일본의 우익과 조총련 문제에 관한 고찰

석주희 ( Suk Juhee ) 한림대학교 일본학연구소 2020 翰林日本學 Vol.0 No.36

이 글은 조총련에 관한 일본 사회의 인식을 우익의 헤이트 스피치와 시민사회의 움직임을 통해 고찰한다. 최근 일본에서 조총련에 대한 우익의 공격이 거세지는 가운데 일본 사회 내조총련에 대한 혐오와 배타적 민족주의를 둘러싼 논쟁이 이어지고 있다. 기존 연구에서는 조총련 문제에 대해 민족 정체성이나 디아스포라, 배외주의, 외국인 차별, 북송문제와 같은 역사적 사건이나 인권, 민족주의 측면에서 주로 다루었다. 이 글에서는 정치공간의 개념을 통해 조총련의 시기별 변화를 제시하고 일본 시민사회 내 논쟁을 검토한다. 주요 시기로는 조총련이 결성되어 활발하게 활동한 시기(1955~1975), 조총련 산하 신용조합 파산과 납치문제가 발생한 시기(2000~2008), 우익과 조총련이 본격적으로 충돌한 시기(2008~2012), 배외주의 확산과 조총련 활동이 위축된 시기(2013년 이후)로 나누어 분석을 실시한다. 일본 시민사회 내 조총련에 대한 반발과 혐오, 지지를 통해 조총련에 대한 일본 사회의 인식을 파악하고 정치적 경제적 위기 가운데 독자적으로 맥락을 유지해 왔음을 제시한다. This study examines the Japanese Society’s perception on Chongryon through the right wing’s hate speech and civil society’s backlash. Recently, as the right wing groups in Japan are showing more intense aggression against Chongryon, the civil society has been split up into the right wing groups with hatred and disgust toward Chongryon and the intellectuals that are criticizing the attack against Chongryon. This study examines the Japanese society’s perception about Chongryon through the conflicts between Chongryon and the Japanese right wing groups. Furthermore, the paper presents the political context of Chongryon in Japanese society through the concept of political space. The paper analyze the specific characteristics of the Chongryon and a rise in right-wing terrorism during the period from 1955 to 2018 in Japan through the exclusive nationalist behaviors of the right wing groups. Thus, this paper suggest that the political and social implications of Chongryon in the Japanese society.

