바빌로니아 포로 시대 이후 이스라엘에서의 제의중앙화규정: 신명기역사서 이후 역사서에서의 제의중앙화규정의 역할에 대하여

이상원 한국구약학회 2023 구약논단 Vol.29 No.3

이 논문의 목적은 포로 시대 이후에 기록된 제의 장소와 관련된 추가 본문들에서 신명기역사서가 어떻게 전승되고 재해석되었는지를 밝히는데 있다. 신명기역사서에 첨가된 여호수아 8장 30-35절; 열왕기상 13장; 열왕기하 17장 24-41절; 23장 16-20절과 역대하 13장 4-12절에서는 ‘제의중앙화규정’을 산당제의의 평가 근거로 사용하지 않음으로써 신명기역사서를 전승한다. 또 산당제의를 장소와 관련하여 비판하는 것이 아니라 우상숭배와 불법적 제사장 임명과 관련하여 비판함으로써 산당제의의 의미를 재해석한다. 이를 통해 포로 시대 이후 이스라엘 공동체는 혼합종교 현상과 그리심산 성전 제의라는 자기 시대의 문제를 전승에 기초하여 해결한다. The purpose of this article is to explain that the regulation of cult centralization(Dtn 12) no longer plays a key role in the postexilic texts of historical books. For this purpose, this study examines the postexilic texts relating to cult-places (1 Kings 13; 2 Kings 23,16-20; 17,24-41; 2 Chr 13,4-12; Josh 8,30-35). To begin with, the themes of the texts are revealed, while investigating on which grounds the cult places are criticized. Next, it expounds how the tradition of the Deuteronomistic History in which the regulation of cult centralization plays a key role is interpreted in the Persian eras in Israel. 1 Kings 13 criticizes the cult in Bethel on the basis of the prohibitions of God and the regulations about the priest. With this text, 2 Kings 23,16-20 strengthens the deuteronomistic tradtion about the Josianic reform which fulfilled the cult centralization. 2 Chr 13,4-12 criticizes the cult in Bethel on the basis of the illegal appointment and delegation of the priest. 2 Kings 17,24-41 makes illegal a specific cult-place in Samaria, namely the YHWH-Tempel on Mt. Gerizim. Also, Josh 8,30-35 aims to delegitimize the YHWH-Tempel on Mt. Gerizim. According to the deuteronomistic tradition, the only legal cult-place for YHWH ist the tempel of Jerusalem and the regulation of cult centralization was fulfilled in virtue of the Josianic cult-reform. From the Judean pont of view which was based on this tradition the YHWH-Tempel on Mt. Gerizim could not have been accepted. Thus the tempel on Mt. Gerizim which was in competition with the tempel of Jerusalem is described with Bamoth, but is under fire on the basis of the First Commandment and the regulations about the appointment of the priest. Israel in the Persian period upholds and reinterprets the tradition of the Deuteronomistic History in regard to the Bamoth-cult.

