일반논문 : 초기사림파 문인의 이미지 형성 과정- 한 인간의 복원과 조선전기 지성사에 대한 반성적 이해를 위하여 mage Creation

김보경 ( Bo Kyeong Kim ) 한국고전연구학회 2014 한국고전연구 Vol.0 No.29

迂拙齋(우졸재) 朴漢柱(박한주)(1459-1504)는 金宗直(금종직)의 門人(문인)으로, 조선전기 지성의 한 면목을 엿보게 해 줄 뿐만 아니라 初期士林派(초기사림파) 문인의 이미지 형성 과정을 흥미롭게 보여 준다. 박한주 생애자료 중에서 가장 이른 시기의 것은 그의 외손 周博(주박)이 찬한 行狀(행장)이다. 이 글에서는 아직 특정 이데올로그로 규격화하지 않은 느슨한 박한주를 볼 수 있다. 현양사업의 추이와 관련해서 살펴보면, 먼저 임란 직전 鄭逑(정구)가 함안의 묘소를 정비하고 제사를 지내면서 그는 충신의 표상으로 자리매김하게 된다. 이후 충신의 표상 위에 도학자의 표상이 더해지는데 후자가 강화되는 방향으로 전개된다. 난후에는 밀양의 향촌질서를 재정비하는 작업과 연동되어 현양사업이 진행되었다. 그 과정에서 박한주는 김종직과 연결되어 도학적 관점에서 재평가되었다. 17세기 중반을 전후해서는 박한주 현양이 禮林書院(례림서원)·閭表碑(여표비)등 사회적 표식의 형태로 추진되는 가운데 김종직 도학의 嫡傳化(적전화)가 시도되었다. 18세기 현양사업의 특징은 박한주의 족손 朴壽春(박수춘)과 결합되어 전개된 것이다. 그중 南岡書院(남강서원) 請額疏(청액소)는 국가적 공인을 받기 위한 노력으로, 道統(도통)의 관점에서 박한주의 위상을 재정의하였다. 도학자 박한주를 만드는 데는 현양사업의 주체들 즉 密陽(밀양) 士林의 의지, 밀양 박씨 문중의 노력, 그리고 退溪-寒岡 연원 학파의 협조가 공동으로 작용했다. 유의할 것은 도학자를 만드는 과정에서 김종직이나 金宏弼(금굉필)·鄭汝昌(정여창)과 과도하게 결합, 명명되면서 오히려 박한주의 실체가 왜소하게 제약되었다는 점이다. 박한주가 남긴 작품을 돌아보면 ‘유교국가의 비전과 도덕의 사회적 실현을 위한 분투’라는 주제의식을 문학적 역량을 다해 형상화하고 있는 ‘글 잘 쓰는 사람’ 박한주를 만나게 된다. 經術(경술)과 文才 어느 한쪽으로는 그의 온전한 얼굴을 복원할 수 없다. 性理(성리) 학문을 익히는 박한주, 道(도)·佛書(불서)도 버리지 않은 박한주, 『楚辭(초사)』 읽기를 좋아하고 글을 잘 썼던 박한주. 이것을 아우른 모습이야말로 당대 생생하게 살아있던 실존으로서의 박한주였으리라. 우리가 기록/기억하고 있는 그들은 도학, 도통, 문묘, 서원의 이름으로 기획된 얼굴이 아닌지, 또 지금 우리는 다시 그들을 ‘초기사림파’라는 이름으로 분칠하고 있는 것은 아닌지 반성할 일이다. 특히 박한주의 경우 김종직과 김굉필·정여창에게 강하게 결박된 채 기록/기억되어 왔으므로 이중으로 왜소화(또는 왜곡)되었을 가능성이 많다. 박한주 연구에서 이 점이 각별히 유의되어야 할 것이다. Ohjojjae Park Han-joo(迂拙齋 朴漢柱, 1459-1504) was Kim Jong-jik(金宗直)``s clan member, and he amusingly shows the image creation process of the initial stage Salimpa, a Confucian School. Among the lifetime materials of Park Han-joo, the earliest period material was Haengjang(行狀) compiled by his daughter``s son, Ju Bak(周博). In Haengjang, loose Park Han-joo, who was yet to be standardized with specific ideology, can be viewed. Examining in relation with the trend of his exaltation, Park Han-joo emerged as the symbol of loyal subject, as Jung Goo(鄭逑) reorganized the grave of Park Han-joo in Haman(咸安) and performed ancestral rites, just before Japanese invasion of Joseon in 1592. Since then, the symbol as a moralist was added on top of the symbol as a loyal subject, and the symbol as a moralist was more fortified. After the Japanese invasion, the exaltation of Park Han-joo was conducted in linkage with the reorganization of country order in Milyang(密陽). In such a process, Park Han-joo was re-evaluated from an ethical perspective in connection with Kim Jong-jik. The exaltation of Park Ha-joo in about the middle of the 17th century was promoted as the type of social marking including Yerim Seowon(禮林書院) and Yeopyobi(閭表碑). In those days, an attempt to make Park Han-joo as Kim Jong-jik ethics`` orthodox disciple was carried out. The exaltation of Park Han-joo in the 18th century was undertaken in combination with Park Su-choon(朴壽春), a sort of his grandchild. Especially, Sa-Aek-So, a pubic appeal of Namgang Seowon(南岡書院請額疏) was an effort to receive national official approval, which re-enhanced the status of Park Han-joo from the moral perspective. Concerning the main players of exaltation of Park Han-joo, a moralist, expecially, the intention of Milyang Salim(密陽士林), efforts of Milyang Park Family and the cooperation of Yeonwon School of Toegye(退溪)-Hangang(寒岡) were jointly operated. Bottom line is that the true nature of Park Han-joo was restricted and underestimated, as he was named in excessive combination with Kim Jong-jik, Kim Goeng-pil(金宏弼) and Jeong Yeo-chang(鄭汝昌) in the process of making him a moralist. Looking at the works Park Han-joo left, readers can meet him as a good writer that embodies the thematic consciousness of "Struggle for the Realization of Confucian Nation``s Vision and Social Morality" through his full literary competency. His true nature cannot be fully restored with only one side between studies researching Confucian Classics and literary talent. Park Han-joo learned Neo-Confucianism(性理), did not throw away Taoism and Buddhism books, loved to read the Chu Ci(楚辭) and was a good writer. All these images could be the vividly living existence of Park Han-joo. We need to reflect on ourselves about whether what we remember or record are the faces planned in the names of ethics, Confucian shrine and Seowon (lecture hall) or whether we decorate the images of Park Han-joo in the name of initial stage Salimpa again. Since Park Han-joo was recorded and has been remembered being bound by Kim Jong-jik, Kim Goeng-pil and Jeong Yeo-chang more than anyone else, there is a huge possibility that he was underestimated or distorted in duplicate way. Attention should be especially paid to this in studying Park Han-joo.

