일제하(日帝下) 조선(朝鮮) 개항장(開港場) 도시(都市)에서 화교(華僑)의 정주화(定住化) 양상(樣相)과 연망(緣網)의 변동(變動) : 인천(仁川), 신의주(新義州), 부산(釜山)을 중심으로

金泰雄 ( Kim Tae-woong ) 인하대학교 한국학연구소 2012 한국학연구 Vol.0 No.26

조선 내 개항장 도시에 거류하는 華僑의 定住化 양상과 緣網의 변동은1931년 萬寶山 事件과 화교배척 사건을 분기로 시기별 그 특징을 보여준다. 우선 1931년 이전에는 仁川府, 新義州府, 釜山府 華僑의 정주화가 진전되었다. 인천부의 화교는 商人들을 중심으로, 신의주부의 화교는 華工들의 급속한 유입으로 상인과 화공을 중심으로 정주화가 진행되었다. 다만 부산부의 경우는 지리적으로 일본과 가깝고 일본인 상인의 영향권 아래에 있었기 때문에 정주화가 앞의 두 도시에 비해 별로 진전되지 못했다. 다음 華僑 緣網도 이러한 정주화 과정에서 親姻戚과 同鄕 조직을 근간으로 삼아 地域內ㆍ地域間, 同業別 連繫 組織으로 발전되거나 확장되었고 나아가 조선내 전국적 조직이라는 民族 緣網의 구성 요소로 자리잡기 시작하였다. 이러한 추세는 재조선 화교들이 타자와 주변인으로 내몰릴 수밖에 없는 정착지의 구조적 조건 속에서 중국 재래의 客幇이라는 연망을 활용하는 생존 전략에서 비롯된 자연스러운 귀결이었다. 그러나 1931년 萬寶山 事件과 조선인의 화교배척운동이 일어나고 곧이어 1937년 中日戰爭이 발발한 가운데 일제의 關稅統制로 인해 화교 경제가 난국에 처하면서 정주화의 양상이 달라지고 기존의 연망이 동요되기 시작하였다. 우선 화교 상인에 기반한 인천부의 경우, 무역 부진에 따라 화교 상인들이 대거 본국으로 귀환함으로써 화교 연망이 점차 영세 소상인 중심으로 재편되었다. 또한 신의주부의 경우, 일시적으로 쇠퇴하였지만 화공에 대한 일본인 자본가들의 요구로 인해 이후 꾸준히 유입되면서 화공 위주의 화교 정주화가 진전되었다. 한편, 일본의 중국 침략과 중국의 분열은 재조선 화교 사회를 龜裂시켰다. 즉 일부 화교 조직은 일제의 강압에 못이겨 친일 활동에 나선 반면에 다른 조직은 여기에 반발하여 본국으로 돌아갔다. 따라서 화교 조직은 지속적인 정주화에도 불구하고 외부 정치적 요인에 의해 영세화되어 가는 가운데 1945년 해방을 맞기에 이르렀다. 그리고 냉전질서의 강화로 인해 더욱더 그 기반을 상실해 갔다 The aspect of settlement and network of the overseas Chinese who live in the open port city in Korea changed after Wanpaosan Incident(萬寶山 事件) in 1931. First of all, the settlement had been making progress in Incheon, Sinuiju and Busan before 1931. In particular, traders mainly make the settlement in Incheon. Similarly, the settlement in Sinuiju is almost made by overseas Chinese merchants and Chinese laborers because of inflow of Chinese laborers. Only those who live in Busan couldn't settle well because of Japanese commercial supremacy. Due to these settlements, another settlements of overseas Chinese can be formed and expanded through the native place associations. But these overseas Chinese was also depressed after Wanpaosan Incident in 1931, and the Sino-Japanese War in 1937. In particular, ones who engaged in trade in Incheon did, too. Sinuiju, however, standed out as the center of settlement through inflow of Chinese laborers caused by Northern industrialization. Of course, despite these political and economic fluctuations, the progress of settlement was lasted. But it had started to change the character of the settlement. Small traders and Chinese laborers became main group of the settlement contrast of Big traders, Chinese laborers and other people before. While the settlement has been progressed, the networks of the settlement has been weakened. It means individual distribution of the overseas Chinese. It is because influence of political and military event such as Wanpaosan Incident, Korean's reject event to overseas Chinese, Japanese invasion to China and establishment of pro-Japanese government in China divided the overseas Chinese to pro-Japanese and anti-Japanese. With the advent of the Cold War order, this split has deepened.