소아시아 그리스인의 로마 원로원 숭배

김경현 한국서양고대역사문화학회 2017 서양고대사연구 Vol.50 No.-

역사가 타키투스에 의하면, 티베리우스 황제는 황제숭배와 관련해 선임황제인 아우구스투스와 다른 정책을 취했다. 그는 원칙적으로 자신을 생전에 신격화하는 데 강한 거부감을 갖고 있었던 데다, 아우구스투스와 비슷한 예우를 받을 자격이 없다는 겸양의 이유에서였다. 그럼에도 불구하고, 그는 자신과 모후 리비아 (아우구스투스의 미망인)를 숭배하겠다는 아시아 속주의 요청을 조건부로 수용했다. 원로원을 함께 숭배하라는 단서가 바로 그것이었다. 즉위 초부터 원로원에 대해 명실상부하게 겸허함을 보였던 그의 태도에 비추어 볼 때 그것은 납득할 만한 일이었다. 하지만 그런 절충안이 다른 속주로 파급되는 것은 원치 않아, 아시아 속주와 비슷한 황제숭배를 제안한 스페인 속주의 요구를 단호히 거부했다. 그런데 원로원 숭배에 관한 비문헌 증거들 (주화 및 금석문)은 일견 위의 문헌증거와는 다른 양상을 가리키는 듯하다. 그래서 그 증거들을 망라적으로 수집한 포르니에 이어 키에나스트는 다음과 같이 주장했다. 원로원 숭배는 아시아 속주 뿐 아니라 제국 전역에 확산되었으며, 게다가 서기 2~3세기에 이르러서야 더 활력을 띠었다는 것이다. 필자의 이 글은 문제의 비문헌 증거를 위 두 연구자들과는 다른 방식으로 분석해, 오히려 타키투스의 증언이 대체로 유효함을 보여주고자 한다. 두 연구자가 비문헌 증거에서 원로원 숭배의 근거로 간주했던 두 개의 관용구 (theos synkletos와 hiera synkletos) 가운데, 후자는 ‘신적 숭배’라기보다 ‘의례적인 경칭’에 불과하다는 것이 필자의 생각이다. 비문에서 원로원을 가리키는 단순한 라틴어 명사 senatus가 그리스어로 번역될 때, 그저 synkletos라는 명사만이 아니라 그 앞에 관례적으로 hiera라는 형용사가 추가되곤 한 사실에 주목할 필요가 있다. 이는 원로원에 대한 신적 숭배가 더 이상 공식적으로 지속되지 않았지만, 기억의 관성 때문에 hiera라는 경어적 표현을 덧붙이는 정도의 예우가 남았던 것이다. 문헌증거가 시사하듯, 속주에서의 원로원 숭배는 티베리우스 황제의 독특한 절충안이었을 뿐 아니라, 특히 서기 2~3세기경 로마 원로원의 권한과 기능이 거의 유명무실해진 점을 감안할 때, 두 선행 연구자의 가정을 수긍하기 어렵다. 황제숭배의 일환으로서 원로원 숭배가 정식으로 지켜진 것은, 주화들에서 theos synkletos라는 세김글이 집중적으로 확인되는 서기 1세기 동안, 특히 네로 황제 치세까지였다고 짐작된다. hiera synkletos라는 새김글이 주로 지역 종교의 숭배대상인 신들 (제우스, 아테나, 아폴론, 헤라클레스, 아프로디테, 키벨레 외에, 도시 tyche 등)과 함께 나타나는 반면, 황제, 황후, 로마 여신과 함께 그려진 주화들이 주로 서기 1세기에 분포한다는 점도 그와 관련해 주목할 점이다. 비문헌 증거를 필자처럼 해석하면, 그 결과는 속주의 원로원 숭배에 관한 문헌증거와 대체로 부합한다. This paper discusses anew the temporal span as well as the geographic scope of the cult of Senate among the Greeks under Roman domination with a view to producing a different conclusion from those of two preceding researchers, Forni (1954) and Kienast (1985). There are two, literary and non-literary categories of evidence, and the latter (consisting of inscriptions and coins) is exhaustively and conveniently catalogued in Forni. The literary evidence, solely coming from Tacitus' Annales (passim in Book 4), is both meager and stingy, though very explicit concerning how at first the cult of Senate came into existence. According to Tacitus, when the Greek cities of Province Asia had applied for divine worship of the living emperor, Tiberius granted the petition on the condition that the Senate should be also worshipped together with himself and Augusta Livia (Augustus' widow and his mother also then alive). This idiosyncratic compromise is very much understandable, for Tiberius took the policy of governance with the Senate, at least during the first years of his reign. Yet, again Tacitus tells us, he did not want to see this expediency propagated elsewhere, as when he rejected a similar petition from the Spanish cities. Tacitus