18세기 경주김씨(慶州金氏) 학주공파(鶴洲公派)의 대두와 기호학계에서의 위상

이종록 ( Lee Jong-rok ) 한국계보연구회 2021 한국계보연구 Vol.11 No.-

This article analyzes the emergence of of Kim Hong-wook of Gyeongju Kim Clan, who lived in Daegyo, Seosan, and the key motivation that made it possible. They were divided into Hakjugong-pa following the Daeangun-pa, Taesagong-pa, Jwaranggong-pa, and Jangdangongpa within Gyeongju Kim Clan. Eulchukbo in 1685 (the 11th year of King Sukjong's reign), which recorded the descendants of Taesagong-pa, and Gapjinbo in 1784 (the 8th year of King Jeongjo's reign) are the genealogical records of Gyeongju Kim Clan. If Eulchukbo had an intention to emphasize the advocacy of Sarim leading to Kim Ja-su and Kim Se-pil in terms of the original purpose of organizing genealogy, the purpose of organizing Gapjinbo was to reveal that it was a part of the royal family. The change in the purpose of organization surrounding the publication of genealogical records by Gyeongju Kim Clan’s Taesagong-pa was due to the change in the central force in the family, and simultaneously, the rise of Hakjugong-pa, triggered by selection of a spouse for the Royal family-the royal family’s selection Queen Jeongsun-had a great influence. However, simply the appearance of the Queen did not make such a change possible. At that time, Queen Jeongsun's close relatives politically organized Namdang-Byeokpa and academically, played a major role in Horon. The reason why the Namdang was able to stand on its own feet was because of the academic assistance of Horon in addition to the support of Queen Jeongsun, where Kim Han-rok's role stands out. Kim Han-rok studied with Han Won-jin, the instructor of Horon, at a time when the Horak debate was intensifying. Kim Han-rok inherited the academic identity of Horon from Han Won-jin, and gradually moved to a position that plays a central role in Horon. However, Horon failed to continue the transfer of scholarship after the death of major scholars, and Gyeongju Kim Clan, who belonged to Byeokpa, was taken over as Kim Han-rok was embroiled in a dispute over the loyalty with the Eight letters of curse[Palja Hyung-eon 八字凶言] after his death. This was also an event in which Byeokpa and Horon were cut off from historical stream. Horon, which had subsided below the surface, reappeared in history when the Japanese invasion became visible. From 1895 to 1896, an anti-Japanese struggle broke out in Hongju under the banner of anti-enlightment and anti-invasion called the Hongju Righteous Army. Kim Bok-han, Kim Sang-deok, and Lee Seol, who led the righteous army, all had a sense of inheriting Horon, and they pointed out Kim Han-rok as the heir of Horon in terms of academic background. This can be said that Kim Han-rok's status within the horon was formed around the Naepo area, and that status was finally confirmed.

