Korean defectors from Korean military, because they were regarded as potent internal enemy. Seventh, still there is a possibility that North Korean defectors were enjoying some substantial benefits from current Korean military service system as a result.

관객으로서의 탈북자

오영숙(Oh, Young Suk) 한국영화학회 2013 영화연구 Vol.0 No.55

The primary subject of interest of this paper is the view and context of the North Korean defectors as an audience whom are viewing films representing themselves. Recent Korean films are paying much attention to topics such as diaspora, displacement, border crossing, nomadism and so forth. Parallel to such interest, attention given to the minorities has been unprecedentedly increasing lately and attention particularly devoted to those North Korean defectors have been growing most surprisingly. From Korean blockbuster or independent films to films directed by Korean-Chinese directors, the North Korean defectors’ experience is currently being represented in diverse formats. Recently, there have been films where North Korean defectors have actually participated in the production of the film themselves. Most importantly, the North Korean defectors seem to appear as people representing the extreme life as the other within the South Korean society playing a role serving to disclose the structural contradictions and loopholes of this society. Then how have the North Korean defectors themselves been responding to the representations of themselves produced on screen? And how can we understand the positions of North Korean defectors as an audience subject viewing themselves within films? What kind of implication does the representation of North Korean defectors in films have to themselves and then what function does the experience and memory play for accepting the film and personal meaning making? This article is also concerned with the way North Korean defectors themselves make meaning through texts in order to encourage themselves and their community group. For that reason, 10 North Korean defectors who have defected for non-political purposes and have less than 10 years of experience in South Korea were chosen for study. After watching films representing North Korean defectors, I have conducted a focus group discussion and 1: 1 personal interviews. The primary purpose of this audience research was to approach the attitude and means of how North Korean defectors’ themselves view him/herself and their status. In particular, I have tried to explain what role films play in formulating a minority identity, and how the perspectives surrounding cultural and social identities can be reconsidered or transformed within media talk. Also studied was the North Korean defectors’ friendly chat about the films possibly reflecting the limitation of ethics of the other within the South Korean society or the possibility of counter-publics against existing perspectives related to North Korean defectors.