did not care at all to pursue the vicissitudes of the cult in the books that follow. Thus it can be presumed that the cult of Senate was a peculiarity in Province Asia, and that it could not last for long. Yet, non-literary evidences, prima facie, give us a different picture, if we regard the phrases such as theos synkletos (divine senate) and hiera synkletos (sacred senate) as typical of the cult of Senate, as both Forni and Kienast did. For 70 odd inscriptions mentioning hiera synkletos were found throughout the entire Roman empire, while the 539 coins containing the legends theos synkletos (divine senate) and hiera synkletos were produced in the provinces of Asia Minor and adjacent areas. Furthermore, the coins ranged heavily during the 2nd and 3rd centuries A. D., which is a rather singular phenomenon, considering that the Senate had become nothing but a name. This picture from the non-literary evidences was adopted by both Froni and Kienast with disregard to Tacitus. And particularly Forni even came to suggest, without any evidence, that the cult of Senate could have been established among the Greeks during the Republican period just like the cult of dea Roma. This paper attempts to prove that Tacitus is correct as far as the cult of Senae is concerned and that the non-literary evidences need to be handled more carefully than had been by Forni and Kienast. The different premise of this author is that the phrase hiera synkletos may not testify to the cult of Senate, but remain merely an honorary cliche among the Greeks indicating the Roman senate, as is exemplified by the inscriptions where the Latin phrase senatus populusque Romanus was translated into the Greek hiera synkletos kai demos Romanion. With this premise applied to the coin legends, we may get a picture different from that of Forni and Kieast: hiera synkletos on the coins mostly ranging from 2nd and 3rd centuries A. D. may not be signifying the continuance of the cult of Senate, but should be construed merely as a fossilized remnant of a foregone cult. Another remarkable aspect of the numismatic evidences is that the coins with the other legend (theos synkletos) ranged mostly from Tiberius till Nero, thus pointing to the possibility that the cult of Senate itself was a phenomenon very much peculiar to the Julio-Claudian dynasty. And the author also attempts to rebut the assumption of Forni that the cult of Senate could have emerged during the Republican period, by explaining how the Greek municipal communities mostly tended to find individual senators as their benefactors and patrons (hence the so-called civic patronage) during the last two centuries B.C. In the final analysis, concerning the temporal span and geographical limit of th...