18~19세기 月城尉 金漢藎 가문의 기반 확보와 정치적 동향

김인경 ( Kim In-kyung ) 조선시대사학회 2021 朝鮮時代史學報 Vol.97 No.0

This study traces back the political trends of the Wolseongwi Kim Han-shin family, who was active in the 18th and 19th centuries. The purpose of the study is to examine the status and political role of the buma (King’s son-in-law) family in the late Joseon Dynasty through the light on the Wolseongwi Kim Han-shin family, and to review their influence on the political history of the that period. Kim Han-shin's ancestral house is in Gyeongju, and his ancestry belongs to the Hakjugong branch with Hakju Kim Hong-wook of the Gyeongju Kims as the founder of the clan. Kim Han-shin was born in 1720 (46th year of King Sukjong) as a son of Kim Heung-gyeong, a Noron official, and married the princess Hwa Sun in 1732 (8th year of King Yeongjo), became the first son-in-law of King Yeongjo. King Yeongjo had seven sons-in-law, and among them, the descendants of Kim Han-shin rose to prominence and established a unique status differentiated from other sons-in-law. The central figures such as Kim I-ju, Kim No-yeong, Kim No-kyung, and Kim Jeong-hee advanced into the central political world for three generations through the Literary Tests, and grew up as bureaucrats based on the symbolism of ‘grandsons of Yeongjo’s mother side’ and ‘the Wolseongwi Family’. The relationship with the royal family had a great influence on the political orientation of the Wolseongwi Kim Han-shin family. The identity that penetrates the Wolseongwi Kim Han-shin family can be defined as ‘the Royal guards that cooperate with the Royal family’. This aspect is confirmed through the political roles of Kim I-joo and Kim No-kyung. In particular, the attack on the Byeok faction is noteworthy in that it shows a clear difference in their political behavior from the Kim Gwi-ju line, the core force of the Byeok faction within the same clan. This seems to be due to the friendly relationship with Crown Prince Sado formed during the Kim Heung-gyeong era, and it is thought to have been the direct cause of the divergence within the clan. The Wolseongwi Kim Han-shin family was a close relative of the royal family and occupied an important part in the politics from Yeongjo through Cheoljong era. However, this was pointed out as a subject of impeachment by Andong Kim family and their powers, who played a pivotal role in the government during the reign of King Sunjo and King Cheoljong, and it was also a factor that caused political ups and downs.

18~19세기 月城尉 金漢藎 가문의 기반 확보와 정치적 동향

김인경 조선시대사학회 2021 朝鮮時代史學報 Vol.- No.97

This study traces back the political trends of the Wolseongwi Kim Han-shin family, who was active in the 18th and 19th centuries. The purpose of the study is to examine the status and political role of the buma (King’s son-in-law) family in the late Joseon Dynasty through the light on the Wolseongwi Kim Han-shin family, and to review their influence on the political history of the that period. Kim Han-shin's ancestral house is in Gyeongju, and his ancestry belongs to the Hakjugong branch with Hakju Kim Hong-wook of the Gyeongju Kims as the founder of the clan. Kim Han-shin was born in 1720 (46th year of King Sukjong) as a son of Kim Heung-gyeong, a Noron official, and married the princess Hwa Sun in 1732 (8th year of King Yeongjo), became the first son-in-law of King Yeongjo. King Yeongjo had seven sons-in-law, and among them, the descendants of Kim Han-shin rose to prominence and established a unique status differentiated from other sons-in-law. The central figures such as Kim I-ju, Kim No-yeong, Kim No-kyung, and Kim Jeong-hee advanced into the central political world for three generations through the Literary Tests, and grew up as bureaucrats based on the symbolism of ‘grandsons of Yeongjo’s mother side’ and ‘the Wolseongwi Family’. The relationship with the royal family had a great influence on the political orientation of the Wolseongwi Kim Han-shin family. The identity that penetrates the Wolseongwi Kim Han-shin family can be defined as ‘the Royal guards that cooperate with the Royal family’. This aspect is confirmed through the political roles of Kim I-joo and Kim No-kyung. In particular, the attack on the Byeok faction is noteworthy in that it shows a clear difference in their political behavior from the Kim Gwi-ju line, the core force of the Byeok faction within the same clan. This seems to be due to the friendly relationship with Crown Prince Sado formed during the Kim Heung-gyeong era, and it is thought to have been the direct cause of the divergence within the clan. The Wolseongwi Kim Han-shin family was a close relative of the royal family and occupied an important part in the politics from Yeongjo through Cheoljong era. However, this was pointed out as a subject of impeachment by Andong Kim family and their powers, who played a pivotal role in the government during the reign of King Sunjo and King Cheoljong, and it was also a factor that caused political ups and downs. 본 연구는 18~19세기 활동한 月城尉 金漢藎 가문의 정치적 동향을 추적한 글이다. 월성위 김한신 가문에 대한 조명을 통해 조선후기 駙馬 가문이 갖는 위상과 정치적 역할을 살펴보고 조선후기 정치사에 미친 영향을 검토하고자 하였다. 이 글에서 연구 대상으로 삼은 ‘월성위 김한신 가문’이란 김한신과 그 후손들을 지칭한다. 김한신의 본관은 慶州이며, 그의 가계는 鶴洲 金弘郁을 派祖로 하는 鶴洲公派에 속한다. 김한신은 1720년(숙종 46) 노론계 관료 金興慶의 아들로 출생했고 1732년(영조 8) 화순옹주와 혼인하여 영조의 첫 번째 부마가 되었다. 영조는 7명의 부마를 두었는데, 그중 김한신의 후손들이 크게 현달하며 다른 부마 가문들과는 차별화된 위상을 확립해 나아갔다. 金頤柱, 金魯永, 金魯敬, 金正喜가 그 중심인물들로 3대에 걸쳐 문과를 통해 중앙 정계에 진출했고, ‘영조의 外孫’, ‘月城尉家’의 상징성을 바탕으로 관료로 성장했다. 왕실과의 姻戚 관계는 월성위 김한신 가문의 정치적 성향에 많은 영향을 미쳤다. 월성위 김한신 가문을 관통하는 정체성은 ‘왕실에 협력하는 친위 세력’으로 정의할 수 있다. 이러한 면모는 김이주와 김노경의 정치적 역할을 통해 확인된다. 특히 벽파에 대한 공격은 같은 문중 내 벽파의 핵심 세력인 金龜柱 계열과 정치적 행보에서 확연한 차이를 보인다는 점에서 주목된다. 이것은 김흥경대부터 형성된 사도세자와의 우호적 관계 때문으로 보이며, 문중 내 分岐가 발생하는 직접적인 원인이었을 것으로 판단된다. 월성위 김한신 가문은 왕실의 인척 가문으로서 영조~철종대 정계에서 중요한 비중을 차지했다. 하지만 이것은 순조~철종대 정국에서 주축을 이루었던 안동 김문과 그 세력들에 의해 탄핵 대상으로 지목되며 정치적 부침을 겪게 되는 요인이 되기도 하였다.

