蒙山 看話의 비판적 연구

정성욱(Jeong, Seong-wook) 불교학연구회 2011 불교학연구 Vol.30 No.-

한국불교 간화선은 고려시대 이후로 몽산의 직접적인 영향을 받아왔다. 그러나 그러한 몽산의 간화는 대혜의 간화와 비교해 볼 때 많은 사상적 변화가 보인다. 그 이유로 인하여 오늘날 한국불교 간화선은 그 정신을 살리지 못하고 간화선 수행자는 방향을 잃고 있으며 오직 신비적 그늘 속에서 안주하고 있는 것이 현실이다. 이에 본고는 한국불교 간화선이 활발발함을 잃은 이유를 몽산의 간화에서 찾고 몽산의 일대기를 분석하여 문제점을 연구하고자 한다. 먼저 몽산의 간화의 특징을 분석하기 위한 연구방법으로 대혜의 간화와 비교해 보고자 한다. 첫째, 대혜의 간화의 특징을 살펴보면 ‘발견하는 화두’라고 부를 수 있다. 이것은 우리 생활의 곳곳에서 누구나 찾을 수 있고 확인할 수 있는 마음의 존재적 형상을 묘사한 것으로 일체에 두루한 모습을 갖고 있다. 그래서 존재적 화두라고 명명하였다. 둘째, 몽산의 간화의 특징은 ‘만드는 화두’라고 칭하였다. 이것은 한 개인의 노력에 의하여 많은 번뇌망상을 극복하고 고행과 공력으로써 한 생각을 만들어 가는 것을 말하는 것으로 ‘수행적 화두’라고 부를 수 있다. 그러나 이러한 수행적 화두는 한 경계를 깨달을 때 까지 무한한 노력이 필요하여 성공할 확률이 거의 없으므로 오늘날 간화선이 수행자로부터 외면 받게 되었고 중생제도는 요원한 일이 되어버린 원인이 되었다. 이에 본고는 오늘날 한국불교 간화선 침체의 원인이 몽산의 간화에서 비롯되었다고 보고 몽산의 생애, 좌선과 화두에 대한 몽산의 개념, 몽산의 수행과정, 그리고 인가에서 그 예를 찾아서 분석하고자 한다. The Gwan-Hwa-Seon(看話禪) of Korean Buddhism has been influenced directly by Meng-shan(蒙山). But Gwan-Hwa(看話) of Meng-shan(蒙山) can be seen as having many ideological changes compared to the Gwan-Hwa(看話) of Dae-hye(大慧). Due to this, the reality of Gwan-Hwa-Seon(看話禪) of modern Korean Buddhism cannot uphold its true spirit and practitioners of the Gwan-Hwa-Seon(看話禪) have lost direction and are content on being within the shade of mystery. Therefore this study will research the reasons that Gwan-Hwa-Seon(看話禪) of Korean Buddhism has lost its vigor in the Gwan-Hwa(看話) of Meng-shan(蒙山) and through an analysis of Meng-shan’s(蒙山) biography analyze the problem. By the method of comparison with Gwan-Hwa(看話) of Dae-hye(大慧), I will try to analyze the characteristics of Meng-shan(蒙山)’s Gwan-Hwa(看話). First, if you look at the characteristics of Dae-hye’s Gwan-Hwa, it can be called ‘Discovering Hwa-Du(話頭)’. This is the description of the existential appearances of the mind that can be found and confirmed in various aspects of our lives, which has the appearance of all things. That is why it is called ‘Existential Hwa-Du(存在的 話頭)’. Second, another characteristic of Meng-shan’s Gwan-Hwa(看話) is ‘Creating Hwa-Du.’ This can be called ‘Disciplinal Hwa-Du’ whereby you overcome the many delusions of worldly desires through a personal effort and build a thought through self-mortification and labor. However, there is little chance in succeeding with ‘Disciplinal Hwa-Du’ because it requires infinite effort to achieve enlightenment. Thus, today the Gwan-Hwa-Seon(看話禪) is ignored by the practitioners of Korean Buddhism and has become a cause of indifference with regard to saving mankin. Therefore in this thesis, I think that the cause for stagnation in Gwan-Hwa-Seon(看話禪) Korean Buddhism today originated from Meng-shan’s Gwan-Hwa(看話), I will analyze examples to be found in Meng-shan’s(蒙山) biography, Meng-shan’s concept about Sitting in Seon Meditation(坐禪) and Hwa-Du, Meng-shan’s disciplinal course, and method of Permission(認可).