북한이탈주민지원법의 주요 논점에 관한 연구

류지성 서울시립대학교 서울시립대학교 법학연구소 2017 서울법학 Vol.25 No.3

This article analyzes the legal status of North Korean defectors in terms of domestic public law and international law, and studied the support status, problem and improvement measures of “North Korean Defector Support Act” in Korea. It is reasonable to see the North Korean defector as Korean citizen based on our constitution, but it is hard to say that the intent of constitution is directly reflect on “North Korean Defector Support Act”. In other words, it is pointed out that the act needs to be reviewed regarding its standard on separating ‘support recipient’ and ‘non-recipient’ and causing the discriminative handling between the two groups. And for effective protection of North Korean defectors living the third countries, there is a need to take proper diplomatic protection based on condition by comprehensively reviewing the protective condition of the country, international law, agreement an compliance of the country, and refugees status of the defectors. Next, Hanawon's curriculum, one of the procedure of support system as a part of legal policy about settlement and support of North Korean defectors, should be expanded in period, and revised in educational contents to correspond to legal regulation, so that it could make defectors finish essential procedures for social settlement such as academic deliberation during their accommodation in Hanawon. However, it must consider the long period and tiring process of escaping from North Korea, and that partial fundamental rights are restricted. Also, for legislative policy making, their needs and experts' opinion must be taken into consideration. And as the major task of current policy regarding North Korean defectors, it is best to revise the application range to be subjected to North Korean defector law rather than revising the parts about support in accordance with protection and settlement of stateless North Korean refugee children born in the third countries. Also, the standard of deciding legal protection recipients among North Korean defector is a problem as it excludes criminals, and non criminal, non political grounds that is prohibited in most of the refugee law. Especially, deciding protection recipients based on period of residence rather than nationality must be revised as it does not abide by the fit the purpose of legislation. Finally, as for the defector settlement support business, this paper pointed out that legislation focusing on strengthening authority of local government by recognizing it as the main agent of North Korean defector settlement and support system, preparing legal foundation to secure stable resources, enhancing professionalism to process the task as inherent business of the government rather than duty oriented delegated affairs. 이 글은 북한이탈주민의 법적 지위를 헌법과 국제법적 관점에서 분석하고, 관련 국내법인 ‘북한이탈주민지원법’상의 지원현황과 문제점 및 개선방안을 연구한 것이다. 북한이탈주민에 관하여 우리 헌법의 해석상 대한민국 국적자로 보고 판단함은 일응 타당하다고 할 수 있으나 이러한 우리 헌법의 취지가 북한이탈주민지원법에는 제대로 반영되어 있다고 보기 어려운 부분이 있다. 즉, 북한이탈주민지원법에서는 ‘보호대상자’와 ‘비보호대상자’의 구분을 가하여 이들 간에 발생할 수 있는 평등권 침해문제와 그 기준에 관한 재검토가 필요하다는 점을 지적하였다. 그리고 제3국에 체류중인 탈북민의 효율적인 보호를 위해서는 체류국의 보호상황과 체류국이 맺은 국제법 및 협약과 이의 준수여부 그리고 이들에 대한 난민인정 여부 등을 종합적으로 판단하여 상황에 따라 적절한 외교적 보호를 취하여야 한다고 판단된다. 다음으로 북한이탈주민 정착과 지원에 관한 주요 법정책으로 지원단계와 지원기관을 중심으로 한 절차로서 하나원의 교육과정은 법의 규정에 부합하도록 그 기간을 늘리거나 교육내용에 약간의 수정을 가하여 수용기간 동안 학력심의 등 사회정착에 필수적인 절차를 가급적 마치도록 함이 타당하다고 생각된다. 다만, 장기간에 걸친 탈북 소요시간과 일부 기본권이 제한됨을 감안하여야 할 것이고 이들의 희망사항과 전문가의 견해 등을 고려하여 입법정책적으로 결정할 문제로 보인다. 그리고 북한이탈주민에 관한 현행 법정책의 주요 과제로서 제3국에서 출생하여 입국한 무국적 탈북아동의 보호와 정착에 관하여는 지원의 내용에 따른 부분적 개정 보다는 북한이탈주민법의 적용을 받도록 적용범위를 개정하는 것이 가장 좋은 방법이라고 생각된다. 또한 동법에서 탈북민 가운데 법상 보호대상자로 결정할지의 기준에 관하여는 대체로 난민법에서도 금지하는 범죄와 비범죄적․비정치적 사유를 함께 묶어서 제외대상으로 하는 것은 문제가 있다. 특히 국적이 아닌 거주기간을 중심으로 하여 보호대상 여부를 판단하는 점은 본래 이법이 추구하는 입법취지와 부합되지 않기 때문에 수정되어야 한다. 마지막으로 이탈주민 정착지원사업에 있어서 지방자치단체를 탈북민 정착․지원의 주체로 인정하여 안정적인 재원을 확보하도록 법적 근거를 두고 그 전문성을 강화하는 법제를 위하여 지자체의 업무를 위임사무와 의무중심에서 벗어나 고유사무로 처리되도록 하고 일상생활과 관련하여서는 권한을 강화하는 방향의 입법이 타당하다는 점을 지적하였다.