김지하의 ‘한’ 담론 : 60년대의 ‘한’ 담론과의 비교를 중심으로

후루타도미다테 ( Furuta Tomitate ),한승훈(번역) 한국종교학연구회 2019 宗敎學硏究 Vol.37 No.-

This paper examines the Han discourse of Kim Chi-ha, focusing on his religious view of the world in particular, based on the articles, interviews and court statements related to the Han discourse of Kim Chi-ha. The Han discourse spoken in the literary circle in the 1960s was born from the necessity in “search of Korean ethnic identity” by pure literature school.It captured the colonial image of Korean art as “the beauty of sorrow,” and extracted “the like of han” from the work of the colonial poet Kim So-wol. On the other hand, Kim Chi-ha transformed the “Han”, which was roughly conceptualized in the literary world in the 1960s, into a struggle for democratization, and seized Han as the energy of social change against the military dictatorship and driving force of resistance. It worked to instill a new concept in Han, and to inject Han’s image that added its own definition to their own work. In the 1960s, the literary world regarded subjects who hold Han as the “people of the Korean Peninsula who share the history of hardship, ” including the invasion of foreign forces and the victims of feudal society, but Kim Chi-ha brought up a new subject (victim) called “the people who are oppressed by the military dictatorship at this very moment” From the intangible perpetrator of “history”, the tangible perpetrator of “dictatorship” was born. As “victim” and “perpetrator” of Han were brought out, the inward Han which had only been piled up quietly, came to possess outward forces of anger and resistance. Kim Chi-ha also pointed out the “negative aspect” of “violence” driven by the “han” brought about by the “violence” of power around 1980s, and argues that the thought of “Dan” should break the chain of violence. He also believed that in a democratic world, the Han of value that was not appropriate for the new world would disappear. it shows that Kim Chi-ha actively tried to adopt religious values such as Donghaku and Christianity, and restrained himself from the revolution with violence. Kim Chi-ha’s Han discourse was increasingly moved away from the “ethnic sentiment” and in solidarity with democratization movements and activists in the “world”, it moved toward assimilation with the ideas of religious movements seeking social change.

