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정경택 한국러시아문학회 2019 러시아어문학 연구논집 Vol.66 No.-
The Nagorno-Karabakh region, which belonged to Azerbaijan SSR during the Soviet period declared its independence as the Republic of Artsakh in 1991. Currently, the region is internationally regarded as Azerbaijani territory, but in reality it is a part of Armenia. Therefore, Armenian language policies are applied, and Armenian language is defined as a state language. Even though the Azerbaijani population of Nagorno-Karabakh and the number of Azerbaijani speakers have increased during the Soviet period, the Armenians have not learned and used Azerbaijani language. This becomes the basis for Russian language to maintain its solid position as a lingua franca in the Nagorno-Karabakh region. Also, Russian language is a required subject for all Artsakh’s higher education institutions, secondary and general education institutions just like in Armenia. It is because the Azerbaijan war from 1991 to 1994 was virtually supported by Russia, and Armenia recognized Russia as its most important volunteer and protector. In the Republic of Armenia, Russian is regarded as a language of communication among ethnic minorities, and the use of Russian language continues to be active.
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Turkish Media’s Role in Armenian-Turkish Relations
Najaryan Syuzan,천자현 연세대학교(미래캠퍼스) 빈곤문제국제개발연구원 2023 地域發展硏究 Vol.32 No.3
The complex and evolving relationship between Armenia and Turkey stands as a critical flashpoint in the modern Eurasian geopolitical landscape, with repercussions stretching beyond their borders. This study endeavors to fill a gap in the existing literature by examining how Turkish media influences public perception and communicates foreign policy objectives, particularly in the aftermath of the Third Artsakh War and the ongoing reconciliation process. This study is Undertaking an extensive analysis of the Turkish English-language press discourse surrounding the Armenian-Turkish conflict. Special attention is devoted to specific discourses such as the Artsakh problem and the “Zangezur corridor.” By closely scrutinizing media narratives, this section aims to provide invaluable insights into how the Turkish press portrays and molds the narrative surrounding the conflict. The findings of this research contribute to a deeper understanding of how media discourse shapes public policies and perceptions, impacting the diplomatic and geopolitical landscape in the region. The study sheds light on the complex interplay between media representation, foreign policy objectives, and the intricacies of post-war reconciliation efforts. Ultimately, the research underscores the pivotal role of media in the Armenian-Turkish conflict’s broader geopolitical context, where regional and global players are deeply entwined.
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하이브리드 전쟁(Hybrid war)으로 살펴본 제2차 나고르노-카라바흐(Nagorno-Karabakh) 전쟁
신성균 ( Seongkyoon Shin ),반기현 ( Kee-hyun Ban ) 국방대학교 안보문제연구소 2021 국방연구 Vol.64 No.2
아르메니아와 아제르바이잔 사이에서 벌어진 제 2차 나고르노-카라바흐 전쟁(2020년 9월-11월)은 종결된 지 얼마 되지 않았고 비교적 약소국 간에 벌인 전쟁이라는 점에서 아직까지 국내 학계에서 본격적으로 다뤄지지 않았다. 이 논문은 하이브리드 전쟁의 관점에서 이 현대전을 분석하고, 나아가 미래전을 전망하기 위한 중요한 전쟁 사례로 제시한다. 대부분의 군사학 연구들은 아제르바이잔이 무인기라는 최신무기체계를 활용한 측면에만 주목해왔다. 이는 아제르바이잔이 지난 10여 년간 축적한 오일 머니를 바탕으로 새로운 무기체계를 도입했고, 이를 적절히 운용할 수 있는 군사혁신 노력을 게을리 하지 않았으며, 주변국과의 지속적인 군사협력을 통해 그 능력을 배양시켜 왔기에 가능했다. 그러나 전쟁에서 발생한 사상자수 및 장비의 피해규모 등과 비교했을 때, 전투현장에서 아제르바이잔이 거둔 전술적 성과는 확연하게 드러나지 않았다. 아제르바이잔의 승리는 확고한 정치적 결단 하에 다양한 전쟁수행방식과 수단들을 적절히 적용함은 물론, 이를 동시간대에 동일한 전장에서 운용함으로써 전략적·정치적 효과를 극대화시키려는 노력을 배가시켰기 때문인 것으로 풀이된다. 이를 통해 아제르바이잔은 자국민들의 전의를 지속적으로 고양할 수 있었고, 상대국 아르메니아 국민들의 전쟁지속 의지를 감소시킬 수 있었다. 또한 아제르바이잔이 수행한 적극적인 여론전과 정보전은 국제 여론을 자국에게 유리하게 전개시킴으로써 러시아는 물론 서방 국가들이 전쟁에 적극 개입할 수 없도록 만들었다. 결국, 이와 같은 다양한 수단들을 동원했기에 아제르바이잔은 전쟁의 목적을 달성할 수 있었다. 즉, 2차 나고르노-카라바흐 전쟁에서 아제르바이잔의 승리는 ‘하이브리드 전쟁’이라는 포괄적인 전쟁수행방식의 적용에 따른 결과인 것이다. The 2nd Nagorno-Karabakh war, fought between the Republic of Armenia and the Republic of Azerbaijan from September to November in 2020, has rarely been studied in Korean scholarship, probably because it was too recent to collect sufficient data and its scale was relatively small. Despite that, from the viewpoint of hybrid war, this paper attempts to investigate the war and to suggest it as a significant case study to predict future wars. As regards the war, most military studies have mainly focused on the practical use of Azerbaijani forces’ latest weapons system, drones in particular. It was possible for Azerbaijan because its government had introduced the new weapons system with spending the oil money accumulated over the past decade, consistently improved military capabilities to properly operate the system, and developed the capabilities through continuous military cooperation with neighboring countries. However, comparing the number of casualties in the war and the extent of military equipment damage, the tactical achievements of Azerbaijani forces at the battlefields have not been unveiled. Azerbaijan's victory over Armenia is attributed to its endeavors to maximize strategic and political effectiveness by properly applying various ways and means of conducting war and by employing them on the same battlefield at the same time under the firm decision-making of government. Azerbaijan was able to raise its people’s fighting spirit and to reduce the will of Armenians to continue the war. The aggressive manipulation of public opinion and information campaign that Azerbaijan carried out prevented the active intervention of Russia, USA, UK, and France by mobilizing international opinion in its favor. Using those various ways and means of conducting war, Azerbaijan was eventually able to achieve the ultimate goal of the war. That is, the victory of Azerbaijan in the 2nd Nagorno-Karabakh war resulted from the introduction and application of the comprehensive way of war, which is defined as the ‘hybrid war’.
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