근대 계몽기 외국어 교육 실태와 일본어 권력 형성 과정 연구

허재영 동북아역사재단 2014 東北亞歷史論叢 Vol.- No.44

The purpose of this study is to inquire into foreign language education and the formation of Japanese language power in the modern period, when language influence was derived communicative ability in a foreign language. Language power is not a technical term, but many scholars have used “language and power” instead of “language power.” This tendency is similar to sociolinguistics. The term does not exist in the dictionary of sociolinguistics, though terms such as language change, language contact, language conflict, language rights, and language shifts do. Broadly these terms are related to language and power indirectly. Foreign language power resulted from communication capability. This power came about from communication capability with foreigners in the period of modern enlightenment in Korea. I divide the history of foreign language education into three steps. First, before the introduction of the modern school system in Korea (1880-1894), some government bureaucracies had an interest in foreign language, introducing a need for interpretation and translation. Some schools were established at this time for the purpose of interpretation and scientific skills. Such schools included Dongmunhak (同文學), Wonsanhaksa (元山學舍), Yukyeong Gongwon (育英公院), and others. Second, after the Gabo reforms in 1894 (甲午更張), the first school system was introduced in Korea, and the law for the foreign language school system was announced. Japanese was one of the foreign languages in these systems. The foreign language schools consisted of English, Japanese, French, German, Chinese, and Russian. But school buildings and teachers were separated into one language. Third, during the period of Japanese supervision, the so-called Tonggam period (統監時代, 1906~1910), Japanese became a foreign language that was equal to the Korean language. As a result, at the initial stage, Japanese language was a foreign language, and it continued to progress to become a foreign language equal to the mother language. Therefore, the Japanese language became a national language in the colonial period. I believe that language is used for communication, and therefore language is related to race, culture, and society. This means that language is related to elements of social power. In particular, communicative ability is connected with the formation of language power. Interpretative and translation abilities have been recognized as being connected with knowledge information circulation in the time before the introduction of the modern school system. The influence of the Japanese language strengthened gradually through Japanese colonial policies and the policy of language dissemination. I conclude that the study of language power is a sociolinguistic problem with a rich historical background. 이 논문은 근대 계몽기 외국어 교육의 실태를 파악하고, 그 과정에서 일본어 권력이 형성되는 과정을 연구하는 데 목표가 있다. 언어 권력은 의사소통 상황에서 작용하는 언어의 힘을 의미한다. 언어 권력은 개인 대 개인의 담화 상황뿐만 아니라 언어를 사용하는 집단, 국어와 외국어와의 관계 등에서 다양한 형태로 작용한다. 우리나라에서도 외국어가 권력으로 작용하게 된 것은 오랜 역사성을 갖고 있다. 이러한 차원에서 이 연구는 근대 계몽기의 외국어 교육과 일어 권력 형성 과정을 연구 대상으로 하였다. 이 연구에서 논의한 바를 정리하면 다음과 같다. 첫째, 근대 계몽기를 세 시기로 구분하여 ‘근대적 지식 유통에 필요한 외국어 교육’이 어떻게 이루어졌는가를 사실적으로 파악하고자 하였다. ‘학제 도입 이전’의 경우, 조사 시찰단과 영선사를 파견한 이후 서구의 지식과 정보를 수입하면서 근대식 외국어 학습의 중요성이 부각되기 시작했음을 확인할 수 있다. 이 시기는 통상 조약이 처음 체결되고 외국 문물을 수용하는 과정에서, 근대적 지식을 수용할 만한 적절한 국문 정리 및 보급이 이루어지지 못한 상황에서, 동문학이나 육영공원과 같이 통역을 목표로 한 외국어 교육이 실시되기도 하였다. 또한 이 시기부터 재일 유학생이 출현한다. ‘학제 도입기’의 외국어 교육은 모국어 교육보다 더 관심을 끈 경향이 있는데, 외국어학교 관제 공포 이후 정치적 영향력에 따라 외국어 교육 경향이 변화하였다. 당시 외국어 학교의 중심 세력은 ‘영어’와 ‘일본어’였으나 일본어의 영향력이 급증하였다. 그뿐만 아니라 갑오개혁 이후에는 일본에 본격적으로 관비 유학생을 파견함으로써 일본어의 영향력이 더 증대되는 요인으로 작용하였다. ‘통감시대’에는 학부 관제를 개편하여 일본어가 모국어에 준하는 교과로 설정되었으며, 외국어 학교를 비롯한 각종 학교 또는 야학 교육에서 일어 교육이 강화되었다. 이와 함께 사비 재일 유학생도 급증하였는데 이 또한 일본어 권력 형성의 요인으로 작용하였다. 둘째, 소통 능력과 일본어의 권력화 과정을 살펴본 결과, 초기의 ‘어학(언어학)’은 타 언어를 배워 통역하는 능력을 기르는 것을 목표로 했음을 확인할 수 있었다. 이러한 의도에서 일본어 소통 능력이 강조되면서 일본어 구사 능력이 권력 요인으로 작용하는 흐름을 살필 수 있었다. 특히 통감시대에는 국어와 국문보다도 일본어가 중시되는 경향이 나타나기도 했는데, 이 시기 국문으로 된 신문과 잡지에서는 이를 비판하는 목소리가 높아지기도 했다. 이러한 차원에서 일본어 권력의 형성 요인으로 식민 언어 정책의 근간이 된 ‘일본어의 국민어화’ 과정과 ‘근대 지식 수용 과정에서의 일본어의 역할’을 제시하고자 하였다. 달리 말해 근대 계몽기 이후 지속적으로 추진된 ‘일본어 보급 정책’의 기저에는 ‘일본어 = 일본 정신’이라는 등식을 가능하게 한 ‘일본 국민어’가 존재했으며, 일본을 경유하여 근대적 지식을 수용하는 과정에서 자연스럽게 일본어 헤게모니가 형성되었다는 뜻이다. 이러한 흐름에서 일본어의 권력화는 일제 강점기 ‘일어 학습’의 당위적 근거로 작용하게 된다. 특히 『매일신보』를 비롯하여 식민 정책을 지지하는 입장에 서 있었던 신문이나 잡지에서는 일어(일제 강점기의 국어) 학습의 당위성과 필요성을 ‘지식 습득’뿐만 아니라 ‘ ...