月城尉 金漢藎 家門의 공간이 갖는 역사적 의미

김인경 동국대학교 동국역사문화연구소 2022 동국사학 Vol.74 No.-

This study examines the historical significance of the space created by the family of Wolseongwi Kim Han-shin (1720-1758) in the 18th and 19th centuries. In 1732 (8th year of King Yeongjo), at the age of 13, Kim Han-shin married Princess Hwasun, a daughter of Yeongjo, and became Wolseongwi. When Yeongjo bestowed a housing and farmland to Kim Han-shin and Princess Hwasun, a new basis for residence was laid in Hanyang and Yesan of Chungcheong-do. The Wolseongwi family, which includes Kim Han-shin and his son Kim I-ju, grandsons Kim No-young and Kim No-kyung, and great-grandson Kim Jeonghee, had Wolseongwigung which was located in Jeokseonbang in Hanyang, and another residence in hometown Yesan in Chungcheong- do where the tombs of their ancestors were established. Thus, the Kim family traveled to and from Hanyang and Yesan area to reside. After Kim Han-shin, the Wolseongwi family began their fullfledged entry into central politics, starting with Kim I-ju’s passing the civil services examination. In particular, as Kim No-kyung and Kim Jeong-hee went through political ups and downs, there were also changes in the areas of their residence and activity. The space was expanded to Gogeum-do and Jeju-do, where they were exiled, and after the exile was over Kim No-kyung set up a villa in Gwacheon and prepared a new residential area. It shows that the space has changed with each period; a house with the political, economic and social space, the exile site as a space for self-discipline and preparation for a new leap forward, and a villa symbolizing the life of a retreat. The noble families of the Joseon Dynasty created their space according to the Confucian orientation of life pursued by each family, such as conduct of life, residing, caring for the ancestors’ tombs, realizing an ideology, and resting. Therefore, this study looked into the historical meaning of the space of the Wolseongwi Kim Han-shin family, paying attention to the fact that the space has a historically important meaning as it contains the family’s unique spiritual and cultural values. The space created by the Wolseongwi family can be said to be a symbolic representation of the family’s identity and the process of political ups and downs. 본 연구는 月城尉 金漢藎(1720~1758) 家門이 18~19세기에 조성한 공간의 역사적 의미를 고찰한 글이다. 김한신은 1732년(영조 8) 13세의 나이로 영조의 딸 和 順翁主와 혼인하면서 月城尉에 봉해졌다. 영조가 김한신과 화순옹주에게 第宅과賜牌地를 하사하면서 한양과 충청도 예산에 새로운 세거 기반이 마련되었다. 김한신과 그의 아들 金頤柱, 손자 金魯永·金魯敬, 증손자 金正喜로 이어지는 월성위 가문은 京邸인 한양 積善坊에 위치한 月城尉宮과 鄕邸 및 가문의 先塋이 조성된 충청도 예산 지역을 왕래하며 세거하였다. 김한신 이후 월성위 가문은 김이주의 문과 급제를 시작으로 중앙 정계 진출을 본격화 하였다. 특히 김노경, 김정희가 정치적으로 浮沈을 겪으며 세거 및 활동 공간에도 변화가 생겼다. 유배지인 古今島와 濟州島로 공간이 확대되었고, 解配 후 김노경이 경기도 과천에 別業을 조성하면서 새로운 세거지를 마련했다. 정치·경제· 사회적 공간인 제택, 자기수양과 재도약을 준비하는 공간인 유배지, 그리고 隱居의삶을 상징하는 공간인 별업으로 시기에 따라 공간이 변화되는 모습을 보인다. 조선시대 사대부 가문들은 處世, 居住, 先塋 運營, 理念 實現, 休息 등 각 가문이 추구하는 유교적 삶의 지향에 따라 공간을 조성하였다. 따라서 공간에는 가문 고유의 정신문화적 가치가 함축되어있어 역사적으로 중요한 의미는 갖는다는 점에 주목하여 월성위 김한신 가문의 공간이 갖는 역사적 의미를 살펴보았다. 월성위 가문이 조성한 공간은 가문의 정체성과 정치적 부침의 과정을 상징적으로 나타내는 표상이라고 할 수 있다.

김한경의 울릉도ㆍ독도 탐사 항해(1471~1480)와 그 의의

김낙현,이효웅,홍옥숙 국립목포대학교 도서문화연구원 2023 島嶼文化 Vol.- No.62

Since 1438 in early Joseon Dynasty when the court captured 66 residents in Mureungdo and deported them to Gyeongseong, Yeongando(present Hamgyeongdo), the story of an island located in the East Sea began to spread from them. Kim Han-kyung(?-1481) and Kim Heung voluntarily made their voyages to search for Sambongdo, an unknown island but reached Murueungdo instead. Later, in 1475 of King Seongjong’s reign, on his third voyage, Kim Han-kyung was drifted by a strong west wind, and discovered Sambongdo. However, Kim Han-kyung and his party were sentenced to death for deceiving the public with false words. Researchers aim to reveal the significance of Kim Han-kyung’s exploration based on the findings of related literature review and experiences of navigation around Ulleungdo and Dokdo. Firstly, researchers suggest that the legendary island in the East Sea is Sambongdo. Therefore, Kim Han-kyung, who believed to have found Sambongdo, actually discovered Dokdo. There are much debate on identifying Sambongdo. However, in the early Joseon period, Kim Kook-kwang recognized the existence of Sambongdo because the island might have been named by those who actually saw the three peaks of the island. Moreover, the record that Kim Han-kyung sailed onto Sambongdo was documented. In addition, when sailing southeast from Ulleungdo, the three peaks of Dokdo Island are observable, and it can be confirmed that Sambongdo is Dokdo Island. Therefore, Kim Han-kyung needs to be reevaluated as the sea explorer who discovered the island of Dokdo.

