China's Military Rise and the US Strategic Framework for the Indo-Pacific: PROTECTION of ROK's National Interest

이상수 J-INSTITUTE 2021 Protection Convergence Vol.6 No.1

Purpose: This article examines China's military rise in the Asia Pacific region and the US-led response, based on its global strategy." This paper suggests that China's military rise is based on defensive realism as opposed to offensive realism. The basic assumption of this paper is that the US strategy has the goal of counterbalancing China's expansionism. The US response to China's expansionism is to check China's military rise as a superpower by strengthening its network of alliances in the Indo-Pacific region and Northeast Asia. In the Indo-Pacific region, the US has attempted to check China using the QUAD-Plus(Quadrilateral Security Dialogue with Japan, India, and Australia + Newzealand, South Korea, and Vietnam) which is a sea-based form of security cooperation. Method: In this effort, the article uses a framework of international politics based on the theory of realism, which stresses the salience of "survival," "the maximization of national interest," and "self-help. A realist's perspective of the world rests on the following assumptions: the pursuit of survival, maximization of interests, and self-help. Defensive realists try to preserve power, rather than increasing it as the main goal of states. China's self-assertion in the South China Sea has been galvanized by the survival mindset against the US containment policy toward China. Results: China's self-assertion in the South China Sea has been galvanized by the survival mindset against the US containment policy toward China. China's survival can be better secured by the occupation of the South China Sea to protect its sea lines of communication. China's militarization of the South China Sea and its military build-up can be illustrated as a self-help project for the maximization of its security interest in the Indo-Pacific region. Conclusion: In this article, I have reached the following conclusions. China's military rise is based on defensive realism, not offensive realism. The basic assumption of this paper is that the US strategy is aiming at the coun-terbalance of China's expansionism. First, The US response to China's expansionism is to check China's military rise as a superpower with the network of alliance-making in the Indo-Pacific region and Northeast Asia. Second, China tries to build a military facility in the South China Sea to maximize its interest in terms of energy, fish, and security. Third, China's military build-up can be illustrated as self-help to meet the balance with the US formidable military might. In the Indo-Pacific region, the US tries to check China through the QUAD-PLUS.

신국제질서의 태동에 대한 미국의 인식과 전략

조성렬 국가안보전략연구원 2012 국가안보와 전략 Vol.12 No.1

The U.S. government’s official position is somewhat different from the views of academic circles and journalists on the characteristics of the new world order due to China’s rise. The U.S. government assesses the U.S.-China relationship to have two-pronged factors of cooperation and conflicts, and keeps the strategic position to hope a China’s moderate attitudes. The U.S. strategy toward China is one thing that maintains a productive relationship with China, another thing is preparing against Chinese expansionism. Such a two-pronged U.S. strategy can define as a hedge strategy. Though it does not mean to allow Chinese challenge to the U.S. global hegemony, it can avoid conflicts with China’s foreign strategy. It’s because the object of China’s foreign strategy is not to deny the U.S. hegemony but to enlarge her influences on the U.S. hegemony step by step at the view of long term. Korea should maintain a close relationship with China; however, Korea should also have in place strong alliance with the U.S. stand with China’s rise against threatening and destabilizing. 중국의 부상에 따라 형성될 신국제질서의 성격을 바라보는 미국 재야의 평가와 미국 정부의 공식 입장은 다소 차이가 난다. 미국 정부는 미·중관계가 협력과 갈등의 양 요소가 모두 내포됐다고 평가하면서 중국의 태도 변화를 요구하는 전략적 입장을 취하고 있다. 미국의 대중국 전략은 외교 및 경제 분야에서 관여를 통해 중국과 건설적인 관계를 유지하면서도 국방분야에서는 균형을 취해 중국의 부상이 위협과 불안정 요인이 될 경우에 대비하는 것이다. 그런 점에서 미국의 대외전략은 양면성을 띤 위험대비 전략이라고 규정할 수 있을 것이다. 이와 같은 미국의 위험대비 전략이 자국의 패권에 대한 중국의 도전을 용납하지 않는 것이라고 한다면, 이는 중국의 대외전략과 크게 충돌하지 않을 가능성이 높다. 중국의 전략목표는 미국 주도의 세계질서를 부정하기보다 그 속에서 단계적으로 영향력을 확대해 나가는 것이기 때문이다. 따라서 우리의 대응전략은 중단기적으로 한미동맹에 기초하여 중국과 건설적 관계를 맺으면서도 장기적으로 중국의 지역패권국화에 대비하는 것이어야 할 것이다.