‘권력투쟁’의 정당화?: 한반도 안보위기시 외세 담론과 국내정치

박홍서 한양대학교 평화연구소 2022 문화와 정치 Vol.9 No.3

During the security crisis on the Korean Peninsula, political forces on the Korean Peninsula have been trying to secure their domestic political interests by using discourses on foreign powers. The repudiators capitalize on threats from foreign powers in order to attack rival political forces by denouncing them as “followers of foreign powers.” The political forces claiming dependence on foreign powers take advantage of such reliance to procure their own political interests through the support of foreign powers. Meanwhile, the pragmatic forces on foreign powers rejects the so-called "good foreign power" or "bad foreign power" premise and regards any foreign power as a cooperative partner if it is positive in resolving the security crisis. Pragmatist forces criticize that repudiators and dependent forces hinder resolving the Korean security issue, while the latter extremists attack respectively pragmatists as followers of foreign powers or forces undermining relations with friendly foreign powers. In order to solve the Korean Peninsula problem in the future, it is necessary to avoid rigid friend-enemy distinction toward foreign powers and take flexible strategies towards them. 한반도 안보위기시 한반도 정치세력은 외세(강대국) 담론을 활용해 자파의 정치적 이익을 확보하려는 행태를 보인다. 배격론 세력은 외세의 위협을 강조해 내부 결속을 강화한다거나 경쟁 정치세력을 외세 추수세력으로 규정하고 공격한다. 의탁론 세력은 강대국의 지원을 통해 정치 권력을 유지하거나 정치 권력의 탈취를 시도한다. 실용론 세력은 배격론 및 의탁론 세력과 달리 한반도 안보위기 해소라는 문제해결을 우선시한다. 실용론 세력은 우호적 외세 혹은 적대적 외세라는 선험적 이분법을 거부하고 안보위기 해소에 긍정적일 경우 어떠한 외세라도 협력 가능한 대상으로 간주한다. 실용론 세력은 배격론 및 의탁론 세력이 안보위기 해소라는 문제해결을 저해한다고 비판하는 반면 배격론 및 의탁론 세력은 실용론 세력을 각각 외세 추종적이거나 우방과의 관계를 훼손한다고 공격한다. 향후 한반도 문제의 해결을 위해서는 주변 강대국에 대한 경직된 이분법을 지양하고 문제해결이라는 목표로부터 출발해 유연한 전략을 구사할 필요가 있다.