18세기 후반 서울 양반과 빈곤의 문제-도저동 金履中 家를 중심으로-

김하라 한국한문학회 2022 한국한문학연구 Vol.- No.86

The purpose of this paper is to trace the life and family line of Kim Yi-jung, a gentry who lived in Seoul in the late 18th century. Through this work, I intend to analyze in detail the problems faced by the gentry class of the poor in the late Joseon Dynasty. The basic data of this paper is Heumyeong, the diary of Yu Man-ju, Kim Yi-jung's maternal cousin. Kim Yi-jung is a member of the Andong Kim Clan, an influential family in the late Joseon Dynasty, and is the 6th generation descendant of Kim Sang-yong. The direct descendants of Kim Sang-yong, who lived in Seoul, went through the Second Manchu Invasion of Korea and found a new basis for life in Odu-ri and Deoksan-hyeon, Chungcheong-do. This lineage has been settled in Odu-ri since the time of Kim Seong-dal, the great-grandfather of Kim Yi-jung. Since Kim Seong-dal's fifth son, Kim Si-jeong, was adopted by his uncle and moved to Deoksan-hyeon, Kim Yi-jung's ancestors showed signs of declining as poor Chungcheong-do gentry. When Kim Si-jeong's second son, Kim Yeo-haeng, died at the age of 32, the bereaved family, his wife and his two sons, had no way to make ends meet. So, the three families went to Seoul to live by relying on Mrs. Yu's younger brother Yu Han-Jun. Shortly after, when Mrs. Yu died, the completely orphaned brothers became completely dependent on their uncle Yu Han-jun, and they were unable to stand on their own financially. Kim Yi-jung got married and became the head of the household with two sons and three daughters. For the 13 years recorded in Heumyeong, the Kim family lived in Dunggeujae outside Seodaemun, Hwakgyo-dong in Yongsan, and Dojeo-dong outside Namdaemun. The fact that this family's residence was always outside the four gates of Seoul shows their poor socio-economic situation. The family's poverty is also related to frequent illnesses: two of Kim Yi-jung's children suffered from the measles epidemic in Seoul in 1786, and one died around the same time. Kim Yi-jung suffered from a disease and died in his late 40s. Yu Man-ju, who observed the lives of poor noblemen, including Kim Yi-jung, came to the conclusion that poverty is like a death sentence for the gentry in Joseon. The fact that the eldest son Kim Baek-sun was executed as a Catholic in 1801, 15 years after the death of Kim Yi-jung, is judged to be the result of following the path of poverty inherited from his father. 본고에서는 18세기 후반의 서울에 거주한 金履中(1740~1787)의 생애와 가계를 추적해 조선후기 양반이 직면한 빈곤의 문제에 접근하고자 한다. 이를 위해 김이중의 외사촌동생인 兪晩柱의 일기 欽英 의 기록을 기초 자료로 삼았다. 김이중은 조선후기 노론계의 유력한 명문으로 일컬어지는 안동김씨의 구성원으로 淸風溪 주인 金尙容의 6대손이다. 서울에 세거하던 김상용의 직계 후손들은 병자호란을 겪으며 충청도 오두리와 덕산현 등지에서 새로운 생활의 기반을 찾았고, 김이중의 증조부인 金盛達의 대에 이르러 오두리에 정착하게 된다. 김성달의 5남 金時淨이 백부에게 입양되어 삶의 터전을 덕산현으로 옮긴 이래 김이중의 先代는 가난한 충청도 양반으로 몰락할 조짐을 보였다. 이후 김시정의 차남 金礪行이 32세로 사망하자 유가족인 그 아내 杞溪俞氏와 두 아들 김이중 및 金履弘은 생계를 이을 방법이 없었다. 이에 기계유씨의 친정에 의지하여 살아가기 위해 세 모자는 서울살이를 시작했다. 얼마 후 기계유씨가 사망하자 완전히 고아가 된 김이중 형제는 전적으로 외삼촌 俞漢雋에게 의지하게 되었고, 그들은 끝내 경제적으로 자립하지 못했다. 김이중은 龍仁李氏와 혼인하여 2남 3녀를 둔 가장이 되었고, 흠영 에 기록된 13년간 그의 가족은 서대문 밖 둥그재와 용산 확교동, 남대문 밖 도저동 등지에 거주했다. 이 가족의 주거지가 늘 도성 밖에 있었다는 점은 그들의 열악한 사회경제적 처지를 보여준다. 또한 이 가족의 빈곤은 잦은 질병과도 관련을 갖는데, 김이중의 자녀 중 2명은 1786년 서울에 유행한 홍역을 앓았으며, 1명은 그 시기에 사망했다. 또한 김이중은 질병에 시달리다 40대 후반에 사망했다. 김이중을 포함한 가난한 양반의 삶을 지켜본 유만주는 조선의 양반에게 가난이란 사형선고나 마찬가지라는 결론을 내렸다. 김이중 사후 15년 된 1801년 그 장남 金伯淳이 천주교도로서 처형된 것은, 부친으로부터 계승된 가난의 경로를 따른 귀결이 아닌가 한다.

