아랍의 봄에 대한 기록과 재구성

김은지(Eun-ji Kim) 한국이슬람학회 2023 한국이슬람학회논총 Vol.33 No.1

Film is a visual content and is more influenced by producers, compared to other media. For this reason, the film industry in the Arab World has undergone many changes by the times. The Arab Spring, which had a great impact on Arab society, also had a great influence on the Arab film industry. This study traces the changes in the film industry after the Arab Spring and examines the characteristics of documentaries, mass-produced film genres, after the Arab Spring. By analyzing two early-produced documentary films as examples, we analyze the thoughts and meanings that documentary makers have about the Arab Spring and what they want to share with the public. After the Arab Spring, the film industry faced on a period of growth and a large number of documentary films were produced. It continues to serve as a messenger to Arabs and non-Arabs by reconstructing the memories and records of the Arab Spring.

아랍 시민들의 민주주의 인식에 영향을 미치는 요인 -아랍의 봄 전후 비교 분석-

박상운 ( Park Sang-un ),정혜선 ( Jung Hye-sun ) 부산외국어대학교 지중해지역원 2022 지중해지역연구 Vol.24 No.4

After the Arab Spring, are there differences in the effects of factors affecting Arab citizens’ perception of democracy? The purpose of this study is to analyze what factors affect the favorable perception of democracy before and after the Arab Spring. This study used the Arab barometer survey Wave1∼5. The results show that the higher the socioeconomic status, the more favorable it was to democracy in three waves. In most waves, Arab citizens who value Islamic values less were favorable to democracy. On the other hand, the effect of social capital was found only in some waves. Unlike our expectations, Arab citizens who perceived state corruption as serious were skeptical of democracy in some waves. In addition, the gap in perception between genders has decreased since the Arab Spring and reversed in Wave5, while the gap in perception between generations(excluding Wave5) has grown. The significance of this study is that it proved the effects of factors influencing the favorable perception of democracy by comparing and analyzing various periods for Arab citizens.

"아랍의 봄" 전후의 정치와 젠더화 -이집트를 중심으로-

조희선 ( Hee Sun Cho ) 한국외국어대학교 중동연구소 2016 중동연구 Vol.35 No.1

In most countries, including Egypt, where ``Arab Spring`` has overtaken, strong doubt have been expressed as to achievements of Democratization Revolution; except Tunisia, which succeeded in democratization to some degree. However, there is no objection to consider ``Arab Spring`` in Egypt as a revolution, because the authoritarian dictatorship government has collapsed by the power of the people. Even though Egypt achieved remarkable democratization through a people`s revolution of all classes, religions and sexes, it turned out to be the revival of former regime. This article starts from the assumption that the strange counter-revolutionary settlement in Egypt is closely connected with gender issues. It is not the first time that women fought for national cause in time of national crisis, together with men, crossing gender line. The appearance of Egyptian women in fierce demonstration site or overnight sit-in site was impressive enough to change the old image of Arab women. After nationalist revolution, however, Egyptian women were excluded, marginalized, and were coerced to remain in more gendered social space, while suffering jeer, insult, sexual harassment, sexual violence, and rape in public sphere. Especially with the accession to power of conservative Islamic party after revolution, ``Arab Spring`` left severe counter-revolutionary effect for women, to such an extent as some people say ``Arab Winter``. A study on politics and gendering in Egypt before and after ``Arab Spring`` have importance in respect of weighing up the possibility of true democratization in Egypt, because women and gender are regarded as core elements in processes of revolution and counter-revolution. This article can also demonstrate the reason why conservative Islamic party`s rule ended in failure is bound up with gendering. As the political and social movement began in 2004 in Egypt, bearing fruit named ``Arab Spring`` in 2011, and Egyptian Islamic government came to an end in 2013, the temporal range of this article will be limited to 2004-2013.

Civil Society Activities in Turkey : the “Hizmet” Movement and Arab Muslim Intellectuals’ Increasing Interest in the “Turkish Model”

Idiris Danismaz,Ph.D 부산외국어대학교 지중해지역원 2013 The Mediterranean Review Vol.6 No.1

The democratization and stability of the Muslim world are two of the most crucial issues facing the world, especially after so called “Arab Spring”. Turkey has been represented as a model of stability for Muslim societies in a transition process. This paper attempts to shed light on the efforts of the moderate and peaceful faith-based civil organizations in Turkey to develop the country through changing society by peaceful means, in general, and on transnational interaction of such groups with the Muslim Arabic world, in particular from the perspective of Arab intellectuals; and it seeks to answer the question, “How do Arab intellectuals see civil society in Turkey? As for the case of the social organizations in Turkey “the Hizmet (Service) Movement (HM)”, one of the biggest in the county, was chosen. The paper argues that Arab intellectuals have been paying attention to civil society activities not only since the Arab Spring but also before. They have been aware that the positive changes in Turkey resulted not only from the legislative activities of its political society but also, and more importantly, from the activities of its civil society institutions, such as HM, which is religiously credible, in terms of theory and practice, in approaching social problems with a positive and constructive attitude. Therefore, HM and its activities can serve as a model for Arabs, not only for solving their problems but also correcting their past mistakes. Keywords: Turkish Model, Civil Society, Hizmet (Service) Movement, Arab Spring, Faith-based organizations