탈북자 예술과 한류의 가능지평

허혜정 국제비교한국학회 2023 비교한국학 Comparative Korean Studies Vol.31 No.3

본 연구는 그간 학계에서 잘 연구되지 않았던 탈북자들의 영상콘텐츠를 대상으 로 탈북자 예술의 특징적인 단면들을 드러내보는 것을 목표로 한다. 검토의 대상 은 탈북자가 직접 창작하거나 제작팀에 참여해 공동창작한 드라마와 영화, 웹툰, 애니메이션, 방송 콘텐츠이다. 탈북자의 증언이나 원작 기반으로 제작된 국내외 탈북자 소재의 작품도 필요한 경우 검토의 대상으로 다루고 있다. 이천년대 초반만 해도 탈북자들의 창작물은 자서전과 수기류의 문학저작물이 주를 이루었지만, 최근 다양한 장르의 영상큰텐츠가 창작되는 사례가 부쩍 늘고 있다. 탈북자들의 작품은 ‘문화상품’으로서 상업적 성공을 목표로 기획되고 제작 되는 한류 콘텐츠와는 창작의 동기와 목적을 달리하는 경향이 있다. 북한에서 한번쯤 한류에 빠져든 경험 있었던 탈북자들은, 콘텐츠의 전파력을 활용해, 자신을 탈북자로 내몰았던 북한의 폭압적인 체재와 주민들의 참상을 폭로하고 왜 탈북을 선택해야 했는지에 대한 체험적 서사를 널리 알리고픈 창작동기를 가진 경우가 적 지 않다. 비록 북한에서 예술가동맹이나 작가동맹의 일원으로서 잘 훈련된 작가들 이라 해도, 당의 유일사상체계인 주제사상의 교시에 따라 수령독재체재와 노예인 민들의 절대충성을 강화하기 위한 선전예술과 달리, 대중들의 감각에 호소하고 선 택을 받아야만 하는 자본주의 예술의 속성과 문법을 탐구하며 창작을 시도하는 경 우가 많다. 비전문가인 탈북자들도 유튜브 콘텐츠나 그림, 힙합 등 그들이 선호하 는 콘텐츠에 적극 도전하지만 질적 편차가 텍스트들은 얼마간 프로츄어 콘텐츠의 속성을 가진다. 탈북자들의 예술은 일단 거대한 대중문화콘텐츠의 생태계에서 양 적 우위를 확보할 수 없기 때문에, 매우 협소한 자리를 차지하고 비주류적 속성을 가지지만, 북한의 인권문제와 관련해 국제사회에서 큰 주목을 받아 왔다. 인권레 짐이 보편화된 국제사회에서 탈북자들의 예술은 매우 특별한 의제로 다루어지기 도 하고 문제작들도 적지 않다. 탈북자들의 작품 자체가 분단조건에서 탄생했고, 아직도 신냉전의 암운이 드리 워진 한반도의 역사와 한국인의 내상까지 상기시키기에, 누군가 탈북자의 텍스트 에 초점을 맞춘다면, 글로벌 챠트를 질주하는 그 어떤 한류콘텐츠보다 ‘한국적’이 라고 느낄 것이다. 이러한 점에서 한류의 특별한 지류라 할 수 있는 탈북자들의 예술에 학자들이 더 진지한 학문적 천착을 해주기를 기대한다. This study aims to reveal the characteristic aspects of North Korean defector art targeting the video contents of North Korean defectors, which have not been well studied in the aca- demic world. The subjects of review are dramas and movies, webtoons, animations, and broadcasting contents created by North Korean defectors themselves or co-created by par- ticipating in the production team. The testimony of North Korean defectors or works on North Korean defectors at home and abroad produced based on the original work are also subject to review if necessary. In the early 2000s, the creations of North Korean defectors were mainly autobiographies and literary works of handwriting, but recently, the number of cases in which large video content of various genres is being created is increasing rapidly. North Korean defectors' works tend to have different motives and purposes of creation from Korean Wave content, which is planned and produced with the aim of commercial success as "cultural products." North Korean defectors who have once fallen into the Korean Wave in North Korea are of- ten motivated to use the propagation of content to expose the tyrannical status of North Korea and the horrors of the people who drove them to defect, and to publicize the empirical narrative of why they had to choose to defect. Even well-trained writers in North Korea as part of the Artists' Alliance or the Writers' Alliance are often attempting to create by explor- ing the attributes and grammar of capitalist art, which must appeal to the public's senses and be chosen according to the teaching of the party's only ideological system, the thematic ideology. Non-professional North Korean defectors also actively challenge their preferred content, such as YouTube content, paintings, and hip-hop, but the texts have some qual- itative variations. Since the art of North Korean defectors cannot secure a quantitative advantage in theecosystem of huge pop culture contents, it occupies a very narrow place and has non-main- stream properties, but has received great attention from the international community in re- lation to North Korean human rights issues. In the international community where human rights regimes have become commonplace, the art of North Korean defectors is sometimes treated as a very special agenda and there are not a few problematic works.

