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3-D 협상의 국제적 사례 비교: 갈등해소의 해법과 한계
여현덕(Yeo Hyeon Deok) 21세기정치학회 2010 21세기 정치학회보 Vol.20 No.3
This paper aims to analyze the four international cases focused on 3-D negotiation framework in interdisciplinary point of view. The four cases are ‘World Jewish Congress’ Holocaust compensation against Swiss bank, Kennecott Copper’s negotiation case against Chilean Government, North-South Korean’s accession to the United Nations and the peace mediation negotiation between Israel and Egypt. Through the four cases study in the fields of politics and peace as well as economy and business, this paper was intended to gain some important connotation. This will heighten the possibility of making a better interdisciplinary analysis for better 3D negotiation modeling. What was tried in the paper is find a better solution of negotiation theories and methods by analyzing different international cases of politics, peace, economy and business. The negotiation points in 3D are different from other ones in terms of scope, issue, resources, partners and tactics etc. In short, this paper will show on how to apply for cases of peace and politics beyond economy and business which were focused for a long time. It found an important factor not to cause another conflict and establish ‘emotional tie’(Rapport) in case of zero-sum.
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Fabian Riquelme,Pablo Gonzalez-Cantergiani 한국라틴아메리카학회 2017 라틴아메리카연구 Vol.30 No.3
In Chile, since the restitution of democracy (1989), the distribution of parliamentary seats is governed by a binomial system, the only one of its kind in the world. In this electoral system, two senators and two deputies are elected for each senatorial constituency and electoral district. By the end of 2017, this system will be replaced by the well-known D’Hondt method, which entails a significant increase in the number of parliamentarians and the redistribution of seats in the legislative chambers. In this study, we discuss the problem of centralism and analyze how this redistribution of seats will affect the voting power of the different regions of the country. To measure the hypothetical voting power of each region we use classical power indices of cooperative game theory. The study shows that although the voting power of the regions in the Senate will remain relatively unchanged, the centralization of power in the Metropolitan Region will be increased in the Chamber of Deputies. Finally, we propose a method to obtain a feasible redistributions of seats, which would effectively increase the voting power of the other regions in the Chamber of Deputies.
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