튀니지 민주주의 위기와 베니스위원회의 대응

승이도 대한변호사협회 2023 人權과 正義 : 大韓辯護士協會誌 Vol.- No.518

The Revolution of Dignity began in Tunisia in 2011. Tunisians overthrew the long-ruled authoritarian regime through the democratization movement, and fulfilled the revision of 2014 democratic Constitution. The successful story of Tunisia spread throughout the Arab world and later named ‘Arab Spring’ or ‘Jasmine Revolution’. In the past, ‘Arab exceptionalism’, which held that Arab culture and the democracy were incompatible, was widespread. But it turned out to be nothing more than a wrong prejudice. Just as what Fukuyama insisted, it seemed that the Arab region was entering the final stage of historical development. However, looking back on the past 10 years, it can be seen that the situation has shifted completely different from the hopeful outlook of the past. The Jasmine Revolution of other Arab countries such as Egypt, Yemen, Syria had failed. Even Tunisia, the only country whose transition to electoral democracy was successful, has now come to the end of 2014 Constitution and has transformed into a new authoritarian regime. The Arab Spring has suddenly become the ‘Arab Winter’. In this article, I will first explain the Arab Spring of 2011 and the changed situation of Tunisia 10 years later. Based on the situation, I will verify the main contents of the 2014 Constitution, which was amended after the democratization movement, as well as the contents of the President’s emergency measures(ruling by presidential decrees). After that, I will review the Rapporteur’s report and the Urgent Opinion of the Venice Commission. Finally, I will analyze the constitutional implications and lessons that we can obtain from the Tunisian case. Analyzing the Tunisian democratic crisis and the response of the Venice Commission has the significant meaning for improving our electoral system and referendum, managing the state of emergency, and maintaining the functions of Constitutional Court.

Arab Spring Effects on Meanings for Islamist Web Terms and on Web Hyperlink Networks among Muslim-Majority Nations: A Naturalistic Field Experiment

Danowski, James A.,Park, Han Woo World Association for Triple Helix and Future Stra 2014 Journal of Contemporary Eastern Asia Vol.13 No.2

This research conducted a before/after naturalistic field experiment, with the early Arab Spring as the treatment. Compared to before the early Arab Spring, after the observation period the associations became stronger among the Web terms: 'Jihad, Sharia, innovation, democracy and civil society.' The Western concept of civil society transformed into a central Islamist ideological component. At another level, the inter-nation network based on Jihad-weighted Web hyperlinks between pairs of 46 Muslim Majority (MM) nations found Iran in one of the top two positions of flow betweenness centrality, a measure of network power, both before and after early Arab Spring. In contrast, Somalia, UAE, Egypt, Libya, and Sudan increased most in network flow betweenness centrality. The MM 'Jihad'-centric word co-occurrence network more than tripled in size, and the semantic structure more became entropic. This media "cloud" perhaps billowed as Islamist groups changed their material-level relationships and the corresponding media representations of Jihad among them changed after early Arab Spring. Future research could investigate various rival explanations for this naturalistic field experiment's findings.