1960년 전후 재일조선인 미술가의 활동 —총련 기관지(紙)를 중심으로—

오은영 고려대학교 민족문화연구원 2023 민족문화연구 Vol.99 No.-

The Chongryon’s bulletin reported on daily life, politics, culture, and even the recent status of artists who had repatriated to North Korea. Around 1960, the Chongryon and the Mindan changed significantly due to the situation in the north and south. In the field of art, Chongryon and Mindan held an unusual joint cultural festival. The reason why the artist’s activities were remarkable is that in 1961, while Chongryon and Mindan were at odds, they held a collaborative cultural festival and a ‘coalition exhibition’. The event was held with the hope that the South and North would soon be unified because of the April 19 Revolution in South Korea and Kim Il-sung’s proposal for a federation of North and South Korea. The Choson Sinbo and The Tongil Choseon reported on the cultural festival and the ‘coalition exhibition’, but Mindan’s Minju News did not. The reason was that the leader of Mindan changed again and members of Mindan opposed the joint cultural festival. Around 1960, Korean artists in Japan co-produced and held art exhibitions on themes given with the support of Chongryon. They also published “The Book of Paintings of Korean Artists in Japan” in 1962. It cannot be denied that North Korea’s intention of ‘group creation’ was inherent. Artists who were repatriated to Korea must have felt the limitations of their artistic activities in that they had to visit factories and farming villages around the country and engage in collective creative activities rather than individual activities based on ‘Choson-hwa’. 총련 기관지는 일상적인 생활을 비롯해 정치, 문화, 그리고 당시 귀국을 선도하고 귀국한 예술가의 근황을 전하기도 했다. 총련과 민단은 1960년 전후 남북의 정세로 큰 변화가 있었고 예술분야에서는 총련과 민단이 이례적으로 합동 문화제를 열기도 했다. 예술가들 중에서도 미술가들의 활동이 두드러졌던 이유는 총련과 민단 각 조직이 결성된 이후 계속 대립상태였는데 1961년에 한시적이기는 하지만 합동으로 문화제와 함께 ‘련립전(連立展)’을 개최했기 때문이다. 개최 계기는 한국의 ‘4⋅19 혁명’, 김일성의 ‘남북연방제안(南北連邦制案)’ 등 남북 정세의 변화와 함께 민단 단장이 바뀌며 곧 통일이 될 것이라는 희망 아래 개최를 계획했던 것이다. 총련 기관지 『조선신보』와 중립입장의 『統一朝鮮新聞(통일조선신문)』은 문화제와 ‘련립전’에 대해 보도하고 있었지만 민단 기관지 『民主新聞(민주신문)』은 보도하지 않았다. 그 이유는 민단의 단장이 또 다시 바뀌고 민단 내부에서 합동 문화제를 반대했기 때문이다. 재일조선인 미술가들은 1950년대 후반부터 총련의 지원으로 주어진 테마로 공동 제작과 미술전을 개최하고 있었으며 1962년에 『재일조선인 화집』까지 발행하게 되는데 여기에는 북한의 ‘집단 창작’이라는 의도가 내재하고 있었다는 것도 부정할 수가 없을 것이다. 미술가들의 공동(합동)제작은 짧은 기간 내에 양성하기 어려운 미술가를 북한으로 흡수하는 과정의 하나라고도 볼 수가 있다. 귀국한 미술가들은 ‘조선화’를 토대로 개인적인 창작 활동보다는 각지의 공장과 농촌을 찾아가 집단적인 창작 활동을 해야 한다는 점에서 작품 활동에 한계를 느꼈을 것이다.

조선인 노무자 미수금 문제와 조련의 예탁활동

최영호 동북아역사재단 2014 東北亞歷史論叢 Vol.- No.45

This paper clarifies how Chongryon (The General Association of Korean Residents in Japan) was involved organizationally with the unpaid wages from Japanese companies to Korean laborers mobilized to Japan, and, in particular, to coal mines during World War II. The General Headquarters (GHQ) of the Allied Powers occupying Japan sustained the policy that the Japanese government should have responsibility for repatriation of and reparations to Korean laborers in Japan. However, the GHQ never recognized Chongryon as representing the Korean workers and overseeing their unpaid wages. Chongryon had engaged in negotiations with Japanese entrepreneurs regarding the guidelines for the Korean workers. Japan revealed in reports to the third General Meeting that the government had received the results of reparation in 340 items, for 43,314 workers, for a total of 26,876,844 yen until October 1946. But the Japanese government, similar to the GHQ, never approved officially Chongryon as the legal representative in the compensation of Korean workers. 본 논문은 조선인 노무자의 미수금 문제에 한정하여, 해방직후 조련(재일본조선인연맹)이 이 문제에 대해 조직적으로 어떻게 관여해 왔는지 관련 자료를 통해 규명하고 있다. 조선인 노무자의 미수금에 관한 문제의식을 분명히 하고 기존 연구 성과를 정리하는 작업에 치중하고 있다. 본 논문을 통해 조련 중앙본부가 일찍부터 재일조선인 재산을 접수하고 노무자 미수금 예탁을 위한 단체 교섭 지침을 마련했으며, 조련 지방조직은 조선인 노무자가 아직 대거 귀환하지 않고 사업장 주변에 남아있던 시기에 단체교섭을 주도하며 미수금 예탁 활동을 전개했다는 것이 어느 정도 밝혀졌다. 이에 따라 일본 패전부터 1945년 12월까지는 조련이 아무런 어려움이 없이 단체 교섭을 지원하거나 추진할 수 있었지만 이듬해에 들어서는 점차 조선인 노무자들이 사업장을 떠나면서 점차 단체 교섭이 어려워져 갔던 것으로 이해할 수 있다. 또한 본고를 통해 조련 중앙본부나 이와테현·도치기현·아키타현 지방조직의 미수금 예탁과정에 대해서 어느 정도 그 윤곽이 나타났다. 그러나 그 밖의 지역에 대해서는 앞으로의 연구과제로 돌릴 수밖에 없다. 이 점에서 이 논문은 조련 초기의 조직과 활동 가운데 미수금 문제에 관한 일부 사례를 연구한 것이며 앞으로의 연구과제를 분명히 하는 것이다. 또한 조련이 결성 초기에 거두어들인 예탁금의 향방을 규명하는 일도 앞으로의 연구과제가 되고 있다. 한반도로 귀환한 노무자 당사자나 유가족에게 예탁금이 실제로 얼마나 돌아갔는지에 대해서 알려지고 있지 않다. 화폐 교환이 금지되어 있었고 한반도에서 미수금 피해자에 대한 예탁금 지급이 이루어졌다고 하는 기록이 아직 발견되고 있지 않은 점에서 볼 때, 조련이 획득한 예탁금은 대체로 귀환자 송출에 필요한 비용이나 조직 운영을 위한 자금으로 충당되었을 가능성이 높다.