신흥종교집단에 들어가는 과정에 대한 정신의학적 고찰

전우택 大韓神經精神醫學會 1996 신경정신의학 Vol.35 No.2

Generally, the doctrines of Cult are very bizzare and difficult to be accepted by ordinary people with common sense. But there have many people who are engaged in cult and had many problems. So understanding the psychological process of engaging in cult is essential to understand cult. Several factors which influence people to cult are known. Confronting problems which can not be solved with previous perspectire and ability, people have cognitive discordance and emotional distress. At that time, people open their mind to NRM. And the positive, warm and intense human relationship in cult press the people to be engaged in cult. And some unfamiliar and supernatural experiences in cult make them be engaged in cult. Brain washing seems to be different from conversion in cult, because there is no compulsive physical and psychological restraint in cult which is essential in traditional brain washing. So people seemed to be engaged in cult, consciously, unconsciously, voluntarily. Traditionally, conversion religion has been regarded as very passive things. But, in these days, the active role of human n religious conversion is emphasized. The fact that cult has the charicteristics of charismatic group is important to understand cult. In order to study cult, charismatic group should be studied too. As cult has not only a religious aspect but also social, psychological, familial and cultural aspects, a comprehensive view to cult can be one way to study human inner world.

로마 제국의 Imperial Cult(s)를 지칭하는 용어들에 대한 비판적 검토

홍성수 한국서양고대역사문화학회 2017 서양고대사연구 Vol.50 No.-

The historical phenomena of the Roman imperial cult(s) have been studied in both classical and biblical studies. Korean scholarship in both fields has used interchangeably a range of terms including “hwangje sungbae” (lit. “emperor worship”), “hwangje sungbae sasang” (“the idea of emperor worship”), “hwangje uirye” (“emperor rituals”), and “jekuk jeui” (“sacrificial rituals of the empire”). The existence of multiple terms is not so much a problem as the lack of precision in the use of those terms. In order to achieve terminological precision and to foster discussions on terms referring to imperial cult(s), this study reviews critically the various Korean terms being used in light of the recent findings and development of scholarship on imperial cult(s). For comparison and reference, some English terms including “imperial,” “worship,” and “cult,” are also discussed. Since, on the one hand, there is a practical need for establishing a common term for “imperial cult(s)” in Korean scholarship, this paper suggests that we use “hwangje sungbae” as a common term, for this term is most widely recognized and has its own merit emphasizing the major objects of worship, namely, the emperors. On the other hand, multiple terms, when clearly defined, are useful. Terms referring to imperial cult(s) are modern scholarly inventions created as etic tools of analysis. Thus, a term or terms may be employed in accordance with the scope and purposes of a study. Given that the currently used terms fail to fully reflect recent scholarly trends, I propose a new term “jekuk uirye” (“imperial rituals”), which stresses 1) the diverse yet systemic nature of imperial cult(s), 2) the imperial subjects who received honors including emperors, imperial family members, and the Senate, and 3) the importance of rituals in Roman religion. Here “uirye” encompasses both sacrificial and non-sacrificial rituals such as festivals and games. This paper has three parts. The first discusses the turn to rituals, exemplified by the term “orthopraxy,” and the embeddedness of religion in the study of Roman religion since 1980s, emphasizing critiques of some Christianizing assumptions in the secondary literature. In this context, the second part discusses the development of scholarship on imperial cult(s) in the last few decades, which has demonstrated the complexity and diversity of imperial cult(s). In light of the discussions of the first two parts, the third reviews the Korean terms being used, and argues for the usefulness of the term “jekuk uirye.” 영어권에서 “the imperial cult" 혹은 “imperial cults”라 불리는 역사적 현상을 지칭할 때 국내 고전학계와 신약학계는 “황제 숭배,” “황제 제의,” “황제숭배사상,” “제국 제의” 등 다수의 용어를 혼용하고 있기 때문에 용어 정리가 필요하다. 용어 정리의 핵심은 외국어 용어의 번역이 아니라, 학계의 연구 성과를 고려하여 고대의 현상들을 적절하고 유용하게 범주화하는 용어들을 정립하는 데에 있다. 만일 우리가 하나의 독립적이고 고정된 실체에 이름을 붙이는 것이라면 용어를 하나로 통일하는 것이 타당하겠으나, imperial cult(s)의 경우 학자들의 인식 범위 혹은 연구 대상의 범위가 황제에 대한 (혹은 황제를 위한) 제의인지, 황제에 대한 제의적·비제의적 의례인지, 제국을 대표하는 주체들에 대한 제의 혹은 의례인지에 따라 용어가 달라질 수 있다. 즉, 황제 및 제국을 대표하는 주체들에 대한 숭배를 다양한 방식으로 범주화하는 것이 가능하고, 그에 따라 다수의 용어를 사용할 수 있다. 다른 한편, 일반적으로 사용할 용어를 정할 필요도 있다. 본 논문은 일반적으로 “황제 숭배”를 사용하되, 개별 연구에서는 엄밀하게 정의된 용어들을 선택적으로 사용할 것을 제안한다. 또한, 선택적으로 사용될 용어 중 하나로 필자는 "제국 의례"라는 새로운 용어를 제안한다. 다수의 관점들과 용어들은 imperial cult(s)를 다각적으로 조명하는 데에 이바지할 것이다. 본 논문은 세 단계로 논지를 전개한다. 첫째 부분은 로마 종교의 연구 동향을 개괄한다. 이것을 배경으로 둘째 부분은 imperial cult(s)의 연구 동향을 논의한다. 셋째 부분은 앞서의 논의에 비추어 “황제,” “제국,” “숭배,” “제의,” “의례” 등의 용어들을 검토하고, “제국 의례”라는 용어를 제안한다. 기존에 가장 널리 사용되고 있는 “황제 숭배”는 개별 황제뿐 아니라 왕조, 황제의 가족, 원로원 등도 경외의 대상이었음을 드러내지 못하고, 이들이 했던 역할을 반영하지 못한다는 한계가 있다. 반면, “제국 의례”는 황제를 필두로 하여 로마 제국의 권력을 대표하는 주체들에게 영예를 돌리는 제의적·비제의적 의례들을 총칭한다. 이 용어는 보다 넓은 시각에서 imperial cult(s)의 복잡성과 다층성을 연구할 필요가 있다는 관점을 반영한다.