“Sacred, the Laborers”: Writing Chinese in the First World War

Yurou Zhong 고려대학교 민족문화연구원 2017 Cross-Currents Vol.- No.22

This article focuses on the Chinese laborers in World War I France and their writing activities there. As the story of these laborers has been systematically overlooked in the history of World War I and the subsequent May Fourth Movement, this article endeavors to write the laborers back into the historical narrative that connects China, World War I, and May Fourth. It zooms in on how writing became crucial to the laborers and to the very program under which they were recruited. Between the laborers and a group of volunteers sent by the Young Men’s Christian Association (YMCA), there emerged the first modern Chinese mass literacy program. Writing became, on the one hand, a technology that supported the Allied war effort; on the other, it afforded a medium through which the laborers performed a test run of the new modern Chinese language that ushered in Chinese linguistic and literary modernity. An invaluable piece of writing produced by one of the laborers demonstrates how the “sacred laborers,” not unlike their intellectual counterparts, drove home the critique of the Great War and a particular version of the Chinese Enlightenment.

중국 국유기업의 노동관계에 따른 노동법제 변천과정에 관한 소고

최송자 한중법학회 2016 中國法硏究 Vol.25 No.-

중국의 노동환경이 급변하고 있다. 안정적인 노사관계를 표방하던 중국에서 21세기에 들어 노사분쟁이 폭등하고 있다. 특히 2010년부터는 외국인투자기업들에서 대규모 파업이 빈번하게 발생하고 있어 대중투자에 적신호가 켜지고 있다. 중국에서 노사분쟁이 빈발하는 데에는 여러 가지 원인이 있지만 국유기업의 급성장이 크게 한 몫 하고 있다. 1990년대까지만 해도 중국에서 외국인투자기업은 높은 임금수준과 선진적인 관리체제로 노동자들이 가장 선호하는 직장이었다. 그러나 30년간의 노동체제개혁을 거쳐 중국의 국유기업들이 계획경제체제 하의 행정적 노동관계로부터 시장경제체제 하의 노동계약을 기반으로 하는 시장지향적 노동관계로 변화되면서 경쟁력이 강화되어 일약 외국인투자기업을 제치고 노동자들이 가장 선호하는 직장으로 변화하였다. 이 과정에서 그 동안 상대적으로 높은 임금수준에 의해 은폐되었던 외국인투자기업 노동문제들이 수면에 떠오른 것이다. 이 글에서는 먼저, 1949년 건국부터 지금까지 중국 국유기업의 노동관계와 노동법제의 변천과정을 국가, 기업, 노동자 3자관계의 변화를 둘러싸고 살펴보고 있다. 그 다음, 중국 국유기업의 노동관계와 노동법제의 변천과정에 대한 분석을 통해 중국 노동관계의 현주소와 미래 발전방향을 예측하고 우리나라의 대중투자에 방향을 제시하고 있다. In China, rapid changes have been made in working conditions. Labor disputes have sharply increased in the 21st Century since China pursued a stable relationship between labor and management. Specifically, frequent, large-scale strikes have broken out in foreign investment companies since 2010. This leads to signaling a warning against Korea’s investment in China. Rapid growth of the Chinese state-run industries has been cited as one of the reasons for such frequent conflicts between labor and management across the country. During the 1990s, Chinese laborers preferred to work for foreign investment enterprises the most because they were paid high wages under the advanced management system. Over the past three decades, however, the Chinese state-owned companies have undertaken reforms of labor system, establishing the market-oriented labor relationships under the market economy system―which is based on labor contracts―rather than the administrative labor relationships under the planned economy system. As a consequence, the Chinese state-run industries were able to strengthen their competitiveness, their being rated as the most favored among Chinese laborers. In the process of transition, labor problems within the foreign investment companies surfaced that had been suppressed due to relatively higher wages. First, this article examines the labor relations in Chinese state-owned companies and the transition process of their labor legislation encompassing changes in the three-way relationships among the state, the industry, and the laborer from China foundation Year (1949) to the present. Second, this research tries to analyze the labor relations in the Chinese state-owned industries and the transition process of their labor laws, and predict their future development on the basis of the status quo regarding the labor relations. Finally, some recommendations for Korea’s foreign investment in China are addressed.