1853년(철종4) 김수정 역모사건에 관한 사법적 재고 - 『포청등록(捕廳謄錄)』과 『추안급국안(推案及鞫案)』을 중심으로 -

차인배 한국고문서학회 2025 고문서연구 Vol.66 No.-

본 논문은 1853년(철종 4년), 김수정(金守禎)을 중심으로 전개된 역모사건에 대해, 포도청과 추국청이 사건을 심리하고 처벌하는 사법적 절차와 과정을 추적한다. 이를 통해 19세기 조선의 사법기구가 어떠한 형사절차를 거쳤는지, 그 특성과 한계를 조명하고 나아가 사건의 성격에 대한 재해석을 시도한다. 기존 연구들은 김수정 사건을 체제 저항적 민중운동의 일환으로 이해하면서도, 이를 역모사건으로 기정사실화하는 경향이 있었다. 그러나 본 논문은 사건 심리에 사용된 『포청등록』과 『추안급국안』등 신문 기록을 면밀히 분석함으로써, 이 사건이 확대되거나 조작되었을 가능성을 제기한다. 포도청은 이 사건을 1851년(철종 2년) 진압된 해서옥사의 잔당 세력과 연관된 것으로 보고, 이를 수사의주요 방향으로 설정하였다. 김수정은 해서옥사 당시 도주한 김한두 및 유흥렴 등과 깊이 관련된 인물로 간주되었으며, 포도청은 그의 혐의를 밝히기 위해 ‘김한두 동일인설’, 유흥렴이 김수정의 집에 유숙하며 역모를모의했다는 ‘유숙설’, 그리고 왕족 이명혁을 추대하려 했다는 ‘왕방설’등을 주요 혐의로 삼았다. 조성 대신들은 ‘동일인설’을 들어 국청 설치를 요청하였고, 이는 그대로 채택되었다. 국청은 김수정의 주요 혐의를 중심으로 추국을 진행하였다. 김수정은 수사 초기 대부분의 혐의를 부인하였으며, 포도청에서 혹독한 고문 끝에 거짓 자백을 했다고 호소하였다. 그럼에도 불구하고 국청은 강압적인신문을 지속하며 자백을 종용하였고, 결국 신문 7∼8일째 되는 날, 김수정은 모든 혐의를 인정하게 되어 역모의 수괴로 규정되었다. 이 과정에서 김수정을 포함한 다수의 죄수들은 포도청에서 자백을 강요당했거나거짓 증언을 하도록 압박받았다고 억울함을 호소하였다. 그러나 국청은 이 같은 주장을 무시하고, 포도청의수사 기록에 의존하여 자백을 유도하는 방식으로 수사를 이어갔다. 본 논문은 김수정 사건의 진실을 완전히 밝힐 수는 없었으나, 포청과 국청의 신문 과정에서 불법적 사건조작과 진실 은폐의 가능성을 확인하였다. 이를 통해 19세기 조선 사법기구의 형사 절차가 가지는 한계와문제점을 지적하고자 한다. 끝으로, 본 논문은 김수정 사건을 통해 공초 기록의 조작 가능성을 제기하지만, 이를 모든 수사기구의 심문 기록에 일반화하려는 것은 아니다. 다만 연구자가 공초 기록을 해석할 때, 그진위와 조작 가능성에 대해 보다 신중하고 비판적인 접근이 필요함을 강조한다. This paper traces the judicial process of investigation and punishment carried out by the Podocheong(捕盜廳) and Chugukcheong(推鞫廳) in 1853(the 4th year of King Cheoljong’s reign) in accordance with legal procedures. Through this, it aims to shed light on the characteristics and significance of 19th-century judicial institutions and reinterpret the nature of the case. Existing studies have generally approached the Kim Su-jeong case from the perspective of a popular movement resisting the ruling system while assuming it to be an established case of treason. However, a close analysis of the interrogation records from the Podocheong(捕盜廳) and Chugukcheong(推鞫廳) namely Pocheong Deungnok(『捕廳謄錄』) and Chuan Geupguk-an(『推案及鞫案』, reveals the possibility that the case was exaggerated and manipulated. The Podocheong(捕盜廳) presumed that this case was connected to the remnants of the Haeseo Oksa(海西獄事) incident, which had been suppressed in 1851(the 2nd year of King Cheoljong’s reign), and pursued its investigation in that direction. In particular, the Podocheong(捕盜廳) considered Kim Su-jeong to be closely linked with Yu Heung-ryeom and Kim Han-du, both of whom had fled during the Haeseo Oksa(海西獄事), and focused on proving his alleged crimes. The primary accusations included the claim that Kim Su-jeong(金守禎) and the fugitive Kim Han-du(金漢斗) were the same person(“Same-Person Theory”), that Yu Heung-ryeom(柳興廉) had taken refuge in Kim’s home while conspiring to rebel(“lodging Theory”), and that Kim had sought to meet and install Prince Yi Myeong-hyeok(李明赫) as the new ruler(“Go and see Theory”). Particularly, government officials raised the possibility that Kim Su-jeong(金守禎) was, in fact, Kim Han-du(金漢斗), using this claim as justification for establishing a special tribunal Gukcheong(鞫廳). The Gukcheong conducted interrogations focused on the major charges against Kim Su-jeong(金守 禎). While he initially denied most of the allegations, he later claimed that he had been unable to withstand the severe torture inflicted by the Podocheong(捕盜廳) and was coerced into making a false confession. Nevertheless, the Gukcheong(鞫廳) continued its coercive interrogations, ultimately extracting a confession from Kim on the seventh and eighth days, thereby labeling him the leader of the treasonous conspiracy. During the process, Kim Su-jeong and several other prisoners protested that they had been forced to confess or had been coerced into providing false testimony. However, the Gukcheong(鞫廳) disregarded their claims and pressed forward with its aggressive investigation, ultimately securing the desired confessions. This paper does not claim to have fully uncovered the truth behind the Kim Su-jeong(金守禎) case. However, it confirms the possibility of illegal case fabrication and truth concealment in the interrogation procedures of the Podocheong(捕盜廳) and Gukcheong(鞫廳). Lastly, while this study raises concerns about the potential manipulation of interrogation records through the Kim Su-jeong (金守禎) case, it does not seek to generalize such practices across all investigative agencies. Rather, it emphasizes the need for researchers to approach interrogation records with the utmost caution.