장왕(張王) 신앙(信仰)의 발전과정 -당말(唐末),량송대(兩宋代) 민간신앙 발전과정에 대한 새로운 모색-

김한신 중국사학회 2014 中國史硏究 Vol.89 No.-

This article examined the long-term evolution of the King Zhang cult from a local to a regional cult between the late Tang and the Southern Song periods. As the King Zhang cult spread from a rural area like Guangde to the imperial capital of Hangzhou, the images of the cult diversified. During the Southern Song period, the deity won fame as an omnipresent deity who responded quickly and effectively to the people`s various requests for spiritual aid. Therefore, the diversification of King Zhang`s image was shaped by the expansion of the cult both geographically and socially as it became entrenched throughout the whole Southern Song territory and among people of every social class. Furthermore, this article looked at a variety of factors that contributed to the cult`s rapid growth such as interregional migration, the emergence of pilgrimage sites that attracted worshipers from distant areas, and the carnivals in which the devotees of the cult could strengthen their religious identities. The extensive propagation of the King Zhang cult attracted attentions from both state authorities and the literati during this period. While the state authorities of the Five Dynasties and Northern Song periods acknowledged and endorsed the influence of the King Zhang cult within local communities through awarding titles to its temples in an effort to secure their own control over these communities, the Southern Song literati intimately participated in the religious practices of the King Zhang cult out of personal conviction as well as their active engagement in the local community. Consequently, the evolution of the King Zhang cult clearly shows not only the increasing significance of popular worship in the rise and spread of regional cults from the late Tang to the Southern Song but also the differences between the responses of the state and local literati to this phenomenon. This article, in particular, dealt with the other agents such as the places of pilgrim and their carnivals, which also made a great contribution to the spread of the King Zhang cult. In a historical context, the Song society provided greatly free atmosphere for ordinary people to join the pilgrimage to the sacred places and their carnivals. These behaviors helped them to share the common identity and propagate the religion to far broader areas.

