상해 임정시기 여성 독립운동의 조직화와 특징

김성은 한국여성사학회 2018 여성과 역사 Vol.0 No.29

상해 대한민국임시정부 수립 직후 1919년 4월 상해에 있던 한인 여성들은 대한애국부인회를 결성하였다. 김순애가 초대 회장을 맡아 회를 조직하고 이끌었다. 대한애국부인회는 주요 사업으로 독립운동 자금 모금, 적십자회 활동과 간호법 연습, 국내외 애국부인회와의 통신과 연대, 대한민국임시정부 지지와 후원, 중국인에게 한국인의 독립운동과 한중관계 연설, 3‧1운동 기념식과 국치기념일에 전단을 배포하여 홍보활동을 하였다. 김순애, 이화숙, 김원경, 오의순, 최혜순 등이 상해 대한애국부인회의 중심인물이었다. 여성들은 1919년 7월 상해 대한적십자회가 재건되는 과정에도 적극적으로 참여하여 회원 모집 및 회비 모금에 열성을 다하였다. 1920년 초 상해 대한적십자회는 독립전쟁에 대비하여 간호훈련 실시와 의료 인력 양성을 위해 간호부양성소를 부설하였다. 적십자회 조직과 간호훈련은 상해 대한애국부인회 초창기부터 주요 관심사였다. 김연실, 김원경, 이화숙, 김순애, 오남희, 이봉순 등이 대한적십자회 간호부양성소 훈련과정을 수료하였다. 상해 대한애국부인회는 상해 한인교포사회에서 여성을 대표하는 단체였다. 모스크바 극동인민대표회의, 상해 국민대표회의, 상해한인각단체연합회에 대한애국부인회 이름으로 대표를 파견하였다. 1920년대 말 상해에서는 대한애국부인회 이외에 한인구락부, 한인부인회, 한인여자청년동맹(한국독립당 산하단체) 등 여성단체들이 조직되었다. 한인교포들은 민족의 생명이 정치(독립운동)뿐 아니라 교육에 있다고 생각하여, 대한인거류민단이 경영하는 인성학교를 설립하였다. 정애경, 김연실은 인성학교 교사로, 김순애는 인성학교 유지원으로 활동하며 교포 2세 교육을 지원하였다. 상해 임정시기 김마리아, 양한나, 최혜순이 임시의정원 의원으로 선임되거나 활동하기 시작했던 사실은 대한민국임시정부 체제에서 여성들의 입법부 진출의 문이 열었다는 점에서 의의가 크다. 1923년 독립운동의 방향을 결정하는 국민대표회의에는 각지의 여성 대표들이 참석하여 각자의 정세 판단에 따라 소신껏 발언하였다. 김순애는 임시정부를 해체하고 새로운 독립운동지도단체를 만들자는 창조론을 주장했으며, 김마리아, 양한나, 오의순을 비롯한 상해 대한애국부인회에서는 임시정부를 확대 개혁하자는 개조론을 주장하였다. 김순애‧김마리아‧차경신은 정신여학교, 이화숙은 이화학당 대학과, 김원경은 경성여고보, 정애경은 숭의여학교, 김연실은 간호학교 출신이었다. 근대교육을 받은 신여성들이 3‧1운동의 경험을 간직한 채 사명감을 가지고 상해로 망명하여 독립운동에 투신했다는 점에서 시사하는 바가 크다. 김순애, 김원경, 오의순, 최혜순은 독립운동가 집안에서 성장하거나 독립운동가 남편과 결혼하여 부부가 함께 독립운동에 헌신하였다. 한편 이화숙, 김마리아, 김연실, 정애경, 이봉순, 차경신 등 독신여성들은 임시정부 침체기에 상해를 떠나 미국에 건너갔고, 김마리아를 제외한 대부분이 한인교포와 결혼하여 미국에 정착하였다. 이들을 포함하여 미주 한인 여성들은 대한여자애국단을 조직하고 적극적으로 참여하는 등 독립운동을 지속하였다. Immediately after the establishment of a Provisional Government of the Republic of Korea in Shanghai in April 1919, Korean women in Shanghai founded the Patriotic Women's Association at Shanghai. Kim Soon-ae(김순애) served as the first President and led the Association. The main activities of the Korean Patriotic Women's Association were fundraising for the Korean independence movement, the development of Red Cross Society activities and nursing practices, communication and solidarity with other Korean patriotic women's associations in the world, support and sponsorship of the Provisional Government of the Republic of Korea, informing Chinese people on the Korean independence movement and Korean-Chinese relations, and distributing propaganda material on the 3‧1 Independence Movement Memorial Day and the National Humiliation Memorial Day. The main figures in the Patriotic Women's Association at Shanghai were Kim Soon-ae, Lee Hwa-sook(이화숙), Kim Won-gyeong(김원경), Oh Eui-soon(오의순) and Choi Hye-Soon(최혜순). They participated in the reconstruction of the Korea Red Cross Society in July 1919 and devoted their enthusiasm to membership recruitment and fundraising. In early 1920, the Korea Red Cross organized a Nursing Department in preparation for the independence war and shortages of medical manpower. The organization of the Red Cross Society and nursing training were the main concerns of the early Patriotic Women's Association at Shanghai. Kim Yeon-sil, Kim Won-Kyung, Lee Hwa-Sook, Kim Soon-ae, Oh Nam-Hee, and Lee Bong-Soon completed their training at the Korean Red Cross Society nursing school. The Patriotic Women's Association at Shanghai was recognized as a representative of women of the Shanghai Korean Community. The Moscow Far East People's Assembly(모스크바 극동인민대표회의), the National People's Congress(국민대표회의), and the Federation of Korean Organizations at Shanghai(상해한인각단체연합회). In the late 1920s, Korean Women’s Club, Korean women's association, and Korean Women's Youth Alliance were founded as women's organizations. Koreans abroad considered that education was every bit as important as politics (the independence movement), and thus established the “School of Humanity”(인성학교) run by the Korean Residents Association(대한인거류민단) at Shanghai. Chung Ae-kyung(정애경) and Kim Yeon-sil(김연실) were teachers at this school, and Kim Soon-ae served as a member of the school, teaching the next generation. Women also supported and funded the activities of the Provisional Government of the Republic of Korea. The appointment and activities of Maria Kim, Hanna Yang and Choi Hye-Soon as a member of the temporary senate(임시의정원) opened the door to legislature for women. Women also actively participated in the National Representative Conference, which decided on the direction of the independence movement. Kim Soon-ae insisted on dismantling the Provisional Government to create a new independence movement guiding organization, while Maria Kim, Hanna Yang and Oh Eui-soon and the Patriotic Women's Association at Shanghai argued for expanding the Provisional Government. Kim Soon-ae, Maria Kim and Cha Gyung-sin was a graduate of Seoul Chungshin Women’s School(정신여학교), and Lee Hwa-sook was a modern woman(New Woman, 신여성) and a Christian who received modern education as a graduate of Ewha Womans School. It is noteworthy that the educated women defected to Shanghai with a sense of mission, founding or participating in organizations, and engaged in the independence movement. Kim Won-kyung was a member of the Korea Communist Party(고려공산당원). Kim Soon-ae, Kim Won-Kyung, Oh Eui-Soon, and Choi Hye-Soon grew up to be independence activists from independence activist's family, married independence activist husbands, and devoted themselves to the independence movement as independence activist couples. On the other h...