재일조선인의 문화단체와 문화활동 -1960년 전후의 『민주신문』을 중심으로-

오은영 서강대학교 인문과학연구소 2024 서강인문논총 Vol.- No.70

1950년대, 1960년대의 재일조선인의 기관지를 보면 재일조선인의 문화활동은 총련계가 압도적으로 활발했다. 이에 반해 민단계의 문화활동은 미미했다. 그 원인은 민단의 조직력, 지도력이 약한 상황에서 문화단체를 형성하기 어려웠고 기관지 민주신문 의 문화면 역시 내용이 부실할 수밖에 없었다. 민주신문은 대부분 재일조선인 사회속에서 활동하는 문화인(예술가)의 활동보다는 조선, 한국의 문화를 전하는 역할을 하고 있었고 총련 기관지(紙)처럼 신문을 활용하여 ‘조선어’를 배우거나 예술분야의 신인양성을 하는 모습은 없었다. 1960년에 한국의 ‘4・19’, 북한의 ‘남북연방제’ 제안 등으로 민단은 크게 동요했었고‘5・16 쿠데타’가 일어날 무렵에는 민단 단장도 바뀌어 민단계의 유일한 문화단체와도대립하게 된다. 또 이 무렵 이례적으로 총련, 민단을 불문하고 문화인이 모여 합동문화제를 개최한 데에 민단의 지도층은 강한 불만을 표시한다. 이로 인해 총련 기관지나 중립입장의 통일조선신문에는 합동문화제에 대해 기사가 실리지만 민단의 기관지에는관련기사가 게재되지 않았다. 1950년대 후반부터는 조직력을 강화하려는 움직임이 보이면서 1961년 전후에 유일하다고 할 수가 있는 김파우의 작품이 민주신문에 연재된다. 하지만 이후 재일조선인에 의한 작품이 아닌 일본인 작가나 한국에서 발표된 작품을 일본어로 번역해서 연재되다가 이마저도 이어가지 못하고 작가를 양성하려는 새로운 움직임에는 한계가 나타나고 있었다. Through the newspapers of Zainichi Korean in the 1950s and 1960s, the cultural activities of Zainichi Korean were overwhelmingly active in Chongryon. The reason why Mindan’s cultural activities were minimal was because its organizational and leadership skills were weak, making it difficult for it to form cultural organizations. The cultural section of Mindan’s newspaper, THE MINSHU-SHIMBUN, also has poor content. Most of the cultural sections were focused on conveying Korean culture rather than on the activities of artists active in the Zainichi Korean community. Because the Mindan newspaper was written in Japanese, it was not possible to use it to learn “Korean” like the Chongryon’s newspaper. It also did not seem to be training new talent in the arts. Around 1960, the Mindan was greatly shaken by South Korea’s ‘April 19’ and North Korea's proposal for a ‘North-South federal system’, and by the time the ‘May 16 Coup’ occurred, the Mindan leader had changed. And this came into conflict with Mindan’s only cultural organization. Also, around this time, the Mindan leadership expressed strong dissatisfaction with the unusual gathering of cultural figures from both Chongryon and Mindan to hold a joint cultural festival. Chongryon’ s newspaper and the neutral newspaper, THE TONGIL CHOSEON, carried articles about the joint cultural festival, but Mindan's newspaper had no related article. From the late 1950s, there was a movement to strengthen the organization’s power, and around 1961, KIM-PAU’s only serialized novel was published. However, after that, instead of works by Zainichi, works by Japanese authors were serialized, and works by Koreans published in Korea were translated into Japanese and serialized, but these did not continue. And the new movement to nurture writers had its limitations.

