한·중 수교 20년과 양국의 군사관계 -평가와 전망을 중심으로-

기세찬 ( Se Chan Ki ) 한국군사학회 2011 군사논단 Vol.65 No.-

This study attempts to estimate the relations between Korea-China after the Korea-China amity and suggests the way of developments between Korea-China military relations. The relations between Korea-China has been growing throughout all the branches of politics, economics, cultures, and militaries over twenty years. But after 2008, the international situation around Korea-China became even worse due to the global financial crisis, deterioration of North Korea-U.S. relations, and impasse of South Korea-North Korea. As we have seen from the attack against the ROK corvette Cheonan and the shelling Yeonpyeong Island, the two countries failed to keep close contact to deal with those incidents and to sustain strong ties that had shaped since the beginning of the amity based on the growth of trades. Therefore, Korea-China relationship needs to develop not rhetoric but content. Although Both Korea and China have exposed differences over some problems, it is important to build two countries will be advanced to be more practical and cooperative relationship for the benefit of the two countries. To achieve this, the two countries have to have proper plans, preparations, and upgrade military relations beyond economics. We could say Korea-China military relations is a mutual exchange relationship. To develop the Korea-China relations at the practical level, we need to consider overall the relations between U.S.-China and North Korea-China that directly affect the Korea-China relations. We can`t establish the higher level relations, unless China adjusts China-North Korea alliance or the U.S. understands the development of Korea-China relations.

중미 글로벌-지역 이중 극체제로 본 북중관계

하상섭,이수원 한국세계지역학회 2023 世界地域硏究論叢 Vol.41 No.3

This study aims to examine how China’s realization of polarity in international relations and its threat perception on the U.S. have affected China-North Korea relations in the post-Cold War era. Since the end of the Cold War, the world has formed a U.S.-led unipolar system, while East Asia has been a bipolar system between the U.S. and China. China has jumped on the U.S. bandwagon but confronted it when the U.S. has posed threats to East Asia where China's vital interests reside. When it has had cooperative relations with the U.S., China has kept a certain distance from North Korea, which is under international sanctions over its nuclear issue, while strengthening its relations with the DPRK when it has conflicted with the U.S. History has shown this pattern. Relations between China and North Korea, which had deteriorated since the establishment of diplomatic relations between China and South Korea in 1992, normalized after China felt threatened by NATO’ military attack on Yugoslavia in 1999. Relations between the two countries, which had deteriorated following North Korea's first nuclear test in 2006, strengthened despite the DPRK's second nuclear test in 2009 as the South Korea-U.S. alliance strengthened after the Lee Myungbak administration took power. Worsened relations between China and the DPRK caused by North Korea's continued nuclear tests and missile provocations since Xi Jinping took power strengthened again when the U.S. began to balance against China in 2018. This pattern makes us predict how China-North Korea relations will be in the future. If conflict intensifies between the U.S. and China, China-North Korea relations will be strengthened. On the other hand, if U.S.-China relations turn to a cooperative stance, China-North Korea relations are likely to become estranged. It is predicted that conflictual relations between the U.S. and China would continue, and therefore, close relations between China and North Korea would persist for the time being.