일본에 돈 벌러 간 이야기: 1910~20년대 일본 방직산업의 조선여공

권숙인 한국문화인류학회 2019 韓國文化人類學 Vol.52 No.2

In this study I explore the existence of Korean women who went over to Japan in order for wage labor in the 1910s and 1920s and meanings of their overseas paid work. More specifically, I focus on Korean women in the Japanese cotton mills who were called “Korean factory girls” (joseon yeogong). Rather than portraying the story of joseon yeogong as another rendition of the ‘sad history of factory girls,’ it is critical to underline the women’s agency and subjectivity. It is also important to attend to the implications of the case for writing historiography of the 1st–generation ethnic Korean women in Japan. Finally, it is crucial to focus on the fact that the women were working in the core Japanese industry of the time, and not in the marginalized Korean ethnic business. The number of Korean factory girls who began to replace Japanese cotton mill laborers from the 1910s exceeded 10,000 around 1930. They were the pioneers of Korean women’s overseas labor migration, and were the first female industrial workers in modern Korean history. In terms of the history of the ethnic Korean minority in Japan, the women led the way to Japan and supported their families through wage labor. Hence, they were the ones who made choices that were contrary to the gender norms of the time. Although having only limited rights, these women sometimes became aware of their rights as workers, and had relatively earlier access to the modernity of the city. They were the first generation of women who started as transnational labor migrants and opened a new history of a colonized ethnic minority in Japan. The history of the Korean minority in Japan has been male–centered, and the dominant representations for the first generation women are those of devoted mothers, victims of multiple discriminations, or as guardians of ethnic tradition. In this regard, the history and ‘achievement’ of joseon yeogong has a special meaning. Their experiences should be more actively historicized as part of modern Korean history and of the route/root of the ethnic Korean minority in Japan. 이 연구는 1910~20년대 임금노동을 위해 도일했던 조선 여성의 존재와 그들의 노동경험이 갖는 의미를 탐구하였다, 구체적으로는 일본의 방직공장으로 일하러 갔던 여성들, 당시“조선여공”으로 칭해졌던 이들에 초점을 맞추되, 다음과 같은 지점에 주목하고자 하였다. 첫째, 조선여공의 역사를 ‘여공애사’의 또 다른 판본으로 다루기보다는 해당 여성들의 주체성에 초점을 맞추어 살펴본다. 둘째, 조선여공의 존재가 재일한인 1세, 특히 1세 여성에 대한 역사쓰기에 갖는 함의에 주목한다. 셋째, 에스닉 비즈니스(ethnic business)가 아닌 일본 핵심산업에 종사한 재일한인 노동자라는 점에 주목하여 재일한인의 경제활동과 가시성(visibility)의문제를 검토한다. 주요 분석 자료는 생애사, 문헌자료, 신문기사 등이다. 1910년대부터 일본의 방직여공을 대체하기 시작한 조선여공은 1930년 무렵에는 1만여 명을 상회하는 규모가 되었다. 이들은 한국근현대사에서 여성 해외노동이주의 선구자이자 최초의 여성 산업노동자였을 것이다. 재일한인의 역사에서는 일본으로의 도항을 주도하고 임금노동을 통해 주요 생계부양자로 활약한, 당시의 젠더규범과 어긋나는 ‘선택’을 한 존재였다. 제한적이지만 노동자로서의 권리를 자각하기도 하고, 도시의 근대 문명을 상대적으로먼저 접하기도 하였다. 초국적 노동이주자로 시작하여 식민지하 이국에서 소수민족으로 새로운 역사를 열어간 첫 세대 여성들이다. 그동안 재일한인 역사는 남성 중심의 역사였으며, 1세 여성에 대한 지배적 표상은 헌신적인 어머니, 다중적 차별의 희생자, 혹은 민족전통의 수호자 등이었다. 이런 이미지에 비추어보면 조선여공의 경험과 ‘성취’는 특별한 의미를 갖는다. 한국 근현대사의 일부로, 그리고 재일한인의 ‘루트’(route/root)의 일부로 보다 적극적으로 역사화되어야 할 것이다.

AN OVERVIEW OF CONTEMPORARY KOREAN WOMEN’S POETRY

DON MEE CHOI 계명대학교 한국학연구원 2006 Acta Koreana Vol.9 No.2

In this article, I emphasize Korean women’s literary traditions and the social and historical relevance of Korean women’s literature. I trace the emergence of twentieth-century Korean women’s poetry in the context of the Korean women’s movement of the 1920s and 1930s and the more recent developments in the Korean women’s movement from the 1970s to the 1990s. I give attention to Korean feminist poets such as Ch’oe Sŭng-ja, Kim Hye-sun, and Yi Yŏn-ju, who in their works challenge and resist the literary expectations imposed on Korean women poets with their innovative use of language. I argue that their poetry displays critical consciousness of the condition of Korean women in a neocolonial, capitalist, and patriarchal society.