북한이탈주민의 여가활동을 통한 활동적 노화와 재사회화

배재윤 한국여가레크리에이션학회 2023 한국여가레크리에이션학회지 Vol.47 No.1

The purpose of this study is to examine the experience and meaning of North Korean Defectors' leisure through the North Korean Women's Defector choir. To this end, eight North Korean Defectors who are participate as members of North Korean Women's Defectors choir and one who is a NGO staff were selected as research participants and in-depth interviews were conducted. In addition, non-verbal data were collected by non-participation observation of the North Korean women's Defector choir's rehearsal and choral performances, and used for the analysis of the results. First, the North Korean Women's Defector Choir healed North Korean Defectors' trauma and depression with the peacefulness of singing and chorus. Second, the performance of the North Korean Women's Defector choir contributed to recovery by raising the low self-esteem of North Korean Defector. Third, the North Korean Women's Defector choir, composed entirely of North Korean Defectors, had the characteristics of a self-help group and contributed to the formation of a network among North Korean Defectors. Fourth, the North Korean women's choir was like a sanctuary where North Korean Defectors could inspire a sense of belonging as members of South Korean society and rest at any time. The North Korean Women's Defector choir showed the aspect of active aging through leisure activity according to the characteristics of the elderly female members. And the North Korean Women's Defector choir ultimately contributed to the settlement of North Korean Defectors in South Korean society, thereby realizing resocialization through leisure activity. Leisure activities of North Korean Defectors had different characteristics from other leisure activities. Accordingly, with reference to the results and discussions of this study, special attention should be paid to the preparation of leisure activity support plans for them in the future.

Status and Human Rights Situation of North Korean Defectors in China

Yoon, Yeo Sang Ewha Institute of Unification Studies 2012 Journal of peace and unification Vol.2 No.2

The status of North Korean defectors in China has been a critical pending issue not only for North and South Korea but for international society. Currently, over 10,000 North Korean defectors are estimated to reside in China under a critical human rights situation. Many suffer from the threat of being arrested, tortured, and sent back to North Korea. Women are exposed to dangers of human trafficking and forced marriages. China, considering North Korean defectors as illegal immigrants rather than refugees, has arrested and forcibly repatriated North Korean defectors. Furthermore, it has disallowed international agencies and non-governmental organizations (NGOs) from helping this group of people within their country. China must switch its policy toward North Korean defectors by recognizing them as worthy of humanitarian assistance and strengthen its cooperation with international society, the South Korean government, and human rights organizations to help these refugees return to North Korea, settle in China, or immigrate to South Korea all according to their wishes.

탈북 도우미의 소설화 양상과 그 의미

최병우(Choi, Byeong-Woo) 한국현대소설학회 2016 현대소설연구 Vol.- No.63

North Korean refugee helpers in novels with North Korean defectors as their subject matters are ambivalent as criminals depriving them of their money or as activists helping them to reach Korea. The ambivalence of the perspective for North Korean refugee helpers is due to the absence of the writers’experience of escaping North Korea. The writers who cannot experience the course of defecting from North Korea just indirectly experience it via essays written by North Korean defectors and North Korean refugee helpers and reports about escaping from North Korea. Those essays and reports however reveal different viewpoints due to different conditions of North Korean defectors staying in China who may go through different routes into South Korea. The writers thus encounter such data to have a biased perspective on North Korean defectors and their helpers. In order to overcome this, writers need to make efforts to fully understand the conditions of North Korean defectors and their helpers with reference to various sorts of data when they select North Korean refugee helpers as a subject matter. When novels deal with North Korean defectors and their helpers, they often criticize the South Korean government’s indifference to the issue of North Koran defectors’ human rights. The South Korean government has taken an approach to the issue of North Korean defectors via so-called ‘silent diplomacy’ to immigrate those North Korean defectors escaping to third party countries. Forcing North Korean defectors staying in China to repatriated, the Chinese government claims that the issue of dealing with North Korean defectors is not subject to Korea’s or international society’s intervention. It is difficult for the South Korean government to come between the relation between China and North Korea as North Korean defectors are North Korea’s people according to international laws and the two countries have established their own diplomatic relations. Given the legal conditions on the issue of North Korean defectors, serious reflection on how to deal with North Korean refugee helpers who are closely related with North Korean defectors’human rights is required of novels with North Korean defectors as their subject matters. As far as there are North Korean defectors who want to come in South Korea, North Korean refugee helpers are indispensable even though the Chinese government has made the policy of pursuing the criminal responsibility of North Korean refugee helpers. The description of North Korean refugee helpers in novels with North Korean defectors as their subject matters as the existence and activities of the former are ambivalent. The existence of North Korean refugee helpers and their activities are a legal-diplomatic issue rather than a category of fraternity, and a world-historical issue in which problems with refugees and human rights are interweaved. Attempting at a novelistic solution to this is a grave and important issue that novels with North Korean defectors as their subject matters should be engaged in.