방문취업 재중 동포의 일 경험과 생활세계

김현미 ( Hyun Mee Kim ) 한국문화인류학회 2009 韓國文化人類學 Vol.42 No.2

2007년 3월 4일 시행된 방문취업제는 중국 및 구소련 동포들의 한국방문을 용이하게 하고, 이들이 취업을 원할 경우 단순 노무분야의 취업을 허용한 제도이다. 방문취업사증(H-2 visa)은 5년 동안 유효하며 입국 후 최장 3년까지 체류를 허락하며, 자유로운 출입국을 보장한다. 무연고 동포에게도 자유로운 왕래를 보장하는 방문취업제가 도입된 이후 이제까지 한국에 친척이 없었거나, 한국에 나올 생각을 하지 않았던 동포들도 비용을 들이지 않고 한국에 올 수 있게 되었다. 본 논문은 방문취업제가 조선족 이주자들의 이주 형태나 한국에서의 삶에 어떤 변화를 만들어 내고 있는지를 분석하고자 한다. 이를 위해 2008년 6월부터 11월까지 중국 동포 30명을 대상으로 심층면접을 실시하였다. 중국 동포들은 중국과 한국 간의 이동이 자유로워진 점, 이주 시 비용이 들지 않는 점 그리고 무엇보다 `불법`이나 `미등록`체류자라는 신분의 공포에서 벗어나게 된 점을 방문 취업제의 장점으로 지적했다. 방문취업제는 `조선족`이주 20년의 역사에서 볼 때 획기적인 정책이라 할 수 있지만, 이주노동자로서 재중 동포들이 경험해 왔던 노동권 부재 등의 문제들을 즉각적으로 해결해 주지는 못하고 있다. 동포들은 여전히 임금체불이나 계약 불이행, 작업장에서의 차별 등을 개인적 수준에서 대처해야 하는 상황이다. 방문취업제 이후 변화된 상황 가운데 두드러지는 한 가지는 중국과 한국을 자유롭게 왕래하며 `계절노동(seasonal labor)`을 하는 동포들의 수가 많아졌다는 점이다. 동포들은 한국과 중국의 경제 상황이나 경기를 민감하게 파악하면서 중국에서는 사업을, 한국에서는 노동을 하거나, 중국의 가정과 재산을 관리하고 돌보는 등 초국적 연결망을 확장해 나가기도 한다. 또한 안정적이고 장기적인 체류의 가능성을 상상하며 한국을 새로운 정착지로 만들어 내는 재중 동포도 늘어나고 있다. The Working Visit System was launched on March 4, 2007, to facilitate visits to South Korea by overseas Koreans from China and the former Soviet Union territories, granting them permission to work in businesses that require low-skilled labor. The H-2 visa is valid for a maximum of 5 years, but each stay is typically permitted up to 3 years, during which a person is allowed unrestricted departures and arrivals. The purpose of this research is to analyze the changing labor experiences of many Korean-Chinese in South Korea. In-depth interviews were conducted between June and November 2008 with 30 Korean-Chinese to assess the Working Visit System`s impact on their patterns of migration and ways of life in South Korea. Many Korean-Chinese generally acknowledged the usefulness of the system, especially because it removed restrictions on the commute between China and South Korea, substantially reducing their migration costs. In particular, the system has also eased their fear of being stigmatized as `outlawed`, or `undocumented` migrants. The number of seasonal laborers from China to South Korea increased significantly since the implementation of the Working Visit System. Many Korean-Chinese monitor economic developments in China and South Korea, to seek opportunities that might improve their families living conditions. Many are known to work in South Korea while concurrently running businesses in China. The Working Visit System facilitates a smooth continuity in life between the two countries, enabling many Korean-Chinese to take care of their family and property while expanding their transnational networks and connections. The result is an increase in the number of Korean-Chinese who broaden the horizons of their social imagination by considering South Korea as a place for long-term settlement or even home. The Working Visit System is a remarkable policy in the 20-year history of Korean-Chinese migration, but it is not without drawbacks. The system views all Korean-Chinese equally as `non-skilled` laborers, regardless of their levels of education, work experience and individual aspirations. Many Korean-Chinese are often unable to find employment in lines of work that match their work experience, education, expertise and social positions in China. Many also experience a significant decline in their social and economic conditions, thus slipping towards the margins of society. Furthermore, the Working Visit System also neither addresses nor helps to resolve some of the problems that many Korean-Chinese residents frequently face as migrant workers. These include delays in wage payment, unfulfilled contracts, and discrimination at the individual level. Thus, the freedom of movement that the Working Visit System grants to Korean-Chinese for travel between China and South Korea has done little to improve their work conditions or quality of life in South Korea.