김시종과 『진달래』

하상일 ( Ha Sang-il ) 한민족문화학회 2017 한민족문화연구 Vol.57 No.-

This thesis examines poems by the Korean-Japanese poet Kim Si-jong (b. 1929) and public commentaries focusing on the magazine “Jindallae”. “Jindallae” was published as a literary coterie magazine when the poet led and organized the Osaka Joseon Poet Group in February 1953. The magazine was founded with a political purpose to organize young Koreans in Osaka region through literature, but after the General Association of Korean Residents in Japan(在日本朝鮮人總聯合會), or abbreviated as “Chongryon(總聯),” was organized, the direction of movements by Korean residents in Japan largely changed, while Kim`s movement was harshly criticized, resulting in the cessation of publication in October, 1958. The last issue was No. 20. Later Kim founded “Garion” to continue the spirit, but that too was criticized by the organization, and after three issues, the magazine was terminated. This thesis focuses on Kim Si-jong`s early activities post-liberation and discusses the process of publishing “Jindallae,” incidents occasioned by a serious slip of the pen due to conflicts with Chongryon, and the direction of poetry independently assumed by Korean residents in Japan after his withdrawal from Chongryon. Thus, this thesis intensively discusses what stance Kim Si-jong took in terms of identity and direction of poetry by Korean residents in Japan, by examining bibliographical data and Kim Si-jong`s writings in all of “Jindallae” magazines. Such a critical mind is to understand the developmental foundation of Kim Si-jong`s poetry, and at the same time, to understand how the ethnic identity “Joseon(Korean)” was developed and intensified through the process in which poetry by Korean residents in Japan split from Chongryon. This can be a clear direction that goes beyond the ideology of an ethnic group or a nation to understand the historical development of poetry by Korean residents in Japan, who formed independence and subjecthood as “Koreans living in Japan.” In that regard, it can be evaluated as meaningful that Kim Si-jong and “Jindallae” appropriately proposed the direction of independent poetry examining the content and form of poetry by Korean residents in Japan.

총련 기관지에 나타나는 ‘치마 · 저고리’의 표상 -1950년대부터 1960년대를 중심으로-

?恩英(Oh, Eun-Young) 한국일본문화학회 2019 日本文化學報 Vol.0 No.83

The bulletin of Chongryon played a vital role in conveying the circumstances and culture of North Korea to Korean residents in Japan. Under the influence of the North Korean movement for gender, equality, and literacy, Japan’s female Korean residents were encouraged to receive education and seek employment in society. The Democratic Korean Women’s League in Japan, which was affiliated to Chongryon, was invited to join Chongryon’s activities to promote the values of their homeland. Since the late 1950s, however, the role of “motherhood” has become prominently emphasized despite the spread of gender equality. This indicated a return to patriarchy, with women’s primary roles effectively reassigned to the raising of children-the future of the nation republic. On the other hand, the roles of “fatherhood” and “father” became less pronounced. In this process, projecting an appearance that emphasized the identity of “Korean women” was encouraged. The chima-jeogori, a Korean women’s traditional dress, was connected to ideals of “ethnic consciousness,” “homeland,” and “patriotism” and represented “women” and “mothers” as great heroic figures.