시진핑 시대 중국의 국가전략과 한반도 정책 연관성 연구: 미중·북중·한중 관계의 상호작용을 중심으로

이재영 계명대학교 국제학연구소 2023 국제학논총 Vol.38 No.-

본 연구의 목적은 시진핑 시기 국가전략과 한반도 정책의 연관성을 파악하기 위해 쟁점을 도출하고, 이러한 쟁점 속에서 미중관계, 한중관계, 북중관계의 상호작용을 분석하는 것이다. 시진핑 시대 국가전략의 쟁점인 북핵 문제 속에서 미중 전략경쟁이 북중 관계에 미치는 영향을 살펴보고, 대만 문제를 통해 미중 전략경쟁과 한중 관계의 연관성을 고찰한다. 그리고 동아시아 지역 안보에 대한 분석을 통해 한미동맹의 강화와 한중관계 사이의 상호작용을 살펴보고, 신냉전 구도 속 북중러와 한미일의 진영 대립을 고찰한다. 한반도 정책의 쟁점인 한반도 3원칙과 쌍중단·쌍궤병행을 분석하면서 중국이 북한을 두둔할 때 사용하는 북한의 합리적 안보 우려 해결이 한반도 비핵화 목표를 대체할 수 있는지와 기존 한반도 문제 해법의 한계와 대안 모색 가능성을 살펴본다. 그리고 대북 제재 완화와 중국의 역할론을 고찰함으로써 미중 전략경쟁 속 북중 밀착의 의미를 분석한다. 마지막으로 한국의 중국 배제 소다자주의 참여가 한중관계에 미치는 영향을 살펴본다. 결론적으로 도출된 쟁점을 분석한 결과, 미중 전략경쟁은 주로 북중관계와 한중관계에 영향을 미치고, 한미동맹 강화와 한미일 협력 역시 한중관계 및 북중관계와 상호작용을 일으킨다. The purpose of this study is to derive important issues in order to understand the relationship between grand strategy and Korean Peninsula policy during the Xi Jinping period, and to analyze the interaction between US-China, South Korea-China, and North Korea-China relations within these issues. This paper examines the impact of U.S.-China strategic competition on North Korea-China relations amidst the North Korean nuclear issue during the Xi Jinping era, and explains the connection between U.S.-China strategic competition and South Korea-China relations through the Taiwan issue. Through analysis of regional security in East Asia, this study examines the strengthening of the ROK-US alliance and the interaction between South Korea-China relations, and explains the confrontation between North Korea-China-Russia and South Korea-US-Japan in the new Cold War structure. In terms of the issue of Korean Peninsula policy, this paper analyzes China’s three principles on the Korean Peninsula and dual suspension/dual track parallelism policies, whether resolving North Korea’s reasonable security concerns that China uses when protecting North Korea can replace the goal of denuclearization of the Korean Peninsula, and the limitations and alternatives of existing solutions to the Korean Peninsula problem. And by examining the easing of sanctions against North Korea and China’s role, the meaning of North Korea-China closeness in the US-China strategic competition is explained. Lastly, this study examines the impact of South Korea’s participation in the small groups excluding China, led by the United States. on South Korea-China relations. In conclusion, in these issues, the strategic competition between the US and China mainly affects North Korea-China relations and South Korea-China relations, and the strengthening of the ROK-US alliance and South Korea-US-Japan cooperation also interact with South Korea-China relations and North Korea-China relations.