China’s rise, the USA and global order: Contested perspectives and an alternative approach

Mohammed Nuruzzaman 한국외국어대학교 국제지역연구센터 2016 International Area Studies Review Vol.19 No.2

China’s recent economic ascendance and its probable impact on the post-war global order have divided China watchers or sinologists into two broad opposing camps – the school of alarmists and the school of deniers. While the alarmist school exaggerates China’s rise as the beginning of a new Sino-centric world order, the denial school rejects the potential of a rising China to challenge and replace the post-war global order shaped and led by the USA. This review essay maps out the major arguments of both camps, critiques their conceptual and methodological shortcomings, highlights the missing points in the debates on China’s projected economic preeminence and emphasizes an alternative approach to account for the rise of Chinese power. It argues that the differing scholarly views on the impacts of China’s economic rise leave us nowhere close to having definitive ideas about China’s actual power status and impacts. Furthermore, the debates are marked by a general lack of comparative analyses on the global socio-economic and political conditions of China’s rise in the modern context and that of imperial Britain in the 18th and 19th centuries, Germany in the late 19th century and the USA in the late 19th and early 20th centuries. This is where more research is required to clearly understand the rise of China in the contemporary world.

중국의 부상을 보는 미국의 시각

김동현(Tong Kim) 성신여자대학교 동아시아연구소 2013 국가와 정치 Vol.19 No.-

미국에서 중국의 부상론이 2000년 대 중반부터 심각하게 논의되면서 고전적 현실주의 (classical Realist)파와 신자유주의 (neo-Liberalist)파를 중심으로 하 는 두 시각이 교차해왔다. 현실주의학파들은 중국의 부상과 미국의 쇠퇴가 맞물리면 궁극적으로 중국이 아시아에서 미국을 몰아내고 패권의 재장악을 추구하게 될 것이라고 주장한다. 이런 과정에서 미· 중간의 무력충돌도 가능하다고 이들은 우려한다. 한편 신자유주의자들은 중국이 아무리 경제적으로 미국을 능가하게 된다 하더라도 중국내부의 문제가 많고, 미국이 쇠퇴한다는 가정도 단정할 수 없으며, 지금까지 중국은 미국이 주도해 온 무역질서와 다중적 국제기구에 가입하고 있으며, 현재의 미·중간의 협력체제로 보더라도 직접적인 충돌은 없을 것으로 예상된다. 설사 중국이 미국의 패권을 대신하게 된다 하더라도 중국은 현존 세계무역 질서의 혜택으로 성장을 해 온 만큼 현재의 국제질서를 대신할 수 있는 새로운 질서를 창출할 수는 없을 것이라고 주장한다. 그러나 두 학파는 모두 중국의 성장이 미국을 능가할 수 있는 추세를 인정한다. 또한 두 학파는 중국의 패권지향 가능성을 견제하기 위한 여러 가지 군사, 외교적 대책을 강구해야 한다는 의견에도 동의한다. 동아시아의 안보와 평화 문제는 한반도와 대만문제 그리고 영토·영해 분쟁의 평화적 해결이 관건이다. 미·중 간에 무력충돌의 가능성은 희박하지만, 동북아의 평화와 안정을 위한 중·미간의 협력은 절실하게 요구된다. Since the discussion of China’s rise surfaced as a serious academ ic topic in the United States in the m id 2000s, there have been two schools of thought - Realist and N eo-liberalist. The Realists argue that given the prospect of China’s rise, coupled w ith a declining United States, China w ould eventually drive out the United States from Asia to pursue its ultimate goal of hegemony in Asia. This school even w arns of a possible arm ed conflict betw een China and the United States in the course of com petition. On the other hand, the N eo-liberalists believe that even if China m ight surpass the United States in term s of GDP at som e point, China has serious dom estic problem s and the assum ption of a declining United States is questionable. The N eo-liberalist school notes the fact that China is an active participant in the trade system and m ultiple international institutions. This school also argues that the current bilateral efforts for strategic and econom ic cooperation betw een W ashington and Beijing w ould serve as a deterrent to arm ed conflict. They also predict that even if China would replace the dominant role of the United States in the w orld, it w ould be unlikely that China w ould be able to create a new w orld order to replace the existing trade and other international system s from w hich China’s grow th has benefited. H ow ever, both schools accept the trend of China’s grow th, w hich m ight lead to China’s rise to the w orld’s largest econom y. Both schools agree that the U nited States should take various m ilitary and diplom atic m easures to contain China’s pursuit of dom inance. For peace and security of East Asia, this paper stresses U.S.-China cooperation over the issues of the K orean Peninsula, Taiwan, and territorial disputes in the region.