동아시아의 징관(澄觀)화엄 계승과 그 역사적 전개

김용태(Yong Tae Kim) 동국대학교 불교문화연구원 2012 佛敎學報 Vol.0 No.61

본고는 중국 華嚴敎學의 집성자인 澄觀사상의 동아시아적 전개와 계승을 중국 송대와 조선후기 화엄교학에 초점을 맞추어 고찰한 것이다. 송대 화엄교학의 특징은 法藏과 징관 화엄의 대비구도로 이해된다. 징관과 宗密의 사상을 계승한 觀復의 『會解記』는 화엄의 ``同敎一乘``을 강조하여 諸敎융합적인 송대의 교학경향에 부합하였고, 화엄 ``別敎一乘``의 절대성을 강조한 師會계통은 법장교학을 계승하여 화엄 우위의 정통주의를 표방하였다. 조선후기에는 禪, 敎, 念佛을 병행하는 三門체계가 정립되었고 看話禪과 화엄으로 대표되는 禪敎兼修가 추구되었다. 중국 嘉興大藏經의 징관 『華嚴疏,抄』가 17세기말 조선에 유입되고 유통되면서 화엄 講學이 성행하고 주석서 私記저술이 본격화되었으며 18세기에는 ``화엄의 시대``라고 할 만큼 교학을 중시하는 경향이 나타났다. 즉 징관 화엄이 큰 영향을 미치면서 화엄은 선종의 祖師禪과 동격으로 이해되었고 선과교의 두 전통이 병립하여 계승되었다. Determined in this article, is how the Buddhist teaching of Jing`gwan/澄觀, who is known to have ``completed`` the Hwa`eom-based Academic Buddhism(華嚴敎學) in China, was spreaded throughout regions of East Asia, as well as how it was relayed to the following generations of Buddhist priests. Such determination will be made by examining the Hwa`eom-based Academic Buddhism that not only prevailed inside the Chinese Sung dynasty, but also prospered in the Korean Joseon dynasty in its latter half period. The main characteristic of Chinese Sung`s Hwa`eom-based Academic Buddhism is the coexistence of Beob`jang/法藏`s Hwa`eom teachings and Jing`gwan`s Hwa`eom teachings. Gwanbok`/觀復`s 『Hwe`hae-gi/會解記』, which inherited the thoughts and teaching of Jing`gwan and Jong`mil/宗密, emphasized the Hwa`eom teaching`s ``同敎一乘(Dong`gyo Il`seung: All academic Buddhism share the same importance)`` principle, and maintained a close relationship with the attitude of academic Buddhism of Sung, which tried to invite all kinds of academic Buddhism and gather them together. On the other hand, the line of Sa`hwe/師會emphasized the ultimate nature of Hwa`eom`s another supposed principle ``別敎一乘(Byeol` gyo Il`seung: a particular type of academic Buddhism comes before all else).`` He inherited Beob`jang`s teachings, and claimed the status of legitimacy which usually considered Hwa`eom teachings above all else. In the latter half period of the Joseon dynasty, a three-pronged system (Sam`mun/三門), which included character-building pursuits of Zen(禪), academic studies of buddhism(敎), and the Yeombul/念佛practices, was established. Also, the teachings of both Gan`hwa Zen(看話禪) and Hwa`eom studies were pursued at the same time by the same people(禪敎兼修). Jing`gwan`s acclaimed writings of 『Hwa`eom So-Cho/華嚴疏,抄』, inside China`s Ga`heung Grand Collection of Sutras(嘉興大藏經), was introduced to the Joseon people at the end of the 17th century, and after that preaches of Hwa`eom`s teaching increased, while the publications of ``private memorandums(私記),`` which were actually proofread commentary versions of the original texts, became a new norm. The pursuit of academic Buddhism became so dominant, that the 18th century was actually called the ``Era of Hwa`eom.`` With the influences of Jing`gwan`s Hwa`eom teachings strongly appreciated more than ever, Hwa`eom teachings came to be considered as positioned at the same level of Zen Buddhism`s Josa Zen(祖師禪) teachings. Such atmosphere enabled traditions of both Zen Buddhism and Academic Buddhism to be adequately succeeded by the Joseon(Korean) people.

「천관산기」 통해 본 ‘호남(湖南)’ 불교계

신선혜 한국역사연구회 2023 역사와 현실 Vol.- No.129

In case of the Cheon’gwan-san mountain, trying to understand the exact history of individual Buddhist monasteries located there, or artifacts found there, is not an easy task. The earliest extant record Cheon’gwan-san-gi, written by Cheonin at the end of the Goryeo period, does not specify all the details either. But in the early 13th century, which was the time of Cheon’gwansan-gi’s creation, there was the rise of the Baek’ryeon(白蓮) Buddhist movement occurring in the Gangjin area which was not that far from Mt. Cheon’gwan, and most of all, Cheon’gwan-san-gi’s author Cheonin was the Master priest of the Baek’ryeon-sa temple. So in a sense, this memorium does let us know important aspects of the Goryeo Buddhist community of the time. And the fact that Cheon’gwan-san-gi was written on a previous first draft, which would have contained important information of Buddhism at Mt. Cheon’gwan prior to the 13th century, makes this particular record all the more important. In this article Cheon’gwan-san-gi is examined from four angles, and the results are as follow. First of all, the first draft of Cheon’gwan-san-gi must have been created during the reign of King Heon’gang-wang, by a Cheon’gwan-san mountain faction in an effort to highlight the mountain’s history and status. Cheonin later completed the memorium by reflecting changes in regional names and contemporary situations. Secondly, both Cheon’gwan-sa and Tabsan-sa monasteries which were founded on Mt. Cheon’gwan during the reign of King Aejang-wang seem to have enabled various beliefs including the Cheon’gwan Bottisatva(天冠菩薩信仰) belief, the Hwa’eom Shinjung(華嚴神衆信仰) belief, Jeongto(淨土, Pure land) belief and Yaksa(藥師) belief to prevail. Thirdly, various aspects in the first draft of Cheon’gwan-san-gi seems to be reflecting Cheonin’s Yushim(唯心) “Buddhist land” view of himself. And fourthly, the reference to the Jeolla-do province as ‘Honam(湖南)’ in Cheonin’s other works –alongside Cheon’gwan-san-gi – in Dongmunseon seems to be the result of an effort trying to view Mt. Cheon’gwan and the adjacent area as a cultural whole. All these angles urge us to view Cheon’gwan-san-gi in the context of both Shilla and Goryeo history, as it would also lead us to understand the nature of the Buddhist community in the Honam region at the time.