20세기 전반 한반도에서 日帝의 渡航 관리정책

김승욱(Kim, Seung-Wook) 중국근현대사학회 2013 중국근현대사연구 Vol.58 No.-

This paper is on travel management policies of the Empire of Japan in the Korean Peninsula in the first half of the 20th century. This is connected to the author’s long-standing interest how the Japanese imperial Space which emerged in modern East Asian regional world was recognized and reconstructed from the perspective of transnational migrants. In this paper, the author aims to put special emphasis on the deviation of travel management between the Government-General of Korea in the Korean Peninsula and the “Government in Tokyo” in the interior of Japan, the relation between Chinese laborers and Japanese imperial space, and the relation between Korean Laborers, which was a different immigrant group, and it. It can be said that the entry of Chinese laborers into the Korean Peninsula had a different structural conversion from the previous period in the Japanese colonial period in that laborer groups appeared in droves as a main member of overseas Chinese. Most of their homeland were North China (華北) such as Shandong (山東). They moved to the Liaodong Peninsula (遼東半島) and Northeast China (東北) where the labor market had expanded in the process of the entry of world powers such a Russia and Japan. The entry of a large number of laborers into the Korean Peninsula in the Japanese colonial period was understood as an aspect of labor migration within the scope of the labor market created by Japanese capitalism increasing their influence on their regions. The management of these Chinese laborers by the Empire of Japan was as follows: First, the management discipline of Japan was provided by Imperial Ordinance No. 352 of 1899, which prohibited labor migration in principle. As a matter of course, this discipline was not applied as it was in a situation where the demand for labor market and capital existed. However, the management policy of the Government-General of Korea was obviously different from that in the interior of Japan, and it was relatively loose. The regional differences between the Korean Peninsula and the interior of Japan in Japanese Imperial space were reflected in this, and the mutual interest between the Government-General of Korea and the Japanese government was intervened. Based on this, the entry of Chinese laborers into the Korean Peninsula was made relatively freely, but the flow did not continue to the interior of Japan. Therefore, the Chinese laborers were in the same category as Korean laborers and had a strong tendency to be controlled as the existence mutually synchronized in the Japanese empire space. In this regard, it is clearly necessary to explain the reason why the conflict between Chinese and Korean laborers was intensified by nationalistic conflict between the two sides. However, it is necessary to pay more attention to the fact that the connection with the Japanese capitalism had a substantial impact. The spatial structure of the Empire of Japan was established in order to mutually synchronize with the problem of Chinese and Korean laborers. It is thought that spatial vision including linear vision with a focus on the border of each nation state is more required in monitoring changes in modern East Asian region from this perspective.

1950~1960년대 조선족의 북한 이주와북·중 협력

이상숙 ( Sang Sook Lee ),宋文志 ( Wen Zhi Song ) 북한연구학회 2012 북한연구학회보 Vol.16 No.1

This study analyzes the agreement, cooperation and implementation of the policies on Korean-Chinese migrants and illegal immigrants between Chinese and North Korean borders from the late 1950s to the early 1960s. Along this course, the labor shortages in North Korea and the active cooperation with China were confirmed. After liberation in 1945, the Korean-Chinese in northeastern China had identified themselves as Korean, while also adopting the Chinese identity, which was encouraged by the Chinese Communist Party (CCP). This Korean-Chinese dual identity had been highlighted in March 1946, when the CCP implemented land reforms. The Chinese-Koreans, who received land or protection from the CCP, supported the communists during the civil war. Meanwhile, North Korea had an active immigration policy in the aftermath of the Korean War, which was associated with the labor shortages and economic mass mobilization of North Korea. As per the agreement between North Korea and China in 1955, the illegal Chinese migrants in North Korea were to be deported back to China, but due to the increasing number of migrants, North Korea did not abide by this principle. This has attributed to the enhanced cooperation in bilateral relations.