중국의 부상과 한미동맹의 변화: 동맹의 방기(Abandonment) - 연루(Entrapment) 모델적 시각에서

서정경(徐正京) 신아시아연구소(구 신아세아질서연구회) 2008 신아세아 Vol.15 No.1

  본고의 목적은 한국정부의 대북 편향성이라는 전제하, 중국의 부상이 한미동맹의 변화에 미치는 영향을 분석하는 것이다. 이를 위해 중국과 한미동맹이라는 양자 관계를 제약하는 외부적 체제요인, 즉 동북아시아에 전통적으로 존재하는 계층적 질서 및 21세기 중국의 부상으로 인한 동북아 세력구조의 변화와 행위자 요인, 즉 중국과 한미동맹간 상호작용을 함께 살펴보았다. 부상하는 중국의 대미국, 한국 인식 및 전략이 어떠한지, 그리고 미국과 한국의 동맹전략이 중국에 대한 고려를 중심으로 어떻게 변화하였는지를 살펴본 후, 실제 한미동맹에 발생하였던 몇 가지 방기와 연루 사례들, 즉 제2차 북핵문제, MD 편입문제 및 한미동맹의 전략적 유연성 문제로 인한 동맹의 안보딜레마 현상을 중국요인과 함께 논의하였다.<BR>  분석결과, 중국은 중국위협론을 잠식시키고 미중관계의 안정을 기하기 위해 북핵문제 해결에 최대한의 협력을 제공하는 한편, 미국과의 경쟁구도에서 보다 나은 위치에 서기 위해 한국에 대한 영향력 확대를 꾀하고 있다. 이러한 중국의 의도 및 외교행태는 한미 양국의 동맹 인식 및 전략에 영향을 미치고 특히 주변국 한국의 안보전략을 끌어당기는 원심력으로 작용함으로써 한미간 동맹의 방기-연루 현상을 초래ㆍ심화시키고 있다. 즉 중국의 적극적 개입 및 한중간 공조로 인한 한미간 갈등의 심화는 동맹 응집력에 일정한 영항을 주며, 한미동맹의 변화를 일정부분 추동하는 요인으로 작용하고 있다. 한국은 중국과의 관계 증진 및 공조를 통해 미ㆍ중간 충돌에 연루될 위험을 낮추려 하였고 전략적 공간의 확대를 기하려 하였으나 이러한 의도는 큰 성과를 얻지 못한 것으로 판단된다.   This article aims at analyzing the shift of ROK-U.S. Alliance affected by China"s rise under the premise of Korea government"s inclination toward pro-N.K. This article tries to explain both external structure factors - traditional hierarchical order in northeast asia, shifts of power distribution caused by China"s rise, and internal unitary factors - interaction between China and ROK-U.S. Alliance. It mainly analyze rising China"s perception and strategy on ROK and U.S. Shifts of ROK-U,S"s alliance strategy and ROK-U.S alliance"s security dilemma cases.<BR>  Through this article we can learned that the rise of China indeed influence and motivate the shift of ROK-U.S Alliance. China provide U.S. with cooperation actively to eliminate the "china threat theory," and tries to draw ROK into it"s sphere of influence with the intention of getting more favorable position within U.S-China"s competition, so it gives rise to and deepens the ROK-U.S. alliance"s security dilemmas-entrapment and abandonment crisis. China"s active intervention to Korea peninsula issues, constructive cooperation with Korea government, and discord between ROK and U.S complicated by China"s intervention undermines the cohesion of ROK-U.S Alliance, and facilitates the shift of alliance. This article also shows us that Korean government"s intention of broadening the diplomatic space using China card doesn"t seem to obtain fruitful outcomes.