The Foreign Policy of a Fragile Middle Power: The Case of Post-1999 Nigeria

김태형 한국정치학회 2013 한국정치학회보 Vol.47 No.6

In this paper, I examine Nigeria’s foreign policy by using a fragile middle-power concept. Fragility and middle-power status may sound oxymoronic and incompatible, but I argue that these two concepts are compatible and could be useful in analyzing the foreign policy of some states with similar characteristics. The study focuses on the post-1999 period, when Nigeria’s military regime finally relinquished power to civilians. The foreign policy focus will be on Nigeria’s policy towards the two great powers, the United States and China, as well as its policy on peacekeeping operations. My findings show that although whether a state can accomplish what it aims to accomplish in the area of foreign policy is largely dependent upon its physical position and material capability, a state’s fragility has a significantly hampering effect on its foreign policy conduct. In the case of Nigeria, its fragile condition substantially slows and impedes its foreign policy promotion in all three foreign policy targets. Consequently, only through putting its own house in order, can Nigeria’s foreign policy flourish with support and admiration from the rest of the world.

Coffins versus cradles: Russian population, foreign policy, and power transition theory

Jennifer Dabbs Sciubba 한국외국어대학교 국제지역연구센터 2014 International Area Studies Review Vol.17 No.2

In May 2006, President Vladimir Putin said that Russia’s dire demographics were the biggest challengefacing Russia. We know little about how states conduct foreign policy under demographic declinebut some expect Russia to become more pacifist or to turn attention inward as its internal situationdeteriorates. Power transition theory (PTT), however, which considers population as a key componentof power, anticipates riskier international behavior under demographic changes. PTT predictsaggression under two conditions: when a dominant power sees its decline while secondary powersare rising; and when an inferior state sees its power increase while the dominant power declines. Thisarticle interprets Russia’s foreign policy actions from May 2006 through 2012 in light of PTT. I findthat Russia was physically aggressive in its region when its population decline peaked, as PTT expects. Power transition theory also predicts Russia’s diplomatically aggressive foreign policy at the systemlevel as Russian leaders’ perceptions of a favorable shift in the global balance of power gave them moreconfidence in Russia’s capabilities to challenge the status quo. This study furthers our understanding offoreign policy-making in times of demographic decline, extends power transition theory, and serves asa model for evaluating demographic trends and foreign policy for other great powers.