총련 결성과 재일조선인 민족교육 - 박종상의 『봄비』와 량우직의 『서곡』에 나타난 총련 결성 시기 ‘조선학교’의 재현양상을 중심으로 -

윤송아 ( Yoon Song-ah ) 경희대학교 글로벌인문학술원 2019 비교문화연구 Vol.57 No.-

The organization of Chongryon in 1955 is the period of a new branch point for the movement of Korean residents in Japan and the change of racial education. Based on North Korean awareness and direct connection as overseas citizen, the physical and ideological base of organizational and systematic racial education was prepared, the educational system was reorganized, and the ‘Chosun School’ started to embody and express racial identity as security for certain directivity. This thesis considered the reappearance aspect of the ‘Chosun School’ in the period of the Chongryon organization period that appeared in the literature of Korean residents in Japan, by focusing on long novels showing the realities of racial education under the background of the Chosun School right after the Chongryon organization in 1995, 『Bombi』 of Park, Jong-sang and 『Seogok』 of Ryang, U-jik, in consideration of significances and differentiations of the Chongryon organization. In two works, under the same subject of the school establishment project, sacrifice, and the challenge of racial education that are not tired, love for students and practical education activities are formed in multiple angles. Also, due to the continual hindrance of the enemies of ‘mindan’, the planned education projects often failed. In the depressed situation, because of the organizational union of teaching staff and regional people around the school and educational supporting funds delivered from North Korea, the hopeful situation that was achieved facing the assignment, the school establishment project, is jointly displayed. This thesis examines the correlations between the Chongryon organization and racial education, certain narrative structure of ‘Chosun School’ treating the period, the hardship and struggle of Korean residents in Japan around racial education, and the history of overcoming by considering the intensively joint subjects of two novels, prototypicality of people, tendency of accidents, etc.

Critical Analysis of Chongryon Secondary English Textbooks Published between 1968 and 1974

조민혜,이동배 한국학중앙연구원 한국학중앙연구원 2019 THE REVIEW OF KOREAN STUDIES Vol.22 No.2

This article investigates the Chongryon (a pro-North Korean organisation in Japan) English as a foreign language (EFL) textbooks published for Japanese-speaking ethnic Koreans between 1968 and 1974 by using critical discourse analysis (CDA). The Chongryon established Korean ethnic schools, known as Joseonhakgyo, in Japan using educational grants from North Korea. The study’s findings show that a significant proportion of the textbooks were influenced by North Korean ideology. The textbooks encouraged students to identify themselves as North Koreans, to perceive North Korea as their homeland, to admire Kim Il Sung as their real leader, and to live harmoniously as a unified single community in Japan. The textbooks promoted the belief that South Koreans “suffering” under the US occupation could be liberated by Kim Il Sung, who was described as a saviour for all Koreans. Such findings demonstrate that Joseonhakgyo EFL education was employed as a tool to lead Chongryon students to follow North Korea’s rule and Chongryon ideology. This implies that today’s Chongryon community has had a complex history with North Korea, and demonstrates the scope of change that has occurred within the organisation’s education and social system.