중국의 부상과 일대일로 이니셔티브에 대한 유럽의 인식: 변화와 분화

강수정 현대중국학회 2019 現代中國硏究 Vol.21 No.3

China, which pursues its dream of “the great rejuvenation of the Chinese people”, is emerging as a global power by expanding its comprehensive national power and international influence. China’s rise and its great power strategy affect Europe in various fields, including economy, trade, investment, politics, security, value and European integration while offering multi-faceted opportunities and challenges. What opportunities and challenges do the European Union (EU) and European countries view China’s rise offers, and how it should be responded to? In this sense, this study explores European perceptions of China’s rise. Its analytical focus is on the change and division in European perceptions of China following China’s rise, especially China’s growing influence over Europe. First, this study examines the change of the EU’s perception and strategy toward China as a result of China’s rise. Next, it examines the difference, and divergence, of perceptions among the EU member states on China’s One Belt One Road initiative, which is regarded as China’s mid-and long-term strategy for realizing its dream to become a great power, Through this analysis, it shows the impact of the divided perspectives and responses of the EU member states toward China on European unity and division ‘중화민족의 위대한 부흥’이라는 강대국화의 꿈을 실현하고자 하는 중국은 종합 국력과 국제적 영향력을 확대하면서 동아시아 지역을 넘어 전세계적으로 광범위한 영향력을 발휘하는 글로벌 강대국으로 부상하고 있다. 중국의 부상과 강대국화 전략은 경제⋅무역⋅투자⋅정치⋅안보⋅가치⋅유럽통합 등 다양한 측면에서 유럽에 영향을 미치고 있으며, 다면적인 기회와도전을 동시에 제공하고 있다. 유럽연합(European Union, EU)과 유럽 국가들은 중국의 부상이 어떠한 기회와 도전을 제공하고 있으며, 이에 어떻게 대응해야 한다고 인식하고 있을까? 본 연구는 이러한 문제의식 속에서중국의 부상에 대한 유럽의 인식을 살펴본다. 중국의 부상, 특히 중국의대유럽 영향력 확대에 따른 유럽의 대중국 인식의 ‘변화’와 ‘분화’에 주목한다. 먼저, 통합된 유럽을 대표하는 EU의 대중국 인식의 변화를 중심으로 중국의 강대국화에 따른 유럽의 대중국 인식의 변화를 분석한다. 그다음, 중국의 강대국화 실현을 위한 중장기 전략이라고 할 수 있는 일대일로 이니셔티브에 초점을 맞추어, 일대일로를 전면에 내세운 중국의 대유럽 진출과 영향력 확대에 대한 인식과 대응에 있어서 EU 회원국들 간에 어떠한 차이와 분화가 나타나고 있는지를 살펴본다. 이를 통해, 유럽의분화된 대중국 인식과 대응이 유럽의 단합과 분열에 미치는 영향을 보여주고자 한다.

중국의 경제적 굴기와 한국경제의 지향

김정식(Jeong-Sik Kim) 한국산업경제학회 2015 산업경제연구 Vol.28 No.1

본 연구는 사회주의 현대화노선을 중심으로 영도되어 온 중국의 경제적 굴기의 전제, 전개, 현황과 전망 그리고 이와 상관 된 한국경제의 지향 점을 찾는 경제사적 연구를 수행하였다. 중국의 경제적 굴기(?起)는 중국 “4개현대화(4個?代化)”발전전략의 개혁개방이후의 구체적 전략인 “산부조우(三步走)”전략추진의 성공적 결과이다. 중국은 이미 세계경제대국으로 부상하였고, 중국 중심의 시대는 열려오고 있다. 이러한 시점에 한국경제는 중국의 경제적 굴기에 대한 정확한 인식의 기초 위에 21세기 세계경제시대를 선도해야 할 경제 발전전략의 수립과 추진이 필요하다. 1978년 개혁개방 이후 신속한 중국 경제의 굴기 과정은 사상해방과 실사구시를 이념으로 역사를 바르게 전승하여 용감하게 앞으로 전진 해 온 성찰과 개혁, 그리고 진보의 역사였다. 그것은 사회주의적 성찰에서 자본주의를 포용하는 진보의 역사였다. 그리고 경제대국 중국의 경제적 굴기는 경제강국 중국의 길을 향해 지속될 것으로 전망된다. 따라서 본고는 이러한 중국 경제 중심의 세계화 시대에 한국경제의 바른 성장 전략을 위해서는 끊임없는 자본주의 모순 성찰을 통한 공생 자본주의(共生資本主義)의 길을 찾아야 할 것으로 논결 지었다. The purpose of this study is to investigate the premise, evolvement, present situation and prospect of China’s economic rise which are guided focusing on a socialistic modernization course. Also, this study has performed an economic history research to find the intention point of Korea’s economy which are correlated with China’s economic rise. China’s economic rise is a successful result of promoting “three-stap stratagem" which was one of the specific strategies of Chinese “4 modernization” development strategies after chinese economic reform. China has already become one of the leading economic powers in the world and the new world order centering on China is coming. At this time, Korean economy needs to establish economic development strategies to lead 21 century’s world economy times based on a firm perception of china’s economic rise. Since chinese economic reform in 1978, the process of china’s swift economic rise has been the history of introspection, reform and progress which bravely proceeded forward ,handing down the history with the idea of thought liberation and empirical tradition. It was the history of progress which embraces capitalism from a socialistic introspection. And China’s economic rise is forecasted to continue toward global economic power. Therefore, it seems that in the age of china centered globalization, we have to find the way to lead the right growth of korean economy in a symbiosis of capitalism, incessantly introspecting the contradiction of capitalism.