수교 이후 한중관계의 평가와 신형관계(新型關係)를 위한 정책제언

황재호 가천대학교 아시아문화연구소 2020 아시아문화연구 Vol.53 No.-

Since the establishment of diplomatic ties in 1992, Korea China relations have made great strides, including the expansion of civilian exchanges, close economic ties, finding commons in diplomatic and security interests, and promoting the political exchanges. While such close bilateral relation is continuously developing in quantity, it is qualitatively exposed to complex and various difficulties. Korea China relations are falling into a dilemma. In Korea’s perspective, China is a partner in terms of Korea’s unification, in reducing current North Korea’s threat, and in generating economic benefits. However, at the same time, it is also considered that China is not sufficiently active in either Korea’s unification or North Korea’s denuclearization, and that China is encroaching Korea’s history and culture. Moreover, the rising competitiveness in economic cooperation is raising the wariness toward one another. Furthermore, as in a larger perspective, such as in the relations of the US China, China North Korea, or North South Koreas, a number of views are interpreting that Korea is sacrificing its national interest when it comes to Korea China relations. This becomes the base of Korean’s low likability toward China. Korea and China should make an approach in longer historical perspectives at a calm pace. As the bilateral relationship development is on a historical trend, there is no need to be harsh in a partial situation or fall in joy or grief too seriously. It should be rather become an opportunity to strengthen the fundamentals of bilateral relations and establish the New type of Korea China relations, pursuing the high efficiency, massive quantity, and positive energy, that can be resolved through dialogue and communication in the event of conflicts and misunderstandings. The New type of Korea China relationship refers to “the transformation into a relationship that allows the un affordable expectations of each other to be lowered but ensures continued development”. Instead of the excessive expectations, both should exclude the bubbles and make a soft landing of a ‘new normal’ in the relations between Korea and China. In short, as two countries have multiple consensuses on philosophy and culture, as they can share interests in security and economy, and that they can cooperate in mid and long term visions and short and mid term policies, Korea China’s bilateral relations should be viewed in a prospective and a longer perspective. 1992년 수교 이후 한중관계는 민간교류의 확대, 경제관계의 밀착, 외교안보 이익의 접점 찾기, 정치교류의 격상 등 큰 발전을 이뤄왔다. 양국관계는 양적으로 발전할수록 질적으로는 관계의 복잡성으로 인해 다양한 어려움에 노출되는 딜레마에 빠졌다. 한국은 중국을 남북통일을 위해, 현재 북한으로부터의 위협을 감소시키기 위해, 경제적 이익을 창출하기 위해 협력대상으로 보기는 하지만 한편으로 한국의 역사와 문화를 침탈하며, 남북통일과 한반도 비핵화에 적극적이지 않고, 경제협력의 경쟁측면이 강해지면서 경계 심리가 강해지고 있다. 또한 중국이 한중관계를 미중관계의 큰 틀에서 접근하면서 한국의 국익을 희생시킨다는 시각이 많다. 때문에 한국인들의 중국에 대해 호감도가 매우 낮은 것이 현실이다. 하지만 양국의 관계발전은 역사적 추세인 만큼, 너무 한 상황에 매몰되거나 한 국면에 일희일비할 필요가 없다. 양국 관계의 펀더맨틀을 보강하고 갈등과 오해가 발생해도 대화와 소통으로 해소 가능한 고효율(高效率), 고질량(高質量), 정능량(正能量)의 신시대 신형한중관계(新型韓中關係)를 수립해야 한다. 신형한중관계란 “서로에 대한 감당할 수 없는 기대는 낮춰 잡되 지속적인 발전을 담보할 수 있도록 하는 관계로의 전환”을 말한다. 과도한 기대 대신 거품을 뺀 한중관계의 신창타이(新常態)를 연착륙시켜야 한다. 즉 양국은 철학과 문화에 공감대가 많고 안보와 경제에 이익을 공유하며 중장기 비전과 단・중기 정책 협력할 분야가 많은 만큼 양국관계는 역사적으로 멀리 내다보고 긴 호흡으로 접근해야 한다.

냉전시기 중공의 외교노선과 북중관계의 전개

한상준(Han Sang Jun) 중국근현대사학회 2021 중국근현대사연구 Vol.91 No.-

This paper examines the development of North Korea-China relations during the Cold War by analyzing the foreign policy of Communist China from the 1950s and to the 1970s. From a macroscopic perspective, the distinctiveness of North Korea-China relations during the Cold War was defined by the Cold War structure in East Asia that forced solidarity between the two countries. Amid the Cold War confrontation between the two ideological camps, there was a basic coincidence of interests and positions between North Korea and China, which were pitted against the ‘common enemy,’ the United States. Factors such as the common historical experience of fighting together in war, the closely interdependent geopolitical conditions, and the ideological homogeneity of the communist regime, all acted together to further strengthen the solidarity between North Korea and China. In other words, the distinctiveness of North Korea-China relations stemmed from the circumstances and conditions in which the two nations had to share mutual interests. North Korea-China relations from the 1950s to the 1970s were influenced by the distinctiveness of the bilateral relations, China’s policy on the Korean Peninsula, and changes in Communist China’s foreign policy. Among them, the distinctiveness of North Korea-China relations and China’s policy on the Korean Peninsula have influenced North Korea-China relations as fixed constants. And the foreign policy chosen by Communist China in line with the changes in the international environment surrounding North Korea and China was a variable that affected the relations between the two countries. The greatest national task facing Communist China since the establishment of the regime was to successfully implement the economic construction of New China, and for that purpose, stability in the international environment around China was absolutely necessary. Accordingly, China’s foreign policy aimed to create a stable international environment, and China’s policy to maintain the status quo on the Korean Peninsula was prepared as an extension of such a diplomatic line. Therefore, China’s policy toward North Korea during the Cold War was derived from China’s policy to maintain the status quo on the Korean Peninsula. China’s policy to maintain the status quo on the peninsula was consistent throughout the Cold War era, and it was a constant that defined the development of North Korea-China relations between the 1950s and the 1970s along with the distinctiveness of North Korea-China relations. Meanwhile, North Korea-China relations during the Cold War were also influenced by China’s domestic and international situations and China’s foreign policy, which were variables in the development of the bilateral relations. This paper analyzes the relationship between North Korea and China amid the characteristics of China’s diplomatic lines for each period from the 1950s to the 1970s. Chapter 1 examines China’s policy toward North Korea and the development of North Korea-China relations in the 1950s, when China was completely focused on its relations with the Soviet Union. During this period, China implemented an ‘interventionist policy’ toward North Korea based on close cooperation with the Soviet Union. China’s ‘interventionist policy’ toward North Korea switched to an ‘appeasement policy’ in 1956, and this study explains the cause, process, and result of such a policy shift in the context of the development of North Korea-China relations in the 1950s. Chapter 2 analyzes the impact of China’s ‘left turn’ in China’s foreign policy in the 1960s, the escalating conflict between North Korea and China during the Cultural Revolution, and the deepening of the Soviet security threat to China on the development of North Korea-China relations. Chapter 3 explores the impact of China’s great diplomatic change in the 1970s on North Korea-China relations, and examines the relationship between the two countries in the context of Communist Ch