한국에서 사이비ㆍ이단 집단의 실태와 원인

안기민(An, Kimin) 수원가톨릭대학교 이성과신앙연구소 2016 이성과 신앙 Vol.61 No.-

이 논문에서는 사이비ㆍ이단에 빠지는 원인을 종교심리학적인 측면에서 고찰한다. 종교심리학적인 차원에서 고찰한다는 의미는 종교적인 행동을 하고 종교적인 현상에 참여하고 있는 인간의 행동을 심리학적인 측면에서 접근한다는 것이다. 이러한 차원에서 사이비․이단에 빠지는 원인을 크게 세 가지 측면에서 접근하고자 한다. 즉 사이비ㆍ이단에 빠지게 되는 상황적인 차원, 사회적인 차원, 심리적인 차원에서 고찰한다. 이것들을 고찰하기 전에 먼저 사이비ㆍ이단이라는 용어와 유사한 용어를 규명하고 그리스도교를 중심으로 발생한 사이비ㆍ이단의 실태와 특성을 살펴본다. 사이비ㆍ이단 종파에 사람들이 빠지는 이유는 단순하지는 않다. 사이비ㆍ이단 종파에 빠지는 원인은 개인을 둘러싼 상황적인 요인이 있다. 상황적인 요인에서 볼 때 사이비ㆍ이단에 빠진 이들의 특성이 있다. 사이비ㆍ이단 종파에 빠지기 쉬운 환경에 처한 이들이 있으며 이들이 사이비ㆍ이단 집단의 포섭 대상이 된다. 사이비ㆍ이단 집단은 주로 이러한 이들에게 접근하고 그들을 자신의 소굴로 유인해 간다. 이것은 사이비ㆍ이단에 빠지기 전 단계라고 할 수 있다. 사이비ㆍ이단에 본격적으로 빠지게 되는 순간은 사이비ㆍ이단 집단에 발을 들여놓고 그들과 함께 지내는 순간부터 일어나게 된다. 여기에는 심리적인 역동성이 있고 이 심리적인 역동성을 적절하게 사용함으로써 사람들을 집단에서 벗어나지 못하도록 옭아 묶는다. 이러한 심리적인 요인으로 말미암아 사람들은 사이비ㆍ이단 집단에서 새로운 경험을 하게 되고 이것이 마치 참다운 신앙 경험인 양 믿게 된다. 사람들을 집단에 구속하는 또 다른 요인은 사이비ㆍ이단 집단 교주의 역할이다. 교주의 카리스마가 사람들에게 큰 영향을 끼친다. 이러한 요인들을 각각 논할 때 사이비ㆍ이단 종파에 빠지는 원인을 좀 더 명확하게 규명할 수 있다. This study will examine the reasons for joining the cult in the aspect of the psychology of religion. What the reasons are for joining the cult will be examined in the aspect of the psychology of religion in order to approach human behaviour on the level of psychology that relates to religious behaviour and participation. Considering this level, the reasons for joining the cult will be approached largely in the three dimensions of situation, society, and psychology. Before discussing these three dimensions in Korea, the terms of cult and the terms similar to cult that are being used will be examined closely. Then the situation and the characteristics of the cult in relation to Christianity will be discussed. Disclosing the reasons for joining the cult is not straightforward. It is not simple since the situations people are in have influential factors. As we explore the surrounding situations, the characteristics of those who join the cult can come to our awareness. The environment some people live in makes them an easy target for the cult to embrace and attract to their group. It is the cult that mainly makes the approach to lure these people into their group. This can be a step prior to joining the cult. The moment that people are in earnest about joining the cult is when they step into the cult group and then spend time together with the people in the cult group. When the people are in earnest about joining the cult, there is psychological dynamics that the cult effectively uses to bind the people to the cult group with no way of escape from it. Because of these psychological factors, the people have a new experience in the cult, and then they are led to believe that this experience is a true faith experience. Another factor that ties people down in the cult group is the role of the founder or leader of the cult. The charisma of the founder or leader of the cult has a great influence on the people in the cult. When these factors are discussed the reasons for those who join the cult can be investigated clearly.

고대 그리스 식민시의 창건자 숭배-키레네의 바토스를 중심으로-

( Jung Sim Byun ) 대구사학회 2014 대구사학 Vol.116 No.-

The aim of this article is to analyze the role of the founders` cults in Greek colonies with the case of Battos, the founder of Kyrene. The colony was founded by Battos in 630 B.C. after the former territory Thera was damaged by overpopulation and famine. The colony founder was selected by the mother polis. The Delphic oracles indicated the need to colonize, the prospective site and the founder, which granted him religious authority. The founder may be described as the link between the colony and its mother-city. When he landed the colony, the founder divided the land and outlined the city. In addition, the founder proceed to institute cults and festivals, to raise altars, to define precincts, to build temples, and to conduct the proper rites. With the death of the founder, the foundation process came to an end. The founder were buried in the agora, the center of the polis. The cult of the founder took place annually around the tomb of the founder. Tomb in the agora came to be the focus and site of hero cults. It was the first cult and it symbolized the colony`s new self-identity. The cult of the founder was peculiar to the colony. It played a great part in forming the strong awareness of individuality and autonomy for which the Greek polis is noted. The cult for founder inspired the need for founder cults in the mother cities. The cults for founders of cities served as a basis for the ruler-cults in Hellenistic and Roman periods.(Kyungpook University, History Department/ yoyomada@paran.com)

고대 그리스 식민시의 창건자 숭배-키레네의 바토스를 중심으로-

변정심 대구사학회 2014 대구사학 Vol.116 No.-

The aim of this article is to analyze the role of the founders' cults in Greek colonies with the case of Battos, the founder of Kyrene. The colony was founded by Battos in 630 B.C. after the former territory Thera was damaged by overpopulation and famine. The colony founder was selected by the mother polis. The Delphic oracles indicated the need to colonize, the prospective site and the founder, which granted him religious authority. The founder may be described as the link between the colony and its mother-city. When he landed the colony, the founder divided the land and outlined the city. In addition, the founder proceed to institute cults and festivals, to raise altars, to define precincts, to build temples, and to conduct the proper rites. With the death of the founder, the foundation process came to an end. The founder were buried in the agora, the center of the polis. The cult of the founder took place annually around the tomb of the founder. Tomb in the agora came to be the focus and site of hero cults. It was the first cult and it symbolized the colony’s new self-identity. The cult of the founder was peculiar to the colony. It played a great part in forming the strong awareness of individuality and autonomy for which the Greek polis is noted. The cult for founder inspired the need for founder cults in the mother cities. The cults for founders of cities served as a basis for the ruler-cults in Hellenistic and Roman periods.