중국의 부상과 국제통화·금융질서의 미래: 자유주의 국제질서가 붕괴될 것인가?

정진영 ( Jin-young Chung ) 경남대학교 극동문제연구소 2017 한국과 국제정치 Vol.33 No.1

중국의 부상이 자유주의 국제질서를 붕괴시킬 것이라는 주장은 미국의 패권이 쇠퇴하고 중국이 비자유주의 국가라는 사실에 기초한다. 그러나 이는 논리적이고 경험적인 검증을 필요로 한다. 이 글은 국제통화·금융질서의 측면에서 세 가지 사례를 통해 중국의 부상이 국제질서에 미치는 영향을 살펴본다. 첫째, IMF에 대한 중국의 영향력 증대이다. 세계금융위기 이후 중국은 국제통화체제 개혁을 적극 요구하였고, 그 결과 IMF에서 세 번째로 비중이 큰 이해당사자가 되었다. 중국의 국력신장이 IMF의 거버넌스 개혁에 반영된 결과이다. 둘째, 중국은 위안화 국제화를 위해 SDR 바스켓에 위안화를 편입시키려 했다. 국내적으로 금융개혁을 추진하고 국제적으로 사용이 용이하도록 하는 등 다양한 노력의 결과, 위안화는 SDR 바스켓을 구성하는 5개 통화들 중 하나가 되었으며 국제통화로서 인증받았다. 셋째, AIIB를 설립하여 중국 중심의 국제금융기구를 갖게 되었다. 중국은 막대한 금융자산을 기초로 적극적인 금융외교를 펼치고 있다. AIIB는 쌍무적·비공식적인 중국의 금융외교를 다자화·제도화하려는 노력으로서, 세계은행이나 ADB를 대체하기보다 경쟁하고 보완하는 역할을 한다. 이러한 사례들에서 중국의 부상은 자유주의 국제질서를 붕괴시키기보다 그 질서 속으로 중국이 더욱 깊숙이 편입되고 있음을 확인할 수 있다. 국제경제질서는 부상하는 국가들을 비교적 쉽게 포용할 수 있다. 국제통화 ·금융의 측면에서 중국의 부상은 자유주의 국제질서를 위태롭게 만들지 않고 있다. It is often argued that China`s rise will bring about the collapse of the liberal international order. This is based on two features of China`s rise: the relative decline of U.S. Hegemony and China`s being an illiberal country. However, this argument needs to be examined with regard to its logical reasoning and empirical foundation. We cannot tell logically that the decline of a liberal hegemonic country, the U.S., will necessarily end up with the collapse of the liberal international order. In this paper we take three instances exemplifying China`s rise in the field of international monetary and financial relations to examine their impacts on the liberal international order. First, the reform of the IMF and China`s rising power in it. After the global financial crisis China strongly argued for the IMF reform as a part of international monetary reform which caused the crisis, and now is the third most powerful state in the IMF in terms of its quota share and voting power. Second, China demanded that its currency, RMB, should be included in the currency basket of Special Drawing Rights(SDR). China made a variety of efforts to satisfy the criteria for the RMB inclusion into the SDR basket, and RMB is now an officially recognized international reserve currency. Third, China led an international effort to establish an international infrastructure investment bank and succeeded in launching the AIIB. AIIB can be perceived as China`s effort to transform its conventional bilateral and informal financial diplomacy towards a multilateral and institutionalized one. These instances show that rising China has been successfully accommodated into the liberal international order, rendering China to be its big stakeholder. As far as international monetary and financial relations are concerned, the liberal order has shown its flexibility and adaptability to accommodate a rising great power into it.