조선후기 예장용 쓰개류에 관한 고찰 -족두리,화관을 중심으로-

전혜숙 ( Hea Sook Chun ),박수옥 ( Soo Ok Park ) 한국가정과학회 2002 한국가정과학회지 Vol.5 No.2

This study focuses on the ideas that Chok-Du-Ri(簇頭理)·Hwa-Gwan(花冠) are mentioned a substitute preventing abuses of luxury mood by Gache(加遞) as the sharpest social problem at that time. First, the origin of Chok-Du-Ri(簇頭理) was introduced from Ko-Ko-Gwan(古古冠) of Mongo(蒙古) in Korea dynasty, then was linked to Chosun. That is, Ko-Ko(古古) started from headgear reflecting spiritual view of the northen people, its size was getting smaller passing through Ming(明) dynasty, its essential decoration changed and it carried out Jeon-Ja(鈿子) remaining decoration nature by real accessories, then it might be descended to Chosun. Second, Hwa-Gwan(花冠) is very different from Nanaec(暖額) of Chosun Dynasty Records, rather Jeonja, the original form of Chok-Du-Ri, is more similar to it. Third, its decoration like color, jewel, pattern etc influenced wishes of this life like sex, prosperity, glory, longevity, blessing, wealth and fame. Fourth, Chok-Du-Ri(簇頭理) was restored a substitute for Gache(加遞), it was accessory for preventing luxury life, besides it was modeled from headgear in China, Chosun people had it. It is worthwhile as it was based on Chosun Sinocentrism(朝鮮中華主義) in the latter period of Chosun and made it the fruit of that age. Moreover, in those days Qing(淸) society accepted the advanced culture and institutional profit of Qing(淸) actually, social mood is that home and overseas policy was corrected in many parts, Chok-Du-Ri·Hwa-Gwan were mentioned a substitute of Gache, symbol of luxury. It shows one part of Practical Thought that abolishes vanity and affectation and makes useful profits in the latter period of Chosun.

조선 태조 4년 國行水陸齋 설행과 그 의미

강호선 서울대학교 규장각한국학연구원 2013 한국문화 Vol.62 No.-

Examined in this article, is Guk’haeng Su’ryuk-jae which was held at the Sam’hwa-sa temple(三和寺), Gyeon’am-sa temple(見巖寺), and the Gwan’eum-gul temple(觀音窟) in 1395(the 4th year of king Taejo’s reign). It was the frist Guk’haeng Su’ryuk-jae performed in the Joseon Dynasty. This Su’ryuk-jae was arranged as a Salvation ceremony(薦度) for the dead King Gong’yang-wang(恭讓王), as well as the ‘Wang royal family(王氏)’ mostly eliminated a year ago. This rite was designed to reveal the generosity and benevolence of the new dynasty and the new king at the helm. It was an event with a political agenda for sure, but the decision to choose Su’ryuk-jae as the primary method of salvation rites for the Wangs was instrumental in enabling Su’ryuk-jae to become a rather popular form of Buddhist ritual throughout the Joseon dynasty. And added to that, the procedures observed in this Su’ryuk-jae became the basic model for Guk’haeng Su’ryuk-jae which followed later on. Analyzed in this article are relevant and extant data which concerned the National Su’ryuk-jae rituals held in 1395, and as a result a mistake caused by misinterpretation of old documents was rectified. Previously, it was believed that King Taejo printed and published total of 37 volumes of Su’ryuk Eui’mun(水陸儀文), but reexamination of the materials reveals that the number of volumes was actually 21. Also the contents of “Record of the Su’ryuk-jae held at Sam’hwa-sa in the Eul’hae year(乙亥年三和寺行水陸齋疏)” are presented as a new material for examination of the academic community. It is practical to suggest the possibility of the Sam’hwa-sa temple being the Weon’chal(願刹) monastery of King Gong’yang-wang and the portrait(眞影) of King Gong’yang-wang was held that temple during performing Su’ryuk-jae for him. In this article, it is newly determined that the National Su’ryuk-jae in 1395 was actually ‘not’ arranged for the spirits of the people killed in the midst of the birth of a new dynasty as mentioned in previous studies, and instead that the objects of the rituals for each of the three temples were ‘predesignated.’ Examined in this article, is Guk’haeng Su’ryuk-jae which was held at the Sam’hwa-sa temple(三和寺), Gyeon’am-sa temple(見巖寺), and the Gwan’eum-gul temple(觀音窟) in 1395(the 4th year of king Taejo’s reign). It was the frist Guk’haeng Su’ryuk-jae performed in the Joseon Dynasty. This Su’ryuk-jae was arranged as a Salvation ceremony(薦度) for the dead King Gong’yang-wang(恭讓王), as well as the ‘Wang royal family(王氏)’ mostly eliminated a year ago. This rite was designed to reveal the generosity and benevolence of the new dynasty and the new king at the helm. It was an event with a political agenda for sure, but the decision to choose Su’ryuk-jae as the primary method of salvation rites for the Wangs was instrumental in enabling Su’ryuk-jae to become a rather popular form of Buddhist ritual throughout the Joseon dynasty. And added to that, the procedures observed in this Su’ryuk-jae became the basic model for Guk’haeng Su’ryuk-jae which followed later on. Analyzed in this article are relevant and extant data which concerned the National Su’ryuk-jae rituals held in 1395, and as a result a mistake caused by misinterpretation of old documents was rectified. Previously, it was believed that King Taejo printed and published total of 37 volumes of Su’ryuk Eui’mun(水陸儀文), but reexamination of the materials reveals that the number of volumes was actually 21. Also the contents of “Record of the Su’ryuk-jae held at Sam’hwa-sa in the Eul’hae year(乙亥年三和寺行水陸齋疏)” are presented as a new material for examination of the academic community. It is practical to suggest the possibility of the Sam’hwa-sa temple being the Weon’chal(願刹) monastery of King Gong’yang-wang and the portrait(眞影) of King Gong’yang-wang was held that temple during performing Su’ryuk-jae for him. In this article, it is newly determined that the National Su’ryuk-jae in 1395 was actually ‘not’ arranged for the spirits of the people killed in the midst of the birth of a new dynasty as mentioned in previous studies, and instead that the objects of the rituals for each of the three temples were ‘predesignated.’