“아랍의 봄”과 사우디아라비아의 정치개혁

최영철 ( Young Chol Choe ) 한국이슬람학회 2015 한국이슬람학회논총 Vol.25 No.1

This paper reviews the political reform processes in Saudi Arabia since 1990s mainly focusing on the period under the King Abdullah``s rule. And then it analyzes the responses and political reform efforts of the Saudi government after the ‘Arab Spring.’ It also discusses the petition movements for the political reform in Saudi Arabia which have intensified after the Arab Spring and explores the consequences for the Saudi political reforms. The author argues that Islamists and liberal elites demanded political reforms such as political liberalization, expansion of participation and political openness after the 9/11 in 2001 and the Saudi government had responded to the pressure positively taking an incremental political liberalization strategy with the carrot and stick policy. One of the symbolic liberalization measures was the municipal election, held in 2005. This study found that Saudi ruling family``s response to the ``Arab Spring`` was a preemptive counter-revolutionary strategy which combined a harsh repression of political challengers and co-optation with a package of social welfare subsidies and financial inducements. The first positive response of the Saudi ruling family to the political reform pressure after the ``Arab Spring`` was the municipal elections, held on 22 September 2011. And in September 2011, King Abdullah granted women the right to vote in the 2015 municipal election. As another positive measure to the political reform pressure, the King Abdullah appointed 30 women to the previously all-male 150 members Majlis al-Shura (Consultative Council) in January 2013. In the concluding chapter, the author argues that the factors which have contributed to the relative political stability in Saudi Arabia, compared to Tunisia and Egypt, are 1) vast government financial reserves of the Saudi government, 2) the effectiveness of the state``s coercive apparatus, 3) well-developed patron-client networks, 4) division of the reform camp between liberals and Islamists, 5) conservative and religious education system, and 6) traditional and conservative ethical norms of the Saudi society. He also argues that the positive factors for the political liberalization are as follows: 1) the currents of political liberalization process in Saudi Arabia since 1990s even though it is incremental, 2) the strengthening trend of the functions of Majlis al-Shura (Consultative Council), 3) the growth of Saudi civil society such as human rights NGOs, 4) the growth of the horizontal communications means of the social networking space, and 5) influx of human and material resources and information from the international community.

아랍의 봄이 북아프리카 국가의 이슬람 금융에 미친 영향

김동환(Kim, Dong-Hwan) 한국중동학회 2015 韓國 中東 學會 論叢 Vol.35 No.3

Most countries, swept by global financial crisis in 2008, have faced financial and economical difficulties with social instability. There is no doubt that the countries in MENA have been also influenced by it directly and indirectly. Under this situation some of them couldn't find any solution and exit from the crisis. So there were partially some complaints expressed from the people at large and it was developed to be citizen contra in some arabian and islamic countries governed during long period of dictatorship. It brought changed social and political complexion named ‘Arab spring’ in arab societies. Since Arab Spring new elected governments in Egypt, Libya and Tunisia have tried to get opportunities to secure finances for their national budgets through Islamic finance which has shown us its existence continuously since global financial crisis in 2008. Islamic finance has grown up rapidly in global financial markets and achieved growth of 150% during last 5 years. All financial transaction in Islamic finance should be agreed with Sharia as prohibition of Riba, Profit & Loss Sharing, prohibition of Gharar and so on. This research aims to analyze the influence of Arab Spring on the development of Islamic finance in Egypt, Libya and Tunisia among the North African countries which Islamic finance hadn't been developed well relatively even though they are islamic countries. This research shows the financial situations and Islamic finance industry in 3 countries for the comparison before and after Arab Spring and how these governments have tried to get the chances for their national budgets and nations from Islamic finance. Besides it will note social problems and priority issues for adapting and developing Islamic finance with existing financial system in islamic countries.

‘아랍의 봄’의 정치경제적 요인 분석

이양호(Rhee Yang Ho) 명지대학교 중동문제연구소 2017 중동문제연구 Vol.16 No.1

The Arab Spring is one of the significant turning points in history, for it was the first democratic movement in the Arab world. Its beginning was filled with hope and delight, but eventually was overwhelmed by misery and despair just like the French Revolution. The theoretical debate views the cause of the Arab Spring with three different approaches. Some scholars believe it was political, economic, and cultural factors that led to the widespread discontent among people. Other scholars assert that the Arab Spring was triggered by the break-up of social contract which originally legitimized the authoritarian rule in exchange for the welfare favors given by authoritarian regime. The other scholars claim that a decrease in life satisfaction level due to economic stagnation was the main cause. This article aims to analyze the political and economic aspects, especially the different viewpoints between participants and non-participants of the Arab Spring.

아랍 스프링 이후 이집트의 정치권력구조 변화

황병하 ( Byung Ha Hwang ) 한국이슬람학회 2013 한국이슬람학회논총 Vol.23 No.3

This paper is intended to research the change of political power structure in Egypt after the Arab Spring. The political power structure of Egypt has changed two times after the Arab Spring. After the Arab Spring, Islamist Mursy was elected as President of Egypt through a democratic election. During his first year in office, Mursy was regarded as doing little to tackle economic and social problems. He was ousted by the military in July 2013. It was a coup. After coup, Egypt was in turmoil, and polarized politically,religiously, and socially. In chapter Ⅱ, this paper analyzed the current situation of Egypt. A democratically elected president has been removed by the military. In chapter Ⅲ, the relationship between Mursy and the military in the first year of Mursy and MB``s response after coup were described. In chapter Ⅳ, the change of political power structure in Egypt after the Arab Spring was presented. The power structure after military coup is expected as same as the power structure of Mubarak. In chapter Ⅴ, the pivotal factors(America, the military, MB) influencing the political power structure of Egypt and their roles were presented. The most urgently needed thing in Egypt are reconciliation and democracy.