북한이탈주민의 법인식 실태와 제고 방안

정구진 법제처 2024 법제 Vol.706 No.-

남북한은 완전히 다른 법률체계를 가지고 있다. 그렇다 보니 남한에 입국한 북한이탈주민들은 새로운 법률체계에 적응하는 과정에서 많은 어려움을 경험할 수밖에 없다. 북한에서는 형사, 민사, 행정, 사법영역에서 모두 북한의 법률에서 정하고 있는 내용들이 그대로 준수되지는 않는 것으로 보이는데, 이는 사회주의 법이론에서는 법에 대한 정치의 우위가 명시적으로 인정되는 결과인 것으로 보인다. 인터뷰를 진행해 본 결과 북한이탈주민들은 북한에서는 정치권력을 곧 법으로 인식하고 있었던 경우가 많은 것으로 드러났다. 상황이 이렇다 보니 북한이탈주민들은 남한의 법률체계에 적응하는 과정에서 많은 어려움을 경험할 수밖에 없다. 이와 같은 사실은 북한이탈주민들이 남한사회에 원활하게 적응하기 위해서는 반드시 법인식 제고를 위한 지원과 교육이 필요하다는 것을 보여준다. 그런데 북한이탈주민지원제도에 대한 북한이탈주민들의 평가를 종합해 보면, 북한이탈주민들이 적응 초기단계에 받는 교육의 효율과 효과는 크지 않은 것으로 보인다. 이와 같은 결과가 나오는 것은 그들이 살았던 북한과 완전히 다른 사회를 직접 경험하지 않은 상황에서 들은 수업을 온전히 이해하지 못하기 때문인 것으로 판단된다. 이러한 점에 비춰봤을 때 북한이탈주민에 대한 지원과 교육은 초기 단계 뿐 아니라 적응과정에서도 지속적으로 제공될 필요가 있다. 북한이탈주민들에 대한 법교육은 정착초기단계에 일부 이뤄지고 있긴 하지만 그 시간은 기수당 4-6시간 정도에 불과하다. 그리고 법무부와 대한법률구조공단에서 제공하는 법교육 프로그램들도 있지만 그 대상은 학생들에 국한되어 있거나 자발적으로 교육을 신청해야 하는 구조로 아뤄져 있다. 그리고 북한이탈주민에 대한 법률지원의 경우 대한변호사협회가 2004년에 북한이탈주민지원변호사단을 구성하기는 했지만 2019년에 일어난 북한이탈주민 모자 사망사건이 일어나고 나서야 비로소 법률지원을 제공하기 위한 시스템이 본격적으로 만들어지기 시작했다. 이와 같은 사실은 북한이탈주민지원제도는 정착된 지 20년이 넘었지만 북한이탈주민에 대한 법교육과 법률지원 프로그램들은 그 필요성이 인식된 지 상대적으로 오래되지 않았다는 것을 보여준다. 북한이탈주민들의 법인식을 제고하기 위해서는 우선 그 목적이 북한이탈주민들이 남한사회에 적응하는 과정에서 도움을 제공하기 위한 것으로 설정되어야 하고, 그 지원은 정착 초기뿐만 아니라 남한사회에 적응하는 과정에서 언제든지 제공받을 수 있도록 프로그램들이 구성될 필요가 있다. 그리고 법교육과 법률지원을 효율적이고 효과적으로 하기 위해서는 북한이탈주민들의 특수성을 고려하여 맞춤교육을 할 수 있는 강사를 양성하는 것 또한 중요한 과제에 해당한다. 무엇보다 북한이탈주민들의 법인식 제고를 목적으로 하는 지원과 교육은 북한이탈주민들이 남한사회가 북한과 다르다는 것을 인식하고 스스로 법제도를 알아가기 위해 노력해야 할 필요성을 느낄 수 있는 방향으로 만들어져야 한다. South and north Korea has a totally different legal system. Therefore, the north Korean defectors that settle in the South Korean society experience many difficulties in getting used to the South Korean legal system. In north Korea, the contents of written laws are not strictly complied in criminal, civil, administrative and judicial areas. This is because the north Korean legal system is based on the socialist legal theory where the political powers’superiority over the legal system is officially granted. As a result of living under such legal system, the north Korean residents seems to have a tendancy to align political power with law. This is why north Korean defectors are having difficulty in adapting to the South Korean legal system. This shows that proper education and support is necessary for the north Korean defectors to properly adjust to the South Korean society. When analyzing the north Korean defectors’ view on the north Korean defector supporting system in South Korea, the education and support provided in the early stage of entrance turn out to be inefficient. This is probably because most of the education and support are provided before they actually experience what the South Korean society is like. Consider such feedbacks, education and support for north Korean defectors living in South Korea needs to be provided throughout the entire process of adapting to South Korean society. Currently, law education for north Korean defectors are provided 4-6hours at the early stage of adaptation. And although Ministry of Justice and the Korea Legal Aid Corporation provide law education programs, the programs either limit their target audience to students or request application for education. Although the Korean Lawyers’ Association formed a group for providing legal aid to the north Korean defectors in 2004, the South Korean government began to systemize the legal support for north Korean defectors only after mother and child that fled from north Korea passed away in 2019 due to proverty in Seoul. This shows that the legal education program and legal supporting system is only at the initial stage at this point. In order to improve north Korean defectors’ understanding of the South Korean legal system, the goal of education and support system should be set to making their adapting process easier. And the education and support need to provided throughout their adapation process and not just in the beginning. It is also important to train instructors who can provide customized education for the north Korean defectors. The most important goal of the law education and legal support for the north Korean defectors should be to make them feel the need to make efforts to learn about the legal system on their own.