崔恩喜의 한국여성사 서술과 역사인식

김성은 한국근현대사학회 2016 한국 근현대사 연구 Vol.77 No.-

Choe Eun-hui raised her patriotism in the middle of school life and Korean teachers’ guidance. She participated in 3·1 Independence Movement. Also she was interested in social activities. When she was offered the newspaper reporter of Chosunilbo(Korean daily newspaper), she dropped her Japan Women’s College course and came back to Korea. She preferred the opportunity of being active journalist to her graduation. She became the first presswoman of private newspaper company. And she played an important role in organizing Geun Woo Hoe for women’s movement. Geun Woo Hoe was coalition of the leftists and the rightists women in 1927. It meant a lot. But she did not overestimate it. She faced and criticized the limitation of the coalition, short life of unity, and division of the leftists women. She wrote and published the book of modern Korean women’s history. It was a pioneering work. Her view of history was based on cause and righteousness. She documented Korean women’s royalty, save-the-nation drive and independence movement. She reported Korean girls and women’s activities in the national debt redemption movement and 3·1 Independence Movement. She asserted to repent and take on our own shoulders at the pro-Japanese collaboration. Especially she gave some examples and took aim at Korean women intellectuals’ cooperative behavior with Japan. She sized up the role of religion-Catholicism, Christianity, and Cheondoismin Korean women’s enlightenment, modernization, and liberation. To achieve Korean women’s liberation and advancement, she thought structural reform of society and having her own economic power were very important. She excavated lots of Korean historical women figure and recorded her achievements and contributions. According to her selection and description of person, Korean women’s leadership consists in education, entry in public affairs, advancement in society, fight for women’s liberation, save-the-nation drive and independence movement.

대한민국 임시정부와 여성들의 독립운동 : 1932∼1945

김성은(Kim Sung-Eun) 부산경남사학회 2008 역사와 경계 Vol.68 No.-

This Paper started with interest of women's history at Korean Independence Movement of Korean Provisional Government in China(1932∼1945). Korean Provisional Government declared equality right of women and men. And Korean women did their best in their duty as one of national people. Historians tended to neglect to research Korean Women's active independence movement and their life herstory. Her existence, life and achievement were in grave danger of fading and disappearing. So I tried to restore to Korean Women's original state in Korean Provisional Government and Independence Movement. During political exile they must do their ordinary lives as well as Independence movement in other country. Korean women as mother educated their children on the basis of patriotism and national spirit. Korean women as one of people organized Women's Independence organization and took a active part in member of Korean Provisional Government, Korean Provisional National Assembly, patriotic Independence organizations and Independence army. Korean women was looking forward to Republic of Korea guaranteeing equal right of women and men after performing National people's duty. Korean women's vision to new and free country was executed. Korean women contributed to Korean Provisional Government and Independence Movement directly. And they conduced to activities of their husband, son and very important persons managing Korean Provisional Government and doing Independence Movement indirectly. We should illuminate Korean women's active role of public Independence movement as well as their reproduction function at Korean Provisional Government.