청년기 김굉필의 사상 전환과 그 지성사적 배경

이원석 택민국학연구원 2020 국학연구론총 Vol.0 No.25

This article sought to examine why Kim Going-pil(金宏弼) became interested in Sohak(小學) while studying Han Yu(韓愈)’s writing and finally devoted himself to it in the context of the process of ideological change from the Ancient-Prose(古文) movement to the Learning of the Way. Kim’s ideological contribution is to present the prospect of becoming an adult only by becoming proficient in li(禮), not by becoming proficient in ancient-prose. And in this regard, he was different from his teacher Kim Jong-jik(金宗直). However, Kim’s idea that it is possible to reach “Chen-gi(天機; the mechanism of Nature)” right away through studying Sohak shows a slightly different aspect from that of the Zhu Xi(朱熹). Kim’s understanding of Sohak coincides in many ways with that of Xu Heng(許衡) of Yuan(元) Dynasty, who was influenced by Wang Pil(王弼)’s tendency to value “Nature(自然).” Thus, although Kim showed a clear tendency toward Confucianism, on the other hand, he may have dreamed of a “Nature” that he would reach after the perfect mastery of li(禮). This suggests the possibility of a new interpretation of Kim Jong-jik and Kim Going-pil’s ideological connection. Kim Jong-jik claimed, we can reach a stage where we are fluent in sentences(文), and at the same time become one with li(理; principle or pattern). Traditionally, a writer reads change well and a moralist is considered to be faithful to principles, so Kim Jong-jik’s ideal human figure must be a person who reads change well while also faithful to principles. Interestingly, Kim Going-pil, who was seen by Cho Shik(曺植), was exactly like that, and his appearance coincided with the ideal human image presented by Xu Heng. In this way, the continuity between Kim Jong-jik and Kim Going-pil can also be recognized. 이 글은 한훤당 김굉필이 한유의 문장을 공부하다가 소학에 관심을 두고 거기에 헌신하게 된 연유를, 고문운동에서 도학으로 이행하는 사상적 변화 과정의 맥락에서 살펴보고자 했다. 고문(古文)이 아니라, 예(禮)에 능통하게 됨으로써 성인이 될 수 있다는 전망을 분명하게 제시한 것이 김굉필의 사상사적 공헌이며 이 점에서 그는 스승 김종직과 달랐다. 하지만 소학 공부를 통해 곧바로 “천기(天機)”에 도달하려고 했던 김굉필의 청년기 사상은 주자학과 다소 다른 면모를 보여준다. 김굉필의 소학관은 원대(元代)의 노재 허형과 여러모로 일치하는데, 후자는 왕필(王弼)의 “자연(自然)” 중시 경향으로부터 영향을 받고 있었다. 따라서 김굉필은 분명한 유가적 지향을 보이기는 했으나, 예의 완벽한 숙달 이후 도달하게 될 “자연”의 경지를 꿈꾸었을 가능성이 있다. 이는 김종직과 김굉필의 사상적 관련성에 대해 새로운 해석의 가능성을 제시해 준다. 김종직은 문장에 능통한 경지에 도달하는 동시에 도덕적 이치와 하나 되는 경지에 도달할 수 있다고 주장했다. 문장가는 변화를 잘 읽고 도덕가는 원칙에 충실한 존재이므로, 김종직의 이상적 인간상은 변화를 잘 읽는 동시에 원칙에도 충실한 사람이다. 남명 조식이 파악했던 김굉필은 역시 그런 인간상과 일치하며, 이는 노재 허형이 제시했던 인간상과도 일치한다.