Enemy, Homager or Equal Partner?

Heungkyu Kim 서울대학교 국제학연구소 2012 Journal of International and Area Studies Vol.19 No.2

Since the formal establishment of South Korea (hereafter, Korea)-the People’s Republic of China (hereafter, China) relations in 1992, the bilateral relationship has recorded tremendous success in terms of trade volume, cooperation on the North Korean nuclear crisis, and the magnitude of exchanges in various areas. However, it is also true that the bilateral relations still remain far from satisfaction in terms of depth and degree of communication, crisis management, and a shared vision. Given Korean’s psychological alertness and apprehension formed over a long history of contacts with China, differences in political system, mutual misperceptions, and degree of understanding, these problems cast serious challenges for future relations between the two countries. In the future, Korea-China relations could be sour and bumpy if the Korean government relies excessively on security-oriented approaches, centering on its alliance with the U.S. Korea needs to exercise a “creative middle power-pragmatic diplomacy” in dealing with China. The objective is to establish a positive-sum game in the Korea-China strategic cooperative partnership, extending consultation and cooperation beyond security issues on the Korean Peninsula. Both the Korea-U.S. alliance and the Korea-China strategic cooperative partnership should be the foundation of Korea’s diplomatic assets, under which Korea would try to persuade North Korea to abandon its nuclear program. The substance of Korea-China relations will be determined by the policies of each government to consolidate the “cooperative strategic partnership.” Sound communication, political will, and strategic management matter. The future relationship of Korea with China is at the crossroad among the ranges of being enemy, homager, or equal partner. Korea obviously favors the establishment of an equal partnership with China, based upon the common principles of mutual respect, cooperation, and co-prosperity.