컬트적 종교의 종교2세 피해 방지대책

이봉한(Bong-Han Lee) 한국공안행정학회 2023 한국공안행정학회보 Vol.32 No.2

컬트 또는 컬트적 종교단체는 평등사상보다는 권위를 내세워 신의 대리인처럼 군림하는 폐단을 드러내고 있다. 이는 성폭력, 재산탈취, 학대, 폭력 등의 ‘범죄세탁’ 그리고 공동체 내에서 연애금지, 외부세계차단 등 반민주적 종교활동의 배경이 되고 있다. 범죄의 피해자들은 스스로를 피해자라고 인식을 못하거나 인식을 한다고 하더라도 자신들이 겪은 피해를 자신들의 잘못이라며 스스로 감당하고 침묵하는 것이 현실이다. 신자의 입장에서 교주가 주장하는 것이 진실로 신의 명령인지 아닌지 판단할 기회나 자격이 부여되지 않고 탈퇴조차도 자유롭지 못하다. 컬트범죄의 피해와 관련된 문제 중에서 특히 시급한 부분이 종교2세 보호이다. 스스로 사물을 변별하여 의사를 결정할 능력이 부족한 아이들을 부모가 종교에 끌어들이는 것 자체를 반드시 부정적으로만 보기 어렵다. 하지만 부모의 신앙의 자유를 빌미로 일방적 피해를 입는 종교2세 문제는 넷플릭스나 언론보도 등을 통해 알 수 있듯이 종교적 학대 방지차원에서 국가의 개입이 절실하다. 종교2세는 컬트종교의 피해자이면서 동시에 신자인 부모의 피해자라는 이중의 피해자 지위를 가지고 있다. 컬트종교에서 분리된다고 하더라도 부모신자의 관계 재설정은 용이하지 않다. 이 연구는 컬트적 종교2세의 피해를 살펴보았고, 컬트적 종교집단의 피해방지를 위해 반컬트법 제정, 법인세법 도입, 아동복지법 개정, 컬트집단 판단기준 제시, 종교리터러시 교육, 미디어의 비판적 감시와 자조그룹 등을 제안하였다. Cult or Cultic religious organizations are showing the evils of ruling like God’s representative by putting authority rather than equality. This is the background of “crime laundering” such as sexual violence, property theft, spiritual abuse, exploitation of labor, and violence and It is the cause of anti-democratic religious activities including prohibition of love within the community and blocking the outside world. The reality is that victims of cult religious crimes do not recognize themselves as victims or even if they do, they take care of themselves and remain silent, calling the damages they have suffered their own fault. From the perspective of believers, there is no opportunity or qualification to judge whether that the cultic leader claims is truly God’s order, and even withdrawal from cult is not free for a variety of reasons. Among the issues related to the damage of cult crimes, the protection of religious II is particularly urgent. It is difficult to see only negatively that parents attract children who lack the ability to make decisions by discriminating things on their own. However, the issue of Religious II, which is unilaterally damaged by the vaporization of parents’ faith, is urgently needed by the state in terms of religious abuse, as can be seen through media reports. Religious II has a dual victim status as a victim of cult religion and a victim of parents who are believers at the same time. Even if religious II is separated from cult religion, it is not easy to reset the relationship between parents. This study examined several cases of damage due to cult religious group, and proposed enactment of anti-cult laws and corporate tax laws, revision of child welfare laws, standards for judging cult groups, religious literacy education, critical media monitoring and self-help groups support.