Portrayal of two Koreas in Chongryon Korean language textbooks

( Lee Dong-bae ) 한국문학이론과 비평학회 2018 한국문학이론과 비평 Vol.81 No.-

This study investigated the portrayals of two Koreas in Chongryon Korean language textbooks using critical discourse analysis and visual image analysis. The findings show that the textbooks portray North Korea (its political ideologies such as the pre-eminence of Kim Il Sung and his glorious anti-Japanese guerrilla activities, need to visit his birth place) predominantly in quantity and in quality in the texts and images, showing their strong attachment to North Korea. On the other hand, South Korea is depicted twice and its role was minimal and its foucs was on the glorification of North Korean regime and the superiority of Chongryon organisation over Mindan. North Korea is always described as their nation, Joguk, with South Korea sometimes being included in the term only where the whole Korean peninsula is depicted. Chongryon only projects South Korea as the place of hometown, so they can visit with North Korean identity, no need to affiliate themselves to it. Doing volunteer work for North Korea is considered patriotic and greatly rewarding.

헤이트스피치의 피해자인 재일코리안의 반응과 대응

김웅기(Kim Woong Ki)(金雄基) 한일민족문제학회 2017 한일민족문제연구 Vol.32 No.-

本稿は多様な在日コリアンのうち、総連系朝鮮籍者の嫌韓現象によるヘイトスピーチに対する認識に関する聞き取り調査(2014年6-8月実施)の内容を論じたものである。在日コリアン社会の構成は移住時期や国籍、政治的性向などによって細分化されており、かつては多数だった総連系朝鮮籍者は今や少数になっている。しかし、民族教育や同胞コミュニティのつながりが依然として強固であることから、可視的な集団として存在している。他の属性を持つ在日コリアンに比べ、彼らの認識にはいかなる特徴があるのかについて調査を行った。 本調査が特記するに値する特徴は以下の通りである。 第一に、差別に対する認識をはじめとする内面における葛藤を言語化する能力に長けている点である。これはその他の属性を持つ在日コリアンとの違いと言えるものであり、幼い頃から同胞コミュニティが身近に存在することで、自尊感情を毀損されて来なかったことなどが影響を及ぼしているものと思われる。 第二に、差別に抗う意思が強固である一方、権利や公的制度に対する信頼感が低い点である。在特会による京都朝鮮第一初級学校襲撃に対し、告訴を行う過程における逡巡など、これまでの弾圧の歴史によって、制度の活用や日本社会への発信などにおいて消極的にならざるを得なかった点が作用している。実際に反差別に関する発信活動を行ったある朝鮮学校教員は日本人側による執拗な嫌がらせに遭っている。 第三に、民族教育の支援者であり、感謝の対象である北朝鮮よりも、韓国の方が自らのアイデンティティを主張する上で日本社会においては有利という認識が存在している。経済的格差などに加え、金正日による日本人拉致を認める発言以降、日本社会において「朝鮮人」としてのアイデンティティを表に出すことに恐れを感じ、「韓国人」と称する方が安全という認識が存在している。政治的信念が確固たるものとなっている一部を除けば、総連系朝鮮籍者と言えども、日本社会における差別に対する差別に対する不安や苦悩の中に暮していることがわかる。 This paper discusses how pro-Chongryon Chosen-seki Zainichi Koreans perceive hate speech/crime against them escalated by anti-Korean sentiment spread by recent South Korean-Japanese international relations. Comparing to the rest of categories of Zainichi Koreans, they are relatively visible and active in that the ties of their communities and ethnic schools are still firm. The author implemented a research survey from June to August of 2014, and the research method taken was in-depth interview, and the author interviewed 55 Zainichi Koreans. Among them, seven people are pro-Chongryon Chosen-sekis. Discussions in this paper are based on the contents of the interviews to them. The findings are as follows. First, pro-Chongryon Zainichis are good at languageizing their mental conflicts occurred by discrimination. Their ethnic communities gives positive influence on their self-esteem resisting discrimination. Second, the rate of their trust in rights and public institutions is low while the intention to resist discriminiation is strong. It is because of long history of Japan’s discriminatory perception against Koreans. Third, Third, they posess perceptions that claiming South Korean identities are more advantageous than North Korean ones as far as they live in Japan. This type of perception has been possessed even by pro-Chongryons since 2002 when Kim, Jungil admitted North Korea committed abductions of Japanese people.