华侨华人与中国的公共外交: 理论建构与现实挑战

王秋彬 ( Wang Qiubin ) 성균관대학교 성균중국연구소 2020 중국사회과학논총 Vol.2 No.2

目前全球华侨华人总数高达6000多万, 是世界上规模最大的海外侨民群体, 也是中国宝贵的战略资源。海外华侨华人熟悉中国与住在国的情况, 在促进中外交往方面具有得天独厚的天然优势。发挥海外侨民的独特作用, 为祖(籍)国的建设发展以及外交战略服务, 这是以色列、印度、日本、韩国等诸多世界主要侨务资源大国的通行做法。中国向来重视海外侨胞在沟通中外上所发挥的独特而重要的作用, 为了更好地借助侨务资源推进公共外交与人文交流, 中国于2011年提出了侨务公共外交的理念, 旨在通过侨务渠道开展公共外交。在实践中, 中国以华侨华人为依托, 大力开展引资、引智工作, 动员海外侨胞为祖(籍)国的现代化建设事业服务; 希望海外侨胞传播优秀的中华文化, 利用自己联通中外的优势, 发挥桥梁作用, 讲好中国故事; 号召海外侨胞积极融入当地主流社会, 建设和谐侨社、展示大国侨民形象, 提升中国软实力。但随着中国的崛起, 中国与世界的关系发生了历史性变化, 侨务公共外交的推进面临日益复杂的国际形势、住在国对华舆论氛围以及海外侨胞自身复杂多元的个人因素等方面的严峻挑战。在当今复杂的国际环境下, 中国在侨务公共外交实践中应当摒弃想当然的思维定式, 工作上要注意把握内外有别的原则, 因地制宜、因地施策, 以文化、情感为纽带联络祖(籍)国与海外侨胞的血脉联系, 把“三个有利于”的侨务工作原则作为一个整体贯彻到侨务公共外交实践中去, 促进中国公共外交事业的大发展。 China has the largest diaspora in the world, with an estimation of over 60 million in 2014. Ethnic Chinese overseas share some common historical memories and cultures and thus have better understandings of China’s policies; and they directly build up the image of “Chinese” in foreign lands and proactively take the advantages in Sino-Foreign engagement. China pays special attention to the roles that overseas Chinese can play in its communication and exchanges with international communities against the backdrop that China has been increasingly involved into world politics and integrated into global economy. Diasporas have been recognized as valuable resources by states to serve the construction and strategic development of their home countries and promote mutual trust and understanding in international relations. It is a common practice for Israel, India, Japan, South Korea and many other major countries in the world to utilize the resources of the diaspora for diplomacy by strengthening the psychological, cultural and economic bonds with their diasporas. The constructs of ethnic identity produce appeals for power seeking states. Chinese government, ever since the Mao era, has been engaging the Chinese diaspora in the process of modernization and the communication between China and the external world, and the state leaders view soft power as an indispensable part of comprehensive national strength. Therefore, China pursuing to increase its capability to disseminate information and ideas in the campaign of soft power attaches great importance to overseas Chinese in promoting public diplomacy and people-to-people exchanges. Chinese authorities put forward the concept of “diaspora public diplomacy” in 2011 and constantly make efforts in developing diaspora policies and institutions for transnational expansion of influence and global reach. The working mechanism of diaspora public diplomacy is as follows: through a diverse range of government-led cultural and economic exchanges with and policy interpretations to overseas Chinese, the relevant departments of China will guide them to correctly understand China’s social conditions and public sentiment and opinions; and then the Chinese diaspora will disseminate Chinese-related information and explicate it to the local public and government with indigenized expressions that can be effectively received and understood by the local communities, so as to increase the extent of recognition and favorability among the external audiences and further promote the local government to stipulate and implement friendly policy towards China which would be consistent with China’s national interests. In this process, overseas Chinese have dual identities. They are firstly the intermedium transmitters of China's public diplomacy mainly conducted by government’s overseas Chinese affairs institutions, and then the agents of China’s public diplomacy in regards to the communication with the foreign publics and governments. In practice, China relies on overseas Chinese as its base to project Chinese soft power, mobilizes the diaspora with Chinese language and culture appeal, and follows the principles of cooperation and mutual benefits (good for the overseas Chinese, good for their residing country and good for China). China has made efforts to enhance media capacity by partaking or involving overseas Chinese media to tell the stories of China and spread the culture of China, which increases creativity and credibility of China’s publicity and meanwhile strengthens the ties of “Chinese”; China has conducted a series of reforms in laws and regulations relating to immigration and a variety of economic sectors to attract foreign investments and talents; China calls on the diaspora to actively integrate into the local society while maintaining “Chineseness” identities and make contributions to the development and progress of the country they reside in, to consolidate the mutual trust on international level and establish the positive image of overseas Chinese as a group. However, the Westphalian nation-state system doubts the loyalty of ethnic groups in the political perspective and the western society follows realism approaches in understanding China’s increasing strength and presence in international community; China faces massive scale smears and attacks on its ideology and policies. The transition to assertiveness of China on international issues and the complexities of international relations make the practice of diaspora public diplomacy harder to advance. The host country and media coverage tend to interpret China’s diaspora public diplomacy by state-centric approaches and the multidimensionality in diaspora’s homeland engagement leads to public sentiment of suspicion and even hatred. In some countries and regions, Chinese national students, diasporic Chinese and locals with Chinese ancestry are deemed as “the fifth column” that are seeking for expansion of communist interests and influence, posing threats to their security. And there are some overseas Chinese who do not agree with China’s policy are still “tarnishing” China, which, to a certain extent, damages China’s image. To recapitulate, China should make realistic appraisal of the international environment and push forward its international engagement with more flexible and indigenized diaspora public diplomacy. In practice, Chinese diaspora policies should adhere to the principle of mutual benefits and accommodate the needs and interests of both Chinese diasporic communities and the foreign audiences, dismissing the thinking that overseas Chinese should and will actively strive for the development of the country of their ancestors and serve as the foundation for promoting China’s grand strategy such as the Belt and the Road. In carrying out specific programs, China should make differences between domestic and external-oriented affairs, differentiating approaches and means in terms of communication and propaganda according to the varying conditions in targeted countries or regions and norms of other nationals and ethnic groups. The link of psycho-cultural and phenotypic ethnic identities should be consolidated between the motherland and overseas Chinese. Diasporic engagement in public diplomacy and overseas Chinese affairs falling under the responsibilities of official institutions should be coordinated with a holistic perspective by the state, so as to promote the appeal of China and improve China’s relations with foreign countries.