이왕직아악부의 궁내성 출장과 궁중음악의 변화

이수정 한국음악사학회 2023 한국음악사학보 Vol.70 No.-

This study aims to examine the changes in court music during the 1930s by examining the 1936 travel report of Japan’s Kungnaesŏng, which is included in Chosŏn aak in Changsŏgak. The purpose of the trip, as stated in the travel report written by Ham Hwa-chin, the president of aak, and Kim Dŏk-Kyu, the head of aak, was to watch the open concert held by Kunaicho and to tour the Akpu. Ham Hwa-chin’s travel reports, “The Tour of Kunaicho and the Research Overview,” describes the status and operation of the Akpu, the music performed, and the operation of the members, while “The Review of Attending the Akpu Concerts” records his impressions of the Akpu concerts, which both Western and aak instruments were played as an orchestral music. Regarding the concerts, Ham Hwa-chin expressed confusion about the future direction of Yiwangjik aakpu and the preservation of Chosŏn aak. This was due to the forceful demands for change imposed by Japan, leaving no other option but to accept them. Kim Dŏk-Kyu’s travel report summarizes the advice of the deputy director, Chiei Yidaka, whom he met in Tokyo. The advice was for the members of the aak to be disciplined and not to indulge in extravagance, and that they should especially make efforts to create new songs. This indicates that they forced the aak members to cooperate with the upcoming schedule in a crude way, questioning their lifestyles or learning attitudes. Although the travel reports were written in the names of the two aak members, the reports provide evidence of the ways in which the Japanese Kungnaesŏng officials were involved in the operation of Yiwangjik aakpu. Based on the travel reports, this study also examines the state of court music during the 1930s. Yiwangjik aakpu’s musical activities outside the palace included Chosŏn Shrine (1926), Chosŏn Governor-General’s House in Yongsan (1926), Fair Hall (1929), Outdoor Event Hall in Ch'anggyŏnggung (1924), Kyŏngsŏng Broadcasting Station (1928), and Pumin'gwan (1938). Following the death of King Sunjong, the activities of Yiwangjik aakpu already changed drastically. After a business trip to Kungnaesŏng, Yiwangjik aakpu played songs praising the Japanese Empire composed in Western music with Korea’s traditional instrument. By investigating the status of Yiwangjik aakpu which changed according to the Japanese colonial policy, this study reveals numerous changes in the tradition of Korean court music during that period. 조선아악 에 수록된 이왕직아악부의 1936년 일본 궁내성 출장 복명서를 고찰하여 1930년대 궁중음악의 변화에 대해 살펴보았다. 아악사장 함화진과 아악수장 김덕규가 작성한 복명서에 밝힌 출장목적은 악부에서 주최하는 아악공개연주회를 관람하고 악부를 견학하는 것이었다. 함화진의 ‘궁내성악부견학과 조사개요’에는 악부의 현황 및 운영, 연주 악곡과 악생운영 상황, ‘악부연주회참관소감’은 서양악기와 아악기를 혼합관현악으로 연주하는 악부연주회를 본 소감을 기록하고 있다. 공연 관람 후 함화진은 아악부의 향후 방향성과 아악의 전통에 대해 혼란스러워하고 있다. 변화에 대한 요구, 즉 아악부 갱생에 대한 요구가 있었고 이 부분을 수용할 수밖에 없었기 때문이다. 또한 이왕직아악부의 도쿄 공연에 대한 논의도 담겨있다. 김덕규의 출장 복명서는 동경에서 만난 이우공부사무관 이이타카 치에이(飯高治衛)의 충고를 정리한 것이다. 내용은 함화진의 문서에도 있는 규율을 지키고 사치하지 말라는 내용으로 동일하지만, 특히 아악의 신곡신작을 위해 노력해야 한다고 하였다. 출장지에서 아악부원의 생활태도, 학습태도를 문제 삼는 치졸한 방식으로 향후 일정에 협조하라는 압박하고 있는 상황을 알 수 있다. 이 출장 복명서는 아악부원의 이름으로 작성되었지만 궁내성관계자가 이왕직아악부의 운영에 어떠한 방법으로 관여했는지 확인할 수 있는 증거가 되는 문서이다. 이어서 이 출장 복명서를 중심으로 1930년 전후 궁중음악계의 상황을 살펴보았다. 이왕직아악부의 궐 밖 음악활동으로 조선신궁(1926), 용산의 조선총독관저(1926), 박람회장(1929), 창경궁 야외행사장(1924), 경성방송국(1928), 부민관(1938)이 있는데, 순종 승하 이후 급격하게 증가한 궐 밖 음악 활동 양상과 궁내성 출장 이후에 벌여진 부민관 공연 활동을 주목하여 살펴보았다. 본 연구를 통해 일제 식민정책에 따라 이왕직아악부의 음악적 전통에 변화가 있었음을 파악하는 성과가 있었다.