성인지적 관점에서 본 북한이탈여성 정착지원 법제 분석

신정은 법무부 통일법무과 2012 統一과 法律 Vol.- No.9

North Korean defectors' entry to South Korea has been steadily increasing in size, and the Scale of North Korean female defector in December 2011 is now reaching 70% of total. North Korean female defectors suffer difficulties in family life, employment and career challenges in the double, triple, because of special situation of their own gender. Therefore, Korea's settlement-support policy needs to be established in women's own perspective unlike men's. But, most of the legislation is not considered the difference between men and women of the adaptation process at all. In other words, when Korea government arrange the legislation for North Korean female defectors' settlement-support, the law-makers don't consider about the gender-sensitive perspective which is the starting point for an alternative to the equality of men and women. A key theme of this study is an extension of the consideration like this. Existing Studies for North Korean defectors were trying to solve the North Korean female defectors' difficulties by applying the social norms of the male-dominated. However, the legislation for North Korean female defector's settlement-support without consideration for gender can't be the solution to overcome difficulties from North Korean female defectors' special circumstances. Therefore, first, in this study will analysis each type of North Korean female defectors' specific difficulties faced in Korea Society. Second, the main contents of 'Law on the Protection and Support for North Korean defectors' analysis from the gender-sensitive perspective. And last, more specifically, this study will proposal divided by sector what is the efficient settlement-support direction of 'Law on the Protection and Support for North Korean defectors'. We should be recognized that North Korean female defectors' stable Korea Society settlement will present the answer to social integration which must be faced by our society in the coming era of reunification. in addition, for North Korean female defectors' successful Korea Society settlement, we must recognize that our effort for switching recognition about North Korean female defectors will first need. Therefore, basically, practical training about North Korea Society and North Korean female defectors should be provided across generations. Further, while such a paradigm shift, we must improve the gender-sensitive perspective in all the legislatioon enactment and revision process. The legislation for North Korean female defectors' Korea Society settlement-support that fully discussed from the gender-sensitive perspective will be a solid foundation for social and economic empowerment and basis for social integratioon of future Unified Korea. 북한이탈주민들의 국내 입국 규모가 꾸준히 증가하고 있으며, 여성입국자의 규모도 2011년 12월 현재 전체의 70% 달하고 있다. 북한이탈여성들은 정착문제 있어서 임신, 출산 등 여성이라는 성별로 인해 겪게 되는 특수한 사정 때문에 가정생활, 취업 및 직장생활에서의 어려움을 이중, 삼중으로 겪게 된다. 따라서 남성과는 다른 여성들만의 시각에서 정책이 수립되고 지원되는 것이 필요하다. 그러나 대부분의 정책수립이나 법안이 남성과 여성의 적응 과정의 차이를 전혀 고려하지 않고 있어 오히려 여성차별이라는 부작용이 나타나기도 한다. 즉, 북한이탈여성을 정착지원을 위한 법제를 마련할 때, 여성과 남성의 이해와 요구가 다름을 전제로 궁극적으로는 양성 평등한 대안을 도출하기 위한 출발점이 되는 성인지적 관점에 대한 고려를 전혀 하지 않고 있는 것이다. 본 소논문의 핵심 주제는 그와 같은 고민의 연장선에 있다. 기존 북한이탈주민들을 위한 연구들을 사회적으롤 규정된 성정체성에 따른 성역할을 기대하면서, 남성 중심의 사회통념을 적용하여 북한이탈여성의 문제를 해결하려고 하였다. 그러나 성별을 고려해야 하는 상황에서 성별을 고려하지 않는 북한이탈여성 정착지원 법제들은 그녀들이 처한 특수한 상황에서부터 오는 어려움을 위한 해결책이 될 수 없다. 따라서 본 논문에서는 우선 북한이탈여성들이 한국사회에서 겪는 구체적인 어려움들을 유형별로 파악한 뒤 현재 시행중인 북한이탈주민의 보호 및 정착지원에 관한 법(이하 '북한이탈주민보호법'이라고 한다)의 주요 내용을 성인지적 관점에서 분석한 후, 더 구체적으로 북한이탈주민보호법이 향후 북한이탈여성들을 효율적으로 지원하기 위하여 나아갈 방향을 분야별로 나누어서 제언하도록 한다. 우리는 북한이탈여성들의 안정적인 한국사회 정착은 향후 다가올 통일 시대에 우리 사회가 직면해야 할 사회통합에 대한 해답을 제시해 준다는 것을 인식하여야 한다. 또한 북한이탈여성들의 성공적인 한국사회 정착을 위해서는 우리의 그녀들에 대한 인식전환을 위한 노력이 가장 먼저 필요하다는 것 역시 인식하여야 한다. 그러므로 근복적으로 전 세대에 걸친 북한사회와 북한이탈여성에 대한 현실적인 교육이 마련되어야 한다. 또한 이와 같은 패러다임의 전환과 동시에 모든 법안의 제정과 개정 과정에서 성인지적 관점을 제고해야 한다. 성인지적 관점에서 충분히 논의된 북한이탈여성의 한국사회 정착을 위한 법안은 그녀들의 건강, 문화적 차이 극복, 경제적 생활의 안정 등 사회 경제적 역량 강화를 위한 튼튼한 기반이 될 것이며, 미래 통일 한국 사회 통합의 밑거름이 될 것이다.

