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        Verb Dynamics? Two Types of Double Object Constructions in Korean and Spanish

        윤나경 한국언어학회 2023 언어 Vol.48 No.2

        In previous studies, the syntactic and semantic properties that characterize Double Object Constructions (DOC) and Pre/Postpositional Dative Constructions (PDC) were mainly based on English data. Nonetheless, there is empirical evidence that challenges several received claims that seem not to fully account for the (un)acceptability of DOCs in other languages. That is, the dative arguments in Korean and Spanish exhibit similar and different syntactic behaviors (e.g., (un)acceptability of passivized DOCs with accusative marker -ul/lul in Korean vs (un)acceptability of passivized DOCs with dative clitic doubling). This study presents results obtained from an acceptability judgment task to investigate whether and to what extent the syntactic class of the verb affects acceptability of Korean DOCs in which the accusative case marker -(l)ul appears on more than one NP in a single sentence in Korean (Yi & Park, 2022). Despite syntactic similarities in the two languages, few studies have investigated experimentally the crosslinguistic conditions that constrain the two types of DOCs in the two languages; particularly none of the studies has examined which factors affect the acceptability of DOCs in Spanish. Therefore, the study also examined two accounts of Spanish DOCs by investigating whether the presence of the dative clitic influences the structural change of dative constructions. Results of the Experiment 1 show that although native speakers of Korean were more accepting of the post-prepositional dative sentences than of the DOCs, the acceptability was affected by the syntactic class of the verb (ditransitive verb vs V+V compound verb (transitive verb + cwu- ‘give’)) and that the acceptability rating was gradient rather than strictly binary. Results of the Experiment 2 show that native speakers of Spanish were more accepting of non-clitic doubled sentences than of clitic doubled sentences and that the acceptability rating was gradient, supporting Pineda’s (2020a) account. Altogether, the results shown in the acceptability rating suggests that although a varying degree of productivity exists across the two languages, there are two types of DOCs in these languages.

      • A Reanalysis of the Double Object Constructions in Mandarin Chinese - Using the Light verb Phrase and Applicative Phrase

        Lee, ChangHo(李彰浩),Lee, JiHyoun(李知玹) 한국중어중문학회 2021 한국중어중문학회 우수논문집 Vol.- No.-

        The study of double object construction(DOC) has long been addressed in the field of generative grammar. In this paper, several previous analyses of the Chinese DOC and their problematic issues were examined(section 2), and then new ways to solve these problems were sought(section 3). In particular, in section 3, the syntactic structure of the Chinese DOC was re-analyzed using the light verb phrase and the applicative phrase. Relying on this, the DOC in Mandarin Chinese is derived on the basis of the structure of [<SUB>vP</SUB> Subject [<SUB>v</SUB> CAUSE [<SUB>vApplP</SUB> Indirect Object [<SUB>vAppl</SUB> BECOME/給 [RECEIVE/AFFECTED] [<SUB>VP</SUB> ...Direct Object...]]]]].

      • KCI등재

        A Principled Explanation on Double Object and Dative Constructions

        Hui tae Kim 한국영미어문학회 2018 영미어문학 Vol.- No.130

        The purpose of this study is to suggest a principled explanatory mechanism for the puzzling interaction of the complements DP1 and DP2 within VP in the Double Object Construction (DOC) and Dative Construction (DC). For this, the multiple Spec-VP and the multiple Theta (θ)-Agree of V inherited from v such as V1CAUSE and V2Have in DOC are posited with respect to Aoun and Li’s (1989) DOC to DC Transformation (T) approach. To support this postulation, Distributed Morphology (DM)– based Harley’s (2002) double object verb decomposition is adopted and slightly changed in the vein of the causative light verb v . And Kayne’s (1984) binary branching as well as Larson’s (1988) and Aoun and Li’s (1989) passivization are adopted and Aoun and Li’s (1989) Hybrid Analysis is a bit revised. As a result, the semantic relation and the structural (asymmetric) c-command relation between DP1 and DP2 in DOC and DC are solved. Also the inaccessibility of wh-extraction on DP2 in DOC and the accessibility of wh-extraction on DP1 in DC are explained.

      • KCI등재

        A Principled Explanation on Double Object and Dative Constructions

        김희태 한국영미어문학회 2018 영미어문학 Vol.- No.130

        The purpose of this study is to suggest a principled explanatory mechanism for the puzzling interaction of the complements DP1 and DP2 within VP in the Double Object Construction (DOC) and Dative Construction (DC). For this, the multiple Spec-VP and the multiple Theta (θ)-Agree of V inherited from v such as V1CAUSE and V2Have in DOC are posited with respect to Aoun and Li’s (1989) DOC to DC Transformation (T) approach. To support this postulation, Distributed Morphology (DM)– based Harley’s (2002) double object verb decomposition is adopted and slightly changed in the vein of the causative light verb v . And Kayne’s (1984) binary branching as well as Larson’s (1988) and Aoun and Li’s (1989) passivization are adopted and Aoun and Li’s (1989) Hybrid Analysis is a bit revised. As a result, the semantic relation and the structural (asymmetric) c-command relation between DP1 and DP2 in DOC and DC are solved. Also the inaccessibility of wh-extraction on DP2 in DOC and the accessibility of wh-extraction on DP1 in DC are explained.

      • KCI등재

        Asymmetries in Double Object Constructions and Labeling

        이경미 현대영미어문학회 2022 현대영미어문학 Vol.40 No.4

        This paper aims to examine asymmetries that two objects in a double object construction (DOC) show in A/A’-movement and proposes an alternative structure of the DOC, providing labeling accounts for the asymmetries. The study, following Marantz (1993), McGinnis (1998), and Pylkkanen (2002) among others, suggests that the structure requires an applicative projection for an additional internal argument, and the structure must represent a hierarchical relation between the indirect object (IO) and the direct object (DO). Because the IO is parallel with the subject in that both are banned from (sub-)extraction, I claim that as the subject is stuck after internal merge to A-position, the IO is frozen after internally merging from its theta-position to φ-feature agreement/Case valuation position (i.e., IO Criterion). That is, because of <φ, φ> labeled structure, the IO is inhibited from further movement. This can explain why A’-movement of the IO is disallowed and why A-movement of the IO as the subject of passive voice is possible. In multiple wh-questions, the wh-IO can proceed A’-movement without halting problems thanks to pied-piping.

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