1900~1945년 중국 동북지역 조선인 여성들의 항일운동

강수옥 한국여성사학회 2018 여성과 역사 Vol.0 No.29

본 논문에서는 조선인의 중국 동북지역 이주와 조선인사회의 형성된 후 1900~1945년 활동한 조선인 여성들의 항일운동을 조명하려 한다. 조선인은 17세기 초인 명말 청초부터 인삼 채집과 수렵을 목적으로 하는 월경과 이주를 이어오다가 19세기 중반부터 본격적으로 이주·정착했다. 1952년 9월 중국 조선족이란 이름으로 거듭나게 되었다. 중국 동북지역에 이주한 조선인여성들은 남성들과 함께 연변을 개척하였다. 연변조선인여성들은 20세기 초 연변지구에서 사립학교를 중심으로 전개된 신문화계몽운동에 자극을 받아 다양한 여성운동에 나섰다. 계몽운동에서 빈번하게 제기된 문제는 여성해방, 남녀평등, 남녀공학을 제창함으로써 봉건적인 윤리와 족권(族权), 신권(神权), 부권(父权), 부권(夫权)의 속박에서 여성들을 해방시켜 항일운동으로 이끄는 원동력이었다. 1910년대와 20년대에 진행된 학교교육운동을 중심으로 한 신문화계몽운동에는 신학이 구학을 대체하고 교육과 반일운동이 결합되고 사회교육이 발흥하고 학교를 중심으로 점차 대중 속에 전파되었다. 여성들에 대한 계몽운동은 근대문명을 제창하여 봉건적인 윤리도덕을 반대하고 자유와 평등을 바탕으로 남녀공학, 남녀평등, 여성해방을 쟁취하였다. 이를 통하여 심화된 현실인식은 연변조선인여성들의 사회로 진출을 적극 추동시켜 정치적 두각을 나타내기 시작하였다. 항일여성독립운동은 1905년 이래 다양하게 추진되었다. 1920년대 항일여성 무장투쟁은 주로 민족주의 운동계의 소수 여성에 의하여 의열투쟁적으로 감행되었다. 반면 1930년대는 중국 동북지역 조선인여성들이 비교적 다수가 중국공산당에 가입하여 중공당 조직을 통하여 치열하게 전개되었다. 조선인여성들은 농업생산 활동에 적극적으로 참가했을 뿐만 아니라 생계를 유지하는데 필요한 부업에도 종사했다. 절대화된 봉건적 윤리도덕의 속박을 받았던 조선인여성들은 한줄기 역량으로 동북지역 역사무대에 등장하여 여성들의 역할과 사명에 충실하였다. This article focuses on Korean women living in Northeast China from 1900 to 1945, reviewing the history of Korean immigration to Northeast China and the subsequent formation of Korean society. This article also expounds Korean women's living conditions in Northeast China in terms of their religion, education, anticolonial campaign against Japan, and agricultural production. In the late Ming and early Qing Dynasties, Korean immigrants crossed the border between China and Korea for the purposes of collecting ginseng and hunting. After a wave of Korean immigration in the mid-19th century, the term ‘Choseonjok’ (ethnic Korean) emerged in China in September 1952 to build the Yanbian area. In the early 20th century, during the New Cultural Enlightenment Movement centered on private schools in Yanbian, Korean women gradually awakened and organized a variety of women's movements. The most prominent issues were women's liberation, equality between men and women, equal education between men and women, etc. They wanted to liberate women from the fetters of feudalism and clan rights, patriarchy and husband's rights, leading them to the anti-Japanese struggle. The New Cultural Enlightenment Movement centered on school education in the 1910-20s, combining new learning instead of theology, education and anti-Japanese struggle. Extracurricular education increased through the schools, deeply taking root among the people and playing a similar role in women's enlightenment. Through the New Cultural Enlightenment Movement, Korean women in Yanbian further enhanced their ideological awareness, overthrowing the feudal patriarchal clan system and beginning to form political consciousness. The anti-Japanese women's independence movement began by 1905, and by the 1920s, the anti-Japanese women's armed struggle was dominated by a minority of women from the nationalist camp. But in the 1930s, Korean women in northeastern China began to join the Communist Party of China to fight fiercely against Japan through the unified organization of the Party. In order to maintain their livelihoods, Korean women also actively participated in agricultural production and other related work. After thousands of years on the lowest rung of society under the yoke of feudalism, Korean women appeared on the historical stage of Northeast China as a new group, leaving their mark as important actors in history.