華夷觀과 文明ㆍ野蠻觀의 思惟 接點과 批判的 省察

이경구 한국유교학회 2009 유교사상문화연구 Vol.35 No.-

'Hwa-Ih-gwan/華夷觀', which for a long time had perceived the East Asian world as a space composed of different level of layers, also perceived the East Asian world as one which had 'dual' meanings, and dual aspirations. On one hand, it emphasized the fact(or notion) that races or peoples were inherently different, by their very nature. On the other, it supported the notion that it was possible to 'remodel' a race or people with the generally embraced qualities of a universal('superior') culture as a barometer. Such duality, in terms of meaning and aspiration, was actually very similar to another kind of structural duality that was displayed inside the modern East Asian community, in which the general notion of (the coexistence of) 'Civilized' and 'Barbaric', and concepts of discrimination and remodeling tagged to such notions, practically all coexisted. Examined in this article, are the paths such notions and aspirations actually took, and also at what points they came across and philosophically encountered each other. And in the end of such examination, hopefully the similarities among certain 'critical analyses' of such notion of discrimination that existed in both the premodern periods and the modern period, produced and provided by the intellects of East Asia, would be determined. The premodern period's intellects in East Asia all presented different levels of emphasis upon the meaning of 'Hwa-Ih-gwan/華夷觀', based upon their own times and places. Yet coming into the 18th century, the 'Hwa-Ih-gwan' perceptions of each of the three countries in (North)-east Asia started to exhibit noticeable changes within in their own. Joseon dynasty's Hong Dae Yong figured that when an entity, keenly aware of the 'relativity' of individual entities, could abandon and simply drop its own perception of itself as a sort of 'center', and only then one could acknowledge and appreciate the unique and natural values of other entities(in this case, countries) as well. On the other hand, Qing dynasty's Yongzheng emperor figured that the position of 'Civilized' and 'Barbaric' could always shift, as one could remodel itself to practice general(universal) virtues and morals. Yet in his case it was not like a goal was set to eliminate the differences between races and peoples. It was rather a notion that demanded the self-realization to be taken on the part of 'barbaric ones'. And as a third example, Japan's Asami Keisai acknowledged the relative nature of individual entities, yet argued that 'self-centered' notion of oneself be reinforced, and the absolute fix (in terms of acting and perceiving things) upon oneself be maintained. Since the beginning of the modern period, the Western style perception of the 'civilized and barbaric' that East Asia came into contact for the first time, continued to conflict and clash wish the existing 'Hwa-Ih-gwan' perception. The concepts that were originally built inside 'Hwa-Ih-gwan' were replaced with new ones such as 'civilized' and 'barbaric' from the outside world. Yet the process was never a unilateral replacement. A merging was also happening at the same time. The process itself was made possible because there was already a background, namely concepts and terms that served the very purpose similar to those served by the aforementioned, newly imported concepts regarding 'the civilized and the barbaric'. In the meantime, the East Asian intellects tried to present alternatives that could go beyond the concept of civilized and barbaric. They did not acknowledge the Western civilization as an absolute model or barometer to be observed or abided by. They suggested the existence of a 'General civilization', and then emphasized the relative importance of the sub-cultures under the influence of such general civilization. Their discussions turned out to be quite similar to the process which was featured by certain efforts in the 18th century designed to overcome the traditional 'Hwa-Ih-gwan' perception. They... 동아시아를 차등 공간으로 보았던 華夷觀은 이중 의미를 지니고 있었다. 종족 또는 민족성을 강조하는 차별 의식과 보편 문화를 통한 개조 가능성이 그것이다. 그 이중성은 근대 동아시아 사회가 접한 문명ㆍ야만관의 보편 및 차별ㆍ개조라는 의미와 구조적으로 닮아 있다. 본고는 그 사유 구조의 접점을 지적하는 데서 출발한다. 한편 동아시아의 지성들은 전근대와 근대에 걸쳐 그 차별 논리를 비판적으로 성찰하고 있었다. 그 비판의 논리적 유사성을 검증하는 작업이 본고의 도착점이다. 전근대 동아시아의 지성들은 화이관의 의미를 시대와 처지에 따라 다양하게 강조하였다. 그러나 18세기 이후 동아시아 3국의 화이관은 중대한 변화를 보였다. 조선의 홍대용은 個物의 상대성을 인지한 주체가 ‘자기 중심성’을 폐기한다면 각각의 고유한 가치를 상호 승인할 수 있다고 생각하였다. 청의 雍正帝는 보편 윤리를 실현한다면 화이가 언제든 바뀔 수 있다고 보았지만, 그 목적은 이질성의 극복이 아니라 이민족의 자각이었다. 일본의 아사미 케이사이는 주체의 상대성을 승인하였지만 자기 중심성을 강화하여 주체의 절대성을 지향하였다. 근대 이후 동아시아가 접한 서구식 문명ㆍ야만관은 기존의 화이관과 충돌을 일으켰다. 화이 개념에 연관된 개념들은 문명ㆍ야만에 연관된 새로운 개념들로 대체되었다. 그러나 전환의 한편에 습합 또한 일어나고 있었다. 그것은 이미 문명ㆍ야만과 유사한 어의가 있었기 때문에 가능했다. 적어도 수용을 위한 발판은 내재했던 것이다. 한편 동아시아 지성들은 문명ㆍ야만을 넘어서는 대안을 성찰하기도 하였다. 그들은 서구 문명을 절대적 기준으로 인정하지 않았으며, 보편 문명을 설정하고 그 하위에 존재하는 문명들의 상대성을 강조하였다. 그들의 논의는 18세기 화이관 극복의 과정과 유사하다. 나아가 그들은 화려한 서구 문명의 이면에 내재한 부조리와 침략성을 지적하며, 각 문명의 조화 속에 이루어지는 평화적 국제 질서를 구상하였다. 그들의 성찰은 선진화ㆍ세계화가 여전히 일방으로 작용하는 지금의 동아시아 질서를 탈주하는 또 하나의 길이 될 수 있다