신라 사리장엄구와 중국 불교문화의 상관성 연구

주경미 불교학연구회 2019 불교학연구 Vol.61 No.-

This paper surveys the interrelationship between the Buddhist relic cult in Silla Period (BCE 57 ~ CE 935) and Chinese Buddhist culture from a chronological viewpoint. The aim of this study is to define the originality in the Buddhist relic cult and reliquary style of Silla Period by comparing them with their comtemporary Chinese Buddhist art and culture. The Buddhist relic cult in Silla came from China during the reign of King Jinheung (reign: 540 ~ 576 CE), and the ideal model of his relic cult was Emperor Wu of Liang Dynasty and Ashokan tradition related with the Buddhist kingship. Queen Seondeok (reign: 632 ~ 647 CE) succeeded the Buddhist relic cult and built the famous wooden pagoda in Hwangryongsa Temple. The royal family of Silla had deep interrelationship with the Chinese Buddhist art and culture until the late seventh century. Two Buddhist reliquary sets from Gameunsa twin pagodas are the most impressive artworks from Silla, but, in fact, the shape and style of them are deeply related with the contemporary Chinese Buddhist rituals for the Buddhist relic worship in Famensi Temple during the reign of Empress Wu. However, after the new Dharma relic cult and Buddhist texts were introduced to Silla in the early eighth century, the Buddhist relic cult and reliquary style in Silla had changed into its own style under the rule of the Pure Light Dharani Sutra. During the ninth century, there became rare interrelationship between Silla and Tang Buddhist relic cult. The Buddhist relic cult in Silla at that time was based on the Dharma relic worship, while the Buddhist relic cult in Tang China was based on the worship of the Buddha's bone relic in Famensi Temple under the luxurious sponsorship from imperial family. Such differences between the two countries in the ninth century may have come from the cultural difference of their Buddhist thought and worship for the Buddhist relic. 신라의 사리장엄구들은 독창적인 양식으로 널리 알려져 있지만, 이들과 동시대 중국 불교문화와의 상관성 연구는 미진한 편이다. 이 논문에서는 현존하는 신라의 주요 사리장엄구들을 중심으로, 그들의 양식적, 불교문화적 특징과 동시대 중국 불교문화와의 상관성에 대해서 비교 고찰하였다. 신라는 불교 공인 이후 왕실을 중심으로 정치적 목적을 가진 중국 남조 양 무제의 사리신앙과 장엄을 적극적으로 받아들여 발전시켰다. 신라에 사리가 처음 전래된 진흥왕 연간부터 통일 이전인 7세기 중반경까지의 사리장엄구들은 대부분 왕실에서 발원하였으며, 정치적 목적이 강조된 아육왕 전승 구현과 연결된 사리신앙을 발전시켰다. 당시 신라 왕실은 동시대 중국 황실의 사리신앙 및 불교문화 동향의 변화에 꾸준히 주목하고, 중국 불교문화와 깊은 상관성을 가지며 사리장엄구를 제작했다. 통일 직후에 제작된 감은사지 동서삼층석탑 출토 사리장엄구들은 독특한 방추형함과 보장형사리기 형식으로 구성되어 있어서, 신라만의 독특한 불교미술 양식으로 알려졌으나, 이는 중국 당나라 측천무후의 법문사 사리공양의례의 영향이 신라적 양식으로 변용된 것이다. 8세기 전반경 무구정광대다라니경이 중국으로부터 전래되면서 신라의 사리장엄구는 법사리장엄 의례가 중심이 되었고, 사리장엄구의 형식은 단순하고 간소화되었다. 이는 8-9세기경 중국 당나라 황실에서 법문사 탑의 불지골사리를 중심으로 성대한 의례와 화려한 사리장엄구들을 제작했던 것과는 상당히 다르다. 신라의 사리장엄구와 중국 불교문화의 상관성은 사리신앙 전래 초기에는 상당히 깊게 연결되어 있었지만, 신라의 삼국통일 이후에는 점차 서로간의 상관성이 멀어졌으며, 9세기 이후에는 불교문화와 사상적 차이로 인하여 신라와 당의 사리장엄구는 완전히 다른 양상으로 발전했다.