A Comparative Study on Everyday Life of South Koreans and North Korean Defectors

Chung Jin-A 건국대학교 인문학연구원 2016 통일인문학 Vol.2 No.1

This article is a research that surveyed and compared everyday customs, such as food, clothing and shelter, rites and seasonal rituals, and awareness of daily issues, such as views on family values, marriage, education and career, of South Koreans with that of North Korean defectors, in order to better understand the characteristics of living culture of South Koreans and North Korean defectors and to search for ways for the two groups to communicate better and culturally integrate. The results of the research show that, in relation to everyday customs such as clothing, food and shelter, rites and seasonal rituals, both South Koreans and North Korean defectors had transformed the traditional living culture to befit the lifestyles of the modern era. It seems that everyday customs of South Koreans had become more westernized while North Korean defectors maintained more traditional customs, but such difference decreased as defectors spent longer time in South Korea. One commonality in everyday customs found between the two was that customs acted as a mechanism maintaining a sense of community among South Koreans and among North Korean defectors, who had lived for a long time in different systems. Due to inter-Korea tensions, and differing experience and habits formed under the different systems of capitalism and socialism, a large gap between the two groups was found in the area of day to day awareness and values. Differences were most pronounced in views on marriage and career. First of all, South Koreans were more negative toward marriage with a North Korean defector than with a Korean of another country whereas the defectors were more negative toward marriage with an overseas Korean and positive toward marriage with a South Korean. Secondly, for South Koreans, the higher the income, the stronger the pride they had over their jobs. However, for North Korean, those with lower income tended to be more proud of their jobs. South Koreans preferred becoming civil servants and professionals. North Korean defectors also added to the list, workers, as a job that made them proud. Thirdly, in choosing their jobs, South Koreans felt the thoughts and advice of their parents to be important while North Korean defectors were more reliant on state policy. The results of this study gives us important insight into how we can promote cultural integration of South Koreans and North Korean defectors. First of all, the negative perspective South Koreans have of North Korean defectors has to be fundamentally revisited. It is essential that the prejudice of equating ordinary North Koreans with the government be overcome and that North Korean defectors be seen with a sense of national solidarity. Secondly, South Koreans and North Koreans defectors need to share the advantages of individualism and collectivism that the two sides had acquired as a result of living under different systems, and be able to use those advantages as a driver of social development. Third, cultural integration between South Koreans and North Korean defectors must be a process of attaining diversity in national everyday customs while respecting the customs of the other, and also of heading toward further expanding and developing national everyday customs.