八脈交會穴 중 外關과 足臨泣의 主治에 관한 小考

류서원 한국사상문화학회 2015 韓國思想과 文化 Vol.77 No.-

This study compared and analyzed medical books such as ‘Dong-ui-bo-gam’, ‘Bang-yak-hap-pyeon’, ‘Ui-hak-im-mun’, ‘Man-byeong-hoi-chun’ and ‘Geum-gyue-yo- ryak’ for medications according to physiological and pathological concepts of Eight Confluent Acupoints(八脈交會穴), its yuju(流注) and places of acupuncture point, and its correlation and ju-chi(主治). Pal-maek-gyo-hoi-hyeol was named first in ‘Chim-gyeong-ji-nam(鍼經指南)’ in Geumdae(金代). It is composed of 4 pairs: oi-gwan(外關) and jog-im-eup(足臨泣), hu-gye(後谿) and shin-maek(申脈), nae-gwan(內關) and gong-son(公孫), and yeol-gyeol(列缺) and jo-hae(照海); the root of human body is the dynamic energy of yang(陽) filled with energy in the ends of arms and legs; the starting point is the sang-ha-bae-hyeol-beop(上下配穴法) full of energy and blood; it refers to 8 acupuncture points that clinically remove sagi(邪氣), and its range of treatment is wide and effective because the action of meridians meeting together is more favorable for diagnosis and effect than bi-gyo-hoi-hyeol(非交會穴). Physiological and pathological concepts of oi-gwan and jok-im-eup are the same as triple energiger meridian and gallbladder meridian; yu-jus(流注) of oi-gwan and jok-im-eup are also identical with the relevant meridian system. As for the correlation(相關關係) of oi-gwan and jok-im-eup, there are correlation of yuk-chin(六親), of circulation route, and of five element-coexistence; yuk-chin classified oi-gwan as woman and jok-im-eup as man; circulation routes are triple energiger meridian and gallbladder meridian; five element-coexistence classified oi-gwan as hwa(火) and jok-im-eup as mok(木). Ju-chi(主治) and effects of oi-gwan and jok-im-eup is ban-pyo-ban-ni-jeung(半表半裏症) developed in the side parts of body related to so-yang-byeong(小陽炳) in arms and legs and diseases in yang linking vessel meridian and dae-maek(帶脈); they cure diseases in cheuk-hyung-bu(側胸部), cheuk-yo-bu(側腰部) and sang-ha-ji-cheuk-oi-bu(上下肢側外部), migraine caused by flu, i-myeong(耳鳴), laryngalgia, hyung-hyeop-tong(胸脇痛), unfavorable menstruation, yu-nyo(遺尿), yu-ong(乳癰), Bell’s palsy, hyeon-hun(眩暈), nak-chim(落枕), hemiplegia, pains in breast and limbs, paralyzed limbs, pneumonia, malaria, eye inflammation, elbow gul-shin-bul-li(屈伸不利), and mok-oi-ja(目外眥). Medications according to ju-chi of oi-gwan and jok-im-eup are mentioned in ‘Chim-bang-yuk-jip(針方六集)⋅Bang-tong-jip(旁通集)’:so-shi-ho-tang(小柴胡湯), dae-shi-ho-tang(大柴胡湯), bang-pung-tong-seong-san(防風通聖散), on-dam-tang (溫膽湯) and sam-hwa-tang(三和湯). These drugs have an attribute of sa-gi-hwa-hae-yak(邪氣和解藥) and effects of bal-yeol-hwa-hae(發熱和解) and sa-gi-sa-ha(邪氣瀉下), as their tastes affect heart, liver, gall bladder and large intestine. 본 연구는 팔맥교회혈(八脈交會穴)의 유주(流注) 및 혈의 위치와 팔맥교회혈의 상호 연관성⋅주치(主治)에 따른 약물처방으로 동의보감⋅방약합편⋅의학입문⋅만병회춘⋅금궤요략⋅의종금감의 의서(醫書)를 비교 분석하였다. 팔맥교회혈은 금대(金代) 최초로 『침경지남(鍼經指南)』에 부르기 시작하였으며, 외관(外關)과 족임읍(足臨泣), 후계(後谿)와 신맥(申脈), 내관(內關)과 공손(公孫), 열결(列缺)과 조해(照海)의 4쌍으로 팔과 다리의 말단은 기(氣)가 충만한 동적(動的)인 양(陽)의 기운이 인체의 근본이며, 시작의 부위가 기와 혈이 풍부한 상하배혈법(上下配穴法)으로써 교회하는 경맥의 작용이 비교회혈(非交會穴)보다 진단과 효과에 유리하여 치료범위가 넓고, 효과적인 침의 혈로 임상에서 사기(邪氣)를 제거하는 8개의 혈자리를 말한다. 외관과 족임읍은 그 정경인 수소양삼초경 및 족소양담경과 동일하며, 외관과 족임읍의 유주(流注) 또한 해당되는 경락과 일치한다. 외관과 족임읍의 상관관계(相關關係)로 육친의 상관성⋅순환노선의 상관성⋅오행상생의 상관성 등이 있는데 육친은 외관을 여자⋅족임읍을 남자로 구분하였으며, 순환노선은 수소양삼초경과 족소양담경이고, 오행상생은 외관을 화(火)⋅족임읍을 목(木)으로 하였다. 외관과 족임읍의 주치(主治)와 효능은 팔과 다리의 소양병과 양유맥 및 대맥의 질병과 관련되는 신체의 측면부분에 발생된 반표반리증(半表半裏症)으로 측흉부(側胸部)⋅측요부(側腰部)⋅상하지측외부(上下肢側外部)의 질환과 감기에 의한 편두통⋅이명(耳鳴)⋅후두통⋅흉협통(胸脇痛)⋅월경불리⋅유뇨(遺尿)⋅유옹(乳癰)⋅구완와사⋅현훈(眩暈)⋅낙침(落枕)⋅반신불수⋅유방과 수족의 통증⋅수족의 마비⋅폐렴⋅학질⋅결막염⋅팔꿈치의 굴신불리(屈伸不利)⋅목외자(目外眥) 등을 다스린다. 외관과 족임읍의 주치에 따른 약물 처방은 『침방육집(針方六集)⋅방통집(旁通集)』에 나타나 있는데, 소양경의 인체측면부를 치료하는 소시호탕⋅대시호탕⋅방풍통성산⋅온담탕⋅삼화탕으로 이들의 약물은 사기화해약(邪氣和解藥)의 성질과 맛이 심장⋅간⋅쓸개⋅대장으로 귀경(歸經)하여 발열화해(發熱和解)와 사기사하(邪氣瀉下)하는 효능이 있다.