바이든 시기의 미·중관계와 중국의 한·중관계의 한·미동맹 종속화: 우리의 전략적 해법

주재우 신아시아연구소 2024 신아세아 Vol.31 No.2

바이든 시기의 미중관계가 전략적 경쟁 관계로 진행되면서 중국은 한중관계를 미중관계에 종속하려는 시도를 빈번히 하고 있다. 이를 통해 한중관계의 악화의 근본적인 원인과 책임을 한국에 전가하면서 한국을 중국에 예속하려 한다. 바이든 행정부가 출범하면서 인태전략을 구체화하고 제도화하기 시작하면서 우리 역시 미국의 동맹국이며 자유 민주주의 가치를 수호하는 일원으로서 참여하고 있다. 중국은 이런 우리 정부의 주권적 선택과 결정을 한중관계 악화의 근본적인 원인으로 인식한다. 특히 사드 사태 이후 한중관계를 한미동맹에 종속시키면서 우리에게 한중관계의 악화 책임을 전가하려는 중국의 외교적 노력은 가중되고 있다. 중국의 의도는 사드 사태 이후 우리 사회와 국민들 사이에서 자생한 이른바 ‘중국 포비아(China phobia)’를 이용하는 것이다. 사드 사태 이후 중국은 한미동맹에 한중관계를 종속하면 ‘대가(後果)’를 치를 것이라는 식으로 중국에 대한 우리의 공포 심리를 압박하고 있다. 이런 정세 변화 속에서 우리는 중국의 위압과 고압에 당당하게 대처하려는 전략적 해법 마련이 필요하다. 이를 위해 본 논문은 중국이 한미동맹에 한중관계를 종속시키면서 우리에게 한중관계의 악화 원인으로 책임을 전가하는 의도와 목적을 분석하는데 집중한다. As the US-China relationship has evolved into a strategic competition under the Biden administration, China has frequently attempted to subordinate South Korea-China relations to US-China relations. Through this, China seeks to shift the fundamental causes and responsibility for the deterioration of South Korea-China relations onto South Korea, aiming to subordinate South Korea to China. With the inauguration of the Biden administration, the Indo-Pacific strategy has begun to be concretized and institutionalized. As an ally of the United States and a member upholding the values of liberal democracy, we are participating in this strategy. China perceives our government's sovereign choices and decisions as the fundamental cause of the deterioration of South Korea-China relations. Particularly since the THAAD (Terminal High Altitude Area Defense) incident, China's diplomatic efforts to hold us accountable for the deterioration of South Korea-China relations by subordinating them to the South Korea-US alliance have intensified. China's intent is to exploit the so-called "China phobia" that has emerged among our society and citizens since the THAAD incident. Following the THAAD incident, China has pressured us with the notion that subordinating South Korea-China relations to the South Korea-US alliance will result in "consequences," thus amplifying our fear of China. Amidst these changing circumstances, we need to devise strategic solutions to confidently counter China's coercion and pressure. Therefore, this paper focuses on analyzing China's intent and purpose in subordinating South Korea-China relations to the South Korea-US alliance and shifting the blame for the deterioration of South Korea-China relations onto us.

2022년 우크라이나 전쟁 이후 북·러 협력 강화에 관한 중국의 딜레마

황상필 한국아시아학회 2023 아시아연구 Vol.26 No.4

The North Korea–Russia summit held in September 2023 drew global attention as the two nations, the former facing international condemnation for nuclear missile tests and the latter embroiled in the war in Ukraine, committed to comprehensive cooperation. Beyond economic ties, North Korea and Russia are deepening their military collaboration, actively shaping a new Cold War dynamic that positions South Korea, the United States, and Japan against North Korea, China, and Russia. If a trilateral alliance materializes with China’s active involvement, as sought by North Korea and Russia, the security landscape in Northeast Asia may further deteriorate. However, despite potential advantages, China remains apprehensive about the risks associated with active collaboration with North Korea and Russia. This study examines the dilemmas faced by China regarding the strengthening cooperation between North Korea and Russia following the beginning of the war in Ukraine in 2022. This paper argues that the formation of a distinct trilateral alliance of North Korea, China, and Russia is improbable, primarily due to China’s passive engagement. The reasons are as follows: First, the strengthening bonds between North Korea and Russia may intensify discussions within the international community regarding China’s responsibility. Should China opt for extensive cooperation with North Korea and Russia—a possibility that would greatly concern the international community amid Russia’s invasion of Ukraine and North Korea’s provocations—it would be highly likely to negatively impact global perceptions of China and impede the expansion of its influence. Second, the deepening of North Korea–Russia relations could strengthen the security cooperation of the United States, Japan, and South Korea, strengthening the US strategy of encircling China. As China seeks to expand its dominance in Northeast Asia, any association with North Korea and Russia, the disruptors of the international order, could lead to a new Cold War structure that would pit it against South Korea, the United States, and Japan. Third, the strengthening of North Korea–Russia relations would reduce both countries’ relative dependence on China, potentially weakening China’s influence in international negotiations on the resolution of the war in Ukraine and the issue of North Korea. In particular, if Russia’s influence over North Korea expands significantly, China may, depending on the circumstances, seek to hold it in check.