시진핑 지도부의 등장과 중국의 대외정책 : ‘지속’과 ‘변화’의 측면을 중심으로

박병광 (사) 한국전략문제연구소 2013 전략연구 Vol.60 No.-

This article observes and analyzes China’s understanding of international affairs and its direction of foreign policy based on its behavior in diplomacy and the official documents since Xi Jinping’s leadership came to power. By doing this, it has looked into the continuity and changes in China’s foreign policy since Xi entered office. As a result of this study, this paper finds that Xi’s administration emphasizes ‘peaceful development’, ‘mutual benefit and reciprocity’ and ‘harmonious world’ as the core ideology of China’s foreign policy which has not been changed from the previous administration. Furthermore, Xi’s government is committed to protecting China’s sovereignty, security and development as it seeks to create a favorable external environment for ‘a well-off society in an all-round way’ and ‘the great rejuvenation of the Chinese nation’. On the other hand, Xi’s leadership has demonstrated some changes in foreign policy and behavior in diplomacy from his predecessor. First, as can be seen in how China is defining ‘new type of major power relationship’ and emphasizing its role as a responsible big power, China has taken more proactive and assertive stance in foreign policy. Second, after Xi came to power, his administration has focused on balancing ‘taoguangyanghui’(keeping a low profile) and ‘yousuozuowei’(making a difference) as well as between China’s independent and self-reliance foreign policy and its role of a major power. Third, even though China continues to adhere to the path to ‘peaceful development’, it will not negotiate its right to pursue its ‘core interests’. As a result, the new leadership will adopt a more proactive and assertive role in foreign policy. Thus, in pursuing a ‘de-Americanized’ society, China is expected to embark with a more proactive role in creating new norms for the international order. 이 논문에서는 그 동안의 외교행적과 공식 문건들에 나타난 내용들을 중심으로 시진핑 지도부 등장 이후 중국의 대외정책에서 ‘지속’의 측면은 무엇이고, ‘변화’의 측면은 무엇인지를 살펴보았다. 연구결과 시진핑 지도부는 외교의 ‘핵심사상’과 ‘이념’에서 과거와 마찬가지로 ‘평화발전’과 ‘호혜공영’ 그리고 ‘조화세계’의 길을 강조하고 있다. 또한 시진핑 지도부가 내세우는 중국외교의 목표와 임무 역시 주권, 안보, 발전이익을 수호하고, ‘전면적 소강사회건설’과 ‘중화민족의 위대한 부흥’을 위한 유리한 외부환경과 조건을 만들어 나가겠다는 점을 강조한다. 그럼에도 불구하고 시진핑 지도부는 대외정책 및 외교행태에서 새로운 변화의 측면을 보여주고 있다. 첫째, ‘신형대국관계’ 건립과 ‘책임대국’의 역할 강조 등에서 나타나듯이 더욱 ‘적극적’이고 ‘주동적’인 모습으로 변화하고 있다. 둘째, ‘도광양회’와 ‘유소작위’의 균형(balance)을 추구하고 있으며, ‘독립자주외교’와 ‘대국(major power)’의 역할 사이에서 균형을 추구하고 있다. 셋째, 중국이 ‘평화발전’의 길을 고수해야 하지만, 정당한 권리를 포기하거나 국가의 ‘핵심이익’을 양보하지는 않을 것이라는 점을 강조하고 있다. 결국 시진핑 지도부의 대외정책은 향후 더욱 공세적이고 적극적인 행태를 보일 가능성이 높은 것으로 평가된다. 그리고 이 과정에서 시진핑 지도부는 ‘탈 미국화’된 사회 건설을 주장하면서 국제질서에 대한 새로운 규범을 제시하는 데에도 적극적으로 나설 것으로 전망된다.

미국 헌법상 통상협정체결에 관한 정부ㆍ의회간 권한 배분

金善擇(Kim Seon-Taek) 미국헌법학회 2007 美國憲法硏究 Vol.18 No.2

Article Ⅱ, section 2, clause 2 of the Constitution of the United States assign certain power that by and with the advice and consent of the Senate, to make treaties, provided two-thirds of the Senators present concur, to the President. On the other hand, the Congressional-Executive agreement is permitted by simple majority of both Houses. Accordingly, the Constitution of the United States vests a treaty-making power in the President. However, the Congressional-Executive agreement is used mostly at least for trade agreements because of the special historical situation. Article Ⅰ of the Constitution vests all legislative powers including the power to regulate commerce with foreign nations in Congress, but