특별기고 : 八脈交會穴(팔맥교회혈) 중 外關(외관)과 足臨泣(족림읍)의 主治(주치)에 관한 小考(소고)

류서원 ( Seo Won Ryu ) 한국사상문화학회 2015 韓國思想과 文化 Vol.77 No.-

본 연구는 팔맥교회혈(八脈交會穴)의 유주(流注) 및 혈의 위치와 팔맥교회혈의 상호 연관성ㆍ주치(主治)에 따른 약물처방으로 동의보감ㆍ방약합편ㆍ의학입문ㆍ만병회춘ㆍ금궤요략ㆍ의종금감의 의서(醫書)를 비교 분석하였다. 팔맥교회혈은 금대(金代) 최초로 『침경지남(鍼經指南)』에 부르기 시작하였으며, 외관(外關)과 족임읍(足臨泣), 후계(後谿)와 신맥(申脈), 내관(內關)과 공손(公孫), 열결(列缺)과 조해(照海)의 4쌍으로 팔과 다리의 말단은기(氣)가 충만한 동적(動的)인 양(陽)의 기운이 인체의 근본이며, 시작의 부위가 기와 혈이 풍부한 상하배혈법(上下配穴法)으로써 교회하는 경맥의 작용이 비교회혈(非交會穴)보다 진단과 효과에 유리하여 치료범위가넓고, 효과적인 침의 혈로 임상에서 사기(邪氣)를 제거하는 8개의 혈자리를 말한다. 외관과 족임읍은 그 정경인 수소양삼초경 및 족소양담경과 동일하며, 외관과 족임읍의 유주(流注) 또한 해당되는 경락과 일치한다. 외관과 족 임읍의 상관관계(相關關係)로 육친의 상관성ㆍ순환노선의 상관성ㆍ오행 상생의 상관성 등이 있는데 육친은 외관을 여자ㆍ족임읍을 남자로 구분하였으며, 순환노선은 수소양삼초경과 족소양담경이고, 오행상생은 외관을 화(火)ㆍ족임읍을 목(木)으로 하였다. 외관과 족임읍의 주치(主治)와 효능은 팔과 다리의 소양병과 양유맥및 대맥의 질병과 관련되는 신체의 측면부분에 발생된 반표반리증(半表 半裏症)으로 측흉부(側胸部)ㆍ측요부(側腰部)ㆍ상하지측외부(上下肢側外部)의 질환과 감기에 의한 편두통ㆍ이명(耳鳴)ㆍ후두통ㆍ흉협통(胸脇痛)ㆍ월 경불리ㆍ유뇨(遺尿)ㆍ유옹(乳癰)ㆍ구완와사ㆍ현훈(眩暈)ㆍ낙침(落枕)ㆍ반신불수ㆍ유방과 수족의 통증ㆍ수족의 마비ㆍ폐렴ㆍ학질ㆍ결막염ㆍ팔꿈치의 굴신불리(屈伸不利)ㆍ목외자(目外□) 등을 다스린다. 외관과 족임읍의 주치에 따른 약물 처방은 『침방육집(針方六集)ㆍ방통집(旁通集)』에 나타나 있는데, 소양경의 인체측면부를 치료하는 소시호탕ㆍ대시호탕ㆍ방풍통성산ㆍ온담탕ㆍ삼화탕으로 이들의 약물은 사기 화해약(邪氣和解藥)의 성질과 맛이 심장ㆍ간ㆍ쓸개ㆍ대장으로 귀경(歸經)하여 발열화해(發熱和解)와 사기사하(邪氣瀉下)하는 효능이 있다. This study compared and analyzed medical books such as ‘Dong-ui-bo-gam’, ‘Bang-yak-hap-pyeon’, ‘Ui-hak-im-mun’, ‘Man-byeong-hoi-chun’ and ‘Geum-gyue-yoryak’ for medications according to physiological and pathological concepts of Eight Confluent Acupoints(八脈交會穴), its yuju(流注) and places of acupuncture point, and its correlation and ju-chi(主治). Pal-maek-gyo-hoi-hyeol was named first in ‘Chim-gyeong-ji-nam(鍼經指南)’ in Geumdae(金代). It is composed of 4 pairs: oi-gwan(外關) and jog-im-eup(足臨 泣), hu-gye(後谿) and shin-maek(申脈), nae-gwan(內關) and gong-son(公孫), and yeol-gyeol(列缺) and jo-hae(照海); the root of human body is the dynamic energy of yang(陽) filled with energy in the ends of arms and legs; the starting point is the sang-ha-bae-hyeol-beop(上下配穴法) full of energy and blood; it refers to 8 acupuncture points that clinically remove sagi(邪氣), and its range of treatment is wide and effective because the action of meridians meeting together is more favorable for diagnosis and effect than bi-gyo-hoi-hyeol(非交會穴). Physiological and pathological concepts of oi-gwan and jok-im-eup are the same as triple energiger meridian and gallbladder meridian; yu-jus(流注) of oi-gwan and jok-im-eup are also identical with the relevant meridian system. As for the correlation(相關關係) of oi-gwan and jok-im-eup, there are correlation of yuk-chin(六親), of circulation route, and of five element-coexistence; yuk-chin classified oi-gwan as woman and jok-im-eup as man; circulation routes are triple energiger meridian and gallbladder meridian; five element-coexistence classified oi-gwan as hwa(火) and jok-im-eup as mok(木). Ju-chi(主治) and effects of oi-gwan and jok-im-eup is ban-pyo-ban-ni-jeung (半表半裏症) developed in the side parts of body related to so-yang-byeong(小 陽炳) in arms and legs and diseases in yang linking vessel meridian and dae-maek(帶脈); they cure diseases in cheuk-hyung-bu(側胸部), cheuk-yo-bu(側 腰部) and sang-ha-ji-cheuk-oi-bu(上下肢側外部), migraine caused by flu, i-myeong(耳鳴), laryngalgia, hyung-hyeop-tong(胸脇痛), unfavorable menstruation, yu-nyo(遺尿), yu-ong(乳癰), Bell’s palsy, hyeon-hun(眩暈), nak-chim(落枕), hemiplegia, pains in breast and limbs, paralyzed limbs, pneumonia, malaria, eye inflammation, elbow gul-shin-bul-li(屈伸不利), and mok-oi-ja(目外□). Medications according to ju-chi of oi-gwan and jok-im-eup are mentioned in ‘Chim-bang-yuk-jip(針方六集)ㆍBang-tong-jip(旁通集)’:so-shi-ho-tang(小柴胡 湯), dae-shi-ho-tang(大柴胡湯), bang-pung-tong-seong-san(防風通聖散), on-dam-tang (溫膽湯) and sam-hwa-tang(三和湯). These drugs have an attribute of sa-gi-hwa-hae-yak(邪氣和解藥) and effects of bal-yeol-hwa-hae(發熱和解) and sa-gi-sa-ha(邪氣瀉下), as their tastes affect heart, liver, gall bladder and large intestine.