China`s Anti-Access Strategy and Regional Contingencies: Implications for East Asian and Korean Security

( Tae Ho Kim ) 한국국방연구원 2012 The Korean Journal of Defense Analysis Vol.24 No.3

While China`s new military capabilities are an issue of growing importance to regional security, it should be understood that they are very much a work in progress. It is also important to note that it is not China`s military modernization per se, but its ability to project and sustain power along and beyond its borders. in particular, the possibility to resolve forcefully its outstanding maritime disputes and various contingencies in the region. This article argues that China`s "anti-access capability". A U.S.-coined term originally developed for a Taiwan crisis. is equally applicable to other major regional cases such as the Spratly disputes and a North Korean contingency. Furthermore, notwithstanding China`s continuous efforts to develop and deploy various types and classes of weapons/platforms, it is the Russian systems and technologies that are most capable and thus assigned to the highest mission-critical areas. In assessing China`s current and likely future military capabilities as well as their implications for the region, it is necessary to take note of the following:. It is very important not to "overestimate" or "underestimate" China`s actual military capability, as war is most likely when China overestimates and others underestimate the PLA`s capability..China`s military not only employs mixed defense strategies but it also possesses both new and old (in fact, very old) military technologies. Its more than a dozen sources of foreign technologies are a nightmare for system integration and interoperability..There exists asymmetry of military capability between China and its weaker neighbors. While the PLAN is weak in several important aspects, many of its neighbors` navies are weaker still..Some have argued that China`s foreign policy behavior apparently became more "assertive" in 2009.2012, but it is wiser to keep in mind that China has always been assertive and aggressive when it comes to what it defines as"sovereignty and territorial issues" as well as its newest "core interest.".For Korean security it is imperative to take into account the geostrategic and historical factors. On top of the existing military threats from North Korea, the ROK should be able to employ a) a hedging strategy, b) "limited defense sufficiency"strategy, and c) rock-solid relations with the United States.