신설리 패, 중국인 숙소에 불을 지르다

정병욱(Jung, Byung Wook) 역사비평사 2012 역사비평 Vol.- No.101

The viewpoints on anti-Chinese riots after Wampaoshan incident in July 1931 can be roughly divided into two a theory that Japanese empire maneuvered behind the scene, and another theory that it was a harmful consequence of Korean nationalism. However, the present author argues that the main reason of the anti-Chinese riots was the sharp increase in influx of Chinese labor and the following conflicts between Chinese and Korean laborers. The ones who aggravated the strife between classes, and the enmity between minorities were capitalists, landowners, and manpower brokers who made a profit on the influx of Chinese labor. In terms of structure, these riots were one of the results of colonial capitalism. Also, focusing on the agent of the action and the spacial background, this anti-Chinese riot in 1931 can be read as a manifestation of the conflict between urban poors at marginal area on the basis of a long history of urbanization. Thecase that Sinsulli clique, the lower class living in urban periphery, fired the Chinese residence inside the racetrack evidently shows the characteristics of those anti-Chinese riots.

한국 내 북한이탈주민, 조선족, 외국인 노동자에 대한 혐오감과 관용

가상준,김재신,임재형 단국대학교 분쟁해결연구센터 2014 분쟁해결연구 Vol.12 No.1

Korean society has been facing new conflicts due to the increasing number of people from outside. This study aimed to investigate Koreans’ dislike and tolerance for North Korean defectors, Korean Chinese, and foreign laborers residing in South Korea. Results showed that Korean Chinese were more disliked than foreign laborers and North Korean defectors. Second, North Korean defectors were disliked when generalized trust was low and societal anxiety was high. Korean Chinese were disliked by young people when generalized trust was low. Foreign laborers were disliked by low-income people when generalized trust was low. Third, participants were more tolerant towards foreign laborers than North Korean defectors and Korean Chinese. Participants were the least tolerant towards North Korean defectors, especially disapproving of such people being permitted to run for public office. North Korean defectors, Korean Chinese, and foreign laborers have obviously different background; however, Korean people perceive all of them as outsiders. Such negative attitude can be conceptualized as xenophobia, which needs to be examined by future research. 본 연구는 한국사회에 증가하고 있는 북한이탈주민, 조선족, 외국인 노동자로 인해 과거에 경험하지 못했던 새로운 갈등과 불안이 나타나는 상황에서 한국사회 구성원들이 이들에 대해 갖는 혐오감과 관용 수준을 분석하고자 했다. 분석결과, 첫째, 응답자들이 혐오감을 느끼는 집단은 조선족, 외국인 노동자, 북한이탈주민 순이었다. 둘째, 혐오감에 영향을 미치는 요인들을 분석한 결과 일반적 신뢰가 낮고 사회적으로 불안하다고 느낄수록 북한이탈주민에 대한 혐오감이 높았고, 일반적 신뢰가 낮고 연령이 낮을수록 조선족에 대한 혐오감이 높았으며, 일반적 신뢰가 낮고 소득이 낮을수록 외국인 노동자에 대한 혐오감이 높았다. 셋째, 혐오집단에 대한 관용수준을 분석한 결과 외국인 노동자에 대한 관용수준이 북한이탈주민, 조선족에 대한 관용수준보다 높았다. 북한이탈주민에 대한 관용수준이 가장 낮았는데 특히 북한이탈주민이 공직을 수행하는 것에 대해 거부감을 보였다. 북한이탈주민, 조선족, 외국인 노동자는 서로 다른 배경을 갖고 있지만, 한국사회 기존 구성원들의 시각에서는 자신들과 다른 외부인으로 인식되고 있다. 이러한 외부인들에 대한 부정적인 태도는 제노포비아(xenophobia: 외부인 혐오증)로 개념화될 수 있으며, 향후 한국사회가 당면하게 될 문제로서 많은 연구자들의 관심이 필요하다.