한국여성국극연구(1948〜1960) -여성국극 번성과 쇠퇴의 원인을 중심으로-

전성희 한국드라마학회 2008 드라마연구 Vol.- No.29

Korean classical opera of women is derived from Korean classical opera, however, it became performing art with more elaborated and spectacular stage and set. It started right before the war started and then it disappeared suddenly after the 10 years of the period of prosperity. Because Korean classical opera of women was more focused on performance than so-ri (a traditional narrative song[ballad]), it could be fully supported by public. Based on its characteristic, Korean classical opera of women matched to public taste and that brings the result of development of Korean classical opera of women. These points made Korean classical opera of women became best grosser of the market at that period and also it firmly finds its place in the field. One of the reasons of development of Korean classical opera of women was the situation that time period faced, which is war. It was one of the way to escape from miserable reality. Another reason of development was caused by the fantasy of deviating from paternalistic society. With these ideas above, Korean classical opera of women that had its own strong place for itself, in 1960's, it falls into a decline. There were reasons for its decline and that is there were no actresses who was specialized in Korean classical opera of women, was not able to find new repertoire, did not find out how audience's urge and taste changed, movie and television boom, error of system that has absence of education in Korean traditional music and popularity of its genre. Especially Im Chun-Aeng's Korean classical opera of women was able to flourish, because it satisfied an era's desire. So if it is born again as a piece that is shaped in the form that reads the present age's desire, resurrection of Korean classical opera of women is not something that is impossible. 여성국극은 창극에서 발생하였지만 창극과는 다르게 춤과 연기, 화려하고 스펙터클한 무대장치 등의 특성을 가진 공연예술로 전쟁을 앞둔 시기에 발생하여 약 10여 년간의 전성기를 보낸 후 급격히 쇠퇴한 장르이다. 여성국극은 창극과 달리 소리 보다는 공연성에 치중하였기 때문에 대중의 압도적인 지지를 받을 수 있었다. 여성국극의 이러한 장르적 특성은 당시 대중의 취향에 무엇보다도 잘 맞아 떨어질 수 있었으며 동시에 인기몰이의 비결이 되어 여성국극의 급격한 발전을 가져올 수 있었다. 이러한 점이 여성국극이 단 시일 내에 당대 최고의 공연예술인 동시에 흥행물로서 자신의 위치를 확고히 할 수 있었던 것이다. 여성국극 번성의 이유는 전쟁이라는 고달픈 현실로부터 도피와 또 하나는 가부장 사회의 일탈에 대한 환타지였기 때문에 가능했던 것이다. 그렇게 확고한 자기 위치를 가졌던 여성국극은 1960년대에 들어오면서 급작스러운 쇠락의 길을 걷게 된다. 그 이유는 여성국극을 전문으로 하는 배우가 없었고 새로운 레퍼토리를 개발하지 못했으며 대중의 욕구와 취향의 변화를 알지 못했다는 것, 그리고 영화나 방송의 붐, 전통 음악 교육의 부재와 같은 시스템 상의 문제와 여성국극의 대중성 등에 있다고 하겠다. 특히, 임춘앵의 여성국극은 시대의 욕구를 충족했기 때문에 번성할 수 있었고 그래서 당대의 욕구를 간파해 작품으로 형상화 시킬 수 있다면 여성국극의 부활이 불가능할 것은 아니다.