한중관계 30년 역사와 ‘북한 문제’에서의 중국 역할

이동률 현대중국학회 2022 現代中國硏究 Vol.24 No.1

This article aims to review the process of forming and expanding China's role in North Korea issue, which has become a major variable in South Korea's diplomacy with China and Korea-China relations over the past 30 years since diplomatic relations between Korea and China. In addition, this article try to examine how the North Korean issue has played a role in the ups and downs of Korea-China relations over the past 30 years and approach the background and substance of the controversy over the role of China in the North Korean issue. Since the establishment of diplomatic relations, the "North Korea issue" has emerged in Korea-China relations, which the two countries must inevitably discuss and cooperate. In the process, Korea has been inspired and developed by the Chinese role on the North Korean issue as a series of situations in which Korea expects and asks China for cooperation, encouraged by the rapid development of Korea-China relations. As a result, the ‘North Korean variable’ expanded abnormally in the development of bilateral relations after the establishment of diplomatic ties, and South Korea has placed a priority on China's role of North Korean issue in diplomacy with China. On the other hand, China sought a limited role when the North Korean issue seriously challenged its security or threatened to weaken its influence on the Korean Peninsula. China's influence on North Korea is evident, and it is difficult to deny China's role in North Korea nuclear issue. However, Korea has raised hopeful expectations in a situation where there are not many means to lead the “Chinese role”. 이 글은 한중수교 이후 지난 30년 한국의 대중외교와 한중관계에서 북한 문제가 주요 변수가 되고, 북한 문제에서의 중국 역할이 형성, 확장되는 과정을 복기한다. 아울러 지난 30년 한중관계의 기복에 북한 문제가어떠한 작용을 하였는지도 검토하여 이를 통해 북한 문제의 중국 역할에대한 논란의 배경과 실체에 접근하고자 한다. 수교 이후 한중관계에서는양국이 불가피하게 논의하고 협력해야 하는 ‘북한 문제’ 가 불거졌으며 이과정에서 한국은 한중관계의 비약적 발전에 고무되어 중국의 협력을 기대하고 요청하는 일련의 상황이 전개되면서 북한문제에서의 ‘중국 역할론’이잉태되고 발전되어 왔다. 수교와 수교 직후의 한중 양국의 전략적 동상이몽이 결과적으로 이후 양국관계 발전에서 북한 변수가 기형적으로 확장되고 한국은 대중국외교에서 북한 문제에 대한 중국 역할을 견인하는 것을우선하는 패턴이 자리 잡게 된 것이다. 반면에 중국은 북한 문제로 인해자국 안보가 심각하게 도전받거나 또는 한반도에서의 자국의 영향력이 약화될 우려가 있을 때 제한적으로 역할을 모색했다. 북한에 대한 중국의영향력은 분명히 존재하고 북핵 해법을 모색하는 데 있어 중국의 역할 또한 부정키 어려운 것이 현실이다. 그런데 한국은 ‘중국 역할’을 견인할 수있는 수단이 많지 않은 상황에서 희망적 기대를 키워왔다.

Enemy, Homager or Equal Partner?: Evolving Korea-China Relations

김흥규 서울대학교 국제학연구소 2012 Journal of International and Area Studies Vol.19 No.2

Since the formal establishment of South Korea (hereafter, Korea)-the People’s Republic of China (hereafter, China) relations in 1992, the bilateral relationship has recorded tremendous success in terms of trade volume, cooperation on the North Korean nuclear crisis, and the magnitude of exchanges in various areas. However, it is also true that the bilateral relations still remain far from satisfaction in terms of depth and degree of communication, crisis management, and a shared vision. Given Korean’s psychological alertness and apprehension formed over a long history of contacts with China, differences in political system, mutual misperceptions, and degree of understanding, these problems cast serious challenges for future relations between the two countries. In the future, Korea-China relations could be sour and bumpy if the Korean government relies excessively on security-oriented approaches, centering on its alliance with the U.S. Korea needs to exercise a “creative middle power-pragmatic diplomacy” in dealing with China. The objective is to establish a positive-sum game in the Korea-China strategic cooperative partnership, extending consultation and cooperation beyond security issues on the Korean Peninsula. Both the Korea-U.S. alliance and the Korea-China strategic cooperative partnership should be the foundation of Korea’s diplomatic assets, under which Korea would try to persuade North Korea to abandon its nuclear program. The substance of Korea-China relations will be determined by the policies of each government to consolidate the “cooperative strategic partnership.” Sound communication, political will, and strategic management matter. The future relationship of Korea with China is at the crossroad among the ranges of being enemy, homager, or equal partner. Korea obviously favors the establishment of an equal partnership with China, based upon the common principles of mutual respect, cooperation, and co-prosperity.