중국 근로계약법상의 단체협약에 관한 규정

윤진기(Yoon Jin-ki) 한국노동법학회 2008 노동법학 Vol.0 No.27

This paper aims at studying the collective agreement provisions In Chinese Labor Contract Law. China's first ever Labor Contract Law was passed on June 29, 2007 by the Standing Committee of the National People's Congress and will become effective on January 1, 2008. The legislative intention of the Labor Contract Law, which came out after a series of incidents of severe abuse of workers in China, is to better protect the lawful rights of workers and form a more stabilized employment relationship. A peculiarity of the Labor Contract Law stipulates that both labor contracts and collective agreements will be considered together. The Labor Contract Law should be read in conjunction with the Labor Law (1995), the Trade Union Law (1992, amended in 2001) and their respective subsidiary regulations, especially, Provisions on the Collective Agreement (2004 Provisions) issued by the Ministry of Labor and Social Security. There are conflicting problems concerning some regulations and their application. The enactment of the Labor Contract Law made a slight improvement in the Chinese collective agreement system as compared with the Labor Law, the Trade Union Law and the Provisions of the Collective Agreement. There are some improvements in the new Law, especially in the field of the main bodies(subjects) of the collective agreement, special field collective agreement, industrial collective agreement, regional collective agreement, the effectiveness of collective agreement and the remedy for rights disputes caused from a result of the implementation of the collective agreements etc.. There are still some problems in the collective agreement provisions in Chinese Labor Contract Law. First Even though the Labor Contract Law emphasizes the principle of equal negotiation in collective bargaining, it is very difficult to achieve it. Second Because the Labor Representative Conference in China is organized by both management and labor, it shall not be a party to or shall not be concerned in the collective negotiations on behalf of labor. Third In the 2004 Provisions as well as the Labor Contract Law, there is no remedy if an employing unit refuses to start collective negotiations. Fourth There are a lack of measures available such as the strike system to secure collective negotiations in China. Fifth The Trade Union Law will have to be revised in order to remove the conflict that exists between the Trade Union Law and the Labor Contract Law in the field of dispute settlements relating to the implementation of the collective agreement. Sixth The Collective Agreement system IS an important legal method in adjusting labor relationships. However, the Provisions of the Collective Agreement are enacted as a type of Provisions(Guizhang) which is at a lower level of legislation, therefore it cannot rule the collective agreement system effectively. Seventh In order to correct the problems due to the conflict among the Labor Contract Law, the Labor Law, the Trade Union Law, the Provisions on Collective Agreement and their application, these Labor Laws should be revised. Eighth Because China entered into WTO, it should comply with the basic intention of WTO and the rule of trade, gradually accepting the right of Collective Bargaining as requested by international labor treaties. These problems remain as the tasks which China will have to resolve in the near future.

식민지 조선의 방역대책과 중국인 노동자의 관리

김영수(KIM Youngsoo) 대한의사학회 2014 醫史學 Vol.23 No.3

This paper aims to examine the preventive measures taken against the plague in colonial Korea, particularly as applied to the control of Chinese coolies in 1911, soon after the annexation. The Government General of Korea began preventive measures with a train quarantine in Shin’uiju and Incheon in response to the spread of the plague to the Southern Manchuria. Shin’ uiju had become urbanized due the development of the transportation network, and the seaport of Incheon was the major hub for traffic with China. Examining the transportation routes for the entry and exit of Chinese to and from Korea makes clear the reason why the Korea Government General initiated preventive measures in mid-January, 1911. The Government General of Korea tried to block the entry of Chinese through the land border crossing with China and through ports of entry, primarily Incheon. During the implementation of the preventive measures, quarantine facilities were built, including a quarantine station and isolation facility in Incheon. It was also needed to investigate the population and residential locations of Chinese in Korea to prevent the spread of plague. A certificate of residence was issued to all Chinese in Korea, which they needed to carry when they travelled. The preventive measures against plague which broke out in Manchuria were removed gradually. However, there was no specific measures against Chinese coolies, those who had migrated from China to work in the spring in Korea. Still the Government General of Korea had doubt about an infection of the respiratory system. As a result, the labor market in colonial Korea underwent changes in this period. The Government General recruited Korean laborers, instead of Chinese coolies whose employment had been planned. This move explains the Government General’s strong preventive measures against plague and uncertainty in the route of plague infection, which influenced subsequent regulations on the prohibition of Chinese coolies working on the public enterprise sites and the improvement of labor conditions for Korean laborers.