한국교회의 성장동력으로서 기독교 여성 리더십

김희자 한국기독교교육정보학회 2012 기독교교육정보 Vol.32 No.-

본 연구목적은 126년 동안의 한국교회 역사 속에서 기독교여성의 리더십이 어떻게 형성되어 왔고, 또한 한국교회의 성장동력으로 작동하였는가를 역사사회학적방법을 사용하여 살펴보는 것이다. 첫째, 초기단계(1885-해방)의 기독교 여성리더십의 성격은 변혁적 리더십으로서 기독교 공동체의 개척자였으며, 새로운 질서의 개혁자, 지식보급자(성경 보급)와 그리고 사회개혁과 식민지 저항운동의 선두자로서의 복합적인 기능을 수행하였다. 중기단계(1990년대 까지)는 섬김의 여성리더십으로서 성경적 원리와 부합되는 역할로서 당시 한국의 민주화 흐름 속에서 소수의 주창자 리더를 중심으로 한 주창(主唱)리더십이다. 후기단계(초기 21세기까지)는 모든 사회적인 조직이 세계화로 전환되고, 사회의 기본 자원이 지식과 정보중심으로 재편되는 환경 속에서 기독교 공동체가 요구하는 새로운 여성리더십은 공감적 리더십이다. 한국 기독교의 성장의 역사 속에서 여성리더십은 약함의 강함을 시대적으로 증명하는 역사이었다. The purpose of the study is to examine the formation of Christian women leadership and to find out how to operate the Korean Christian women leadership as growth engine in Korean Church for more than 120 years history. More study has been done to analyze the functional operation of women leadership passing through Korean social upheaval in history. Research questions are as follows; first, "how to strengthen the Christian women leadership at the turning point of Korean history?" and secondly, "how to operate women leadership as a growth engine in Korean church?" The socio-historical research methods has done to periodize the Korean church history regarding women's leadership. Three historical stages have divided for the research according to historical qualitative fluctuations, self organizing changes in Christian community, and Christian growth cycle. First stage begins with the Korean mission at 1885 to Korean Independence at 1945, which is the agricultural age. The Second stage begins with the birth of Korean Independent government to rapid changes with Korean War, Cease Fire between South and North, rapid industrialization, and democratization in 1990. Korean church has been miraculous growing to keep pace with Korean social upheaval. The third stage begins with globalization and digitalization in knowledge system of the 21st century in Korean society, however Korean church has began to decline. The characteristics of Christian women leaderships in Korean church as follows. Ⅰ. Transformative Leadership in early stage between 1885-1945 has defined due to "Bible Woman" and woman church workers' building new order through evangelism with Gospel (new knowledge) and breading new social ground with utmost weak status. Ⅱ. Servant Leadership and Advocacy Leadership in middle stage between 1945-1990's has defined due to women church workers's active function in industrialization and urbanization with democratization in rapid social changes. Ⅲ. Empathic-Creative Leadership in later stage between 1990's-in early 21st century has defined due to transforming localization into globalization, technically moving analogue to digital system, which influences rapid convergence in every aspects of knowledge with Christian women leadership. In conclusion, Korean Christian women leadership has developed pacing with rapid social changes in history. Most of early Christian women have no social status and rare knowledge system. Gospel frees Christian women from ignorance and social restraints and makes them as social innovator as well as church growing and revival agents. God has opened new opportunity for women leaders in weaknesses into strengths for growing engines in Korean church history. For revitalizing God's mission for women leaders in Korean church, promoting global leadership, creating Cyber space leadership, and strengthen collaborative leadership in socio-economic aspects needs to be developed.