필사본 유해류 『漢談官話』의 디지털화 과정과 이체자 처리에 관한 연구

구현아,엄지,신수영 한국중국어문학회 2024 中國文學 Vol.120 No.-

본 연구는 조선시대 민간 필사본 유해류인 『漢談官話』(1902경) 의 데이터베이스 구축 및 이체자 처리 과정에 대해 고찰하였다. 『譯語類解』(1690), 『譯語類解補』(1775)와 같이 중국어에 능통한 역관을 양성하기 위한 목적으로 편찬된 기존의 유해류와는 달리, 『漢談官話』는 민간의 용도와 수요에 부응하여 중국어 학습에 직접적으로 도움이 될 만한 내용으로 재편성되었다는 점이 가장 큰 특징이다. 한편 『漢談官話』에는 중국어 표기에 다양한 이체자가 사용되었고 당시 한국어로 주음과 뜻풀이를 더하여 한자학 및 근대 한국어와 중국어의 음운·어휘 연구에 중요한 자료이다. 이에 착안하여 본 연구는 『漢談官話』의 보존적 가치를 제고하는 한편, 연구 활용성을 높이기 위하여 원문 데이터와 검색용 데이터를 데이터베이스로 구축하였다. 원문 데이터는 표지, 저자의 글, 이체자를 반영한 표제어 등 원문에 나와있는 자형과 순서를 그대로 반영하여 문헌의 원형을 최대한 보존하여 디지털화하고자 하였다. 검색용 데이터는 열람자의 편의를 위해 원문의 이체자를 상용자로 변환하고, 부류(部類) 정보가 함께 검색될 수 있도록 구축하였다. 오늘날 여러 방면에서 중국학 관련 디지털 인문학의 연구 성과들이 나오고 있다. 그러나 아직 중국어 및 한국어 연구를 위한 고도화된 우리나라 고문헌 데이터베이스의 구축은 초보적인 수준에 머물러 있다. 따라서 원문 및 한자, 주음, 뜻풀이 검색이 가능하도록 만든 『漢談官話』 데이터베이스는 국내 중국어 및 근대국어 연구자의 연구 효율성을 향상시킬 뿐만 아니라 『漢談官話』과 같은 근대 문헌에 대한 일반인의 인식도 제고할 수 있다. 또한 데이터베이스를 통해 한국 내 근대중국어 문헌 자료에 대한 온라인 접근성을 높여 해외 학자들의 원활한 연구에도 기여하여, 우리나라의 진화한 디지털 인문학 수준을 보여 줄 수 있을 것이다. This study initiates the compilation and analysis of data from Han-Dam-Gwan-Hwa(漢談官話), a collection of private manuscripts dating back to the Joseon Dynasty. The most significant characteristic of Han-Dam-Gwan-Hwa is its reorganization of content to directly facilitate Chinese language learning, catering to both private sector demands and the specific needs of professional groups such as translators. While Han-Dam-Gwan-Hwa draws influence from the fundamental structure and content composition of Joseon Dynasty dictionaries, it functions as a distinct private learning resource, diverging from traditional literature. This unique position as both a learning tool and a historical document endows Han-Dam-Gwan-Hwa with considerable value as a source for examining the practical usage of Chinese drafts, vocabulary, and syntax during that period. The primary objective of this research is to establish a robust foundation for the study of Joseon Dynasty literature through the systematic compilation and analysis of Han-Dam-Gwan-Hwa data. Furthermore, through a critical analysis of usage patterns and processing methods evident in the discovered materials, this study aims to initiate scholarly discourse on the potential applications and implications of the compiled data for future research in historical linguistics and cultural studies.