북한이주여성의 건강권에 관한 연구

임현지(Hyun Ji Lim) 대한여성건강학회 2007 여성건강 Vol.8 No.2

This study started from the question whether the recent arguments about North Korean women's right both in South Korea and the world can be practical contributions to the improvement of North Korean women. The issue concerning North Korean women's human right has not become known to the world until the crisis in North Korea. However, the issue was not new one and there had not been discussions about the problem before the crisis. It was the pass of the North Korean Human Rights Act in the U.S. Congress that made the problem an international issue. However, in my opinion, it is difficult that the political issue of human rights of the North Korean such as 'the North Korean Human Rights Act' may improve personal lives practically in North Korea. This study aims to inquire how the issue of North Korean human right can be constitute in reality in international society and to analyze testimonies by immigrant women from North Korea which are used for the raising questions on the North Korean women's right. The purpose of this study is to explore the ways to improve the North Korean women's substantial health right by explaining that the political issues of human rights of the North Korean are caused in consonance with specific political strategies, through testimonies of the North Korean women residents. In order to discuss the real human rights from perspective of the North Korean women residents, it is necessary to improve the partial recognition about the North Korean women residents and to explore the conditions for the realization of whole the healthy life of the North Korean women residents. The conditions under which The North Korean women residents as subjects will be able to propose the problems about the human rights including healthy rights is to change subjects who can raise the question concerning the human rights from the political subjects to the North Korean women residents. The significance of this study is to allow the room for the discussion for these conditions to improve the right of the North Korean women residents.

초기 한국교회에 있어서 여성의 위치와 그 역할

YANG PETER HYUNPHYO 한국복음주의역사신학회 2023 역사신학 논총 Vol.42 No.-

According to Lillias Horton Underwood, the wife of the first Presbyterian missionary in Korea, Horace Grant Underwood (1859-1916), women in Korea were not pretty. This seemingly unimportant detail belies a more substantive reality: Korean women led difficult lives in that time. At the end of the 19th century, Korean society was thoroughly a male-dominated patriarchal society. The unconditional obedience of wives to their husbands was a strong tradition, and there was no established concept of life in wider society for women. Abetting this culture were the early marriage system and the concubine system, which were both accepted customs at the time. These systems made women practically bound under the authority of their husbands. Furthermore, Korean women were excluded from education; as a result, their lives were marked by subservience as well as dependence on superstitions, including traditional religions, that further reinforced their status in society. Within this context, Christianity became a light for these Korean women. The missionaries who came to Korea made it as important missionary task to bring liberation to the lives of Korean women. First, the missionaries utilized women in their mission, training them as missionaries, employing them as book sellers and “Bible Women”, and encouraging them to reach the “Anbang”, which was a space for women. Second, they gave names – and, therefore, a sense of identity – to Korean women. Third, they educated women practically, even so far as to increasing literacy through the teaching of Hangeul, the Korean written language. As a result, Korean women had a huge impact in the early Korean church and wider society. They became “Bible Women” who preached the gospel, playing a leading role in the revival movement. They also played a key role in Korean society, becoming the midwives of the independence movement and a catalyst for women's rights. In addition, their ministry raised the role of education for women, brought about changes in the view of marriage and family, and promoted women's social activities. The author argues that the present Korean church and Korean society owe a great debt to the early Korean Christian women and proposes four suggestions. First, churches should broaden the scope of women's ministries and activities. Second, churches should develop roles and ministries that only women are able to fulfill and do. Third, churches should develop specific ministry plans for the socially underprivileged. Lastly, the church must intervene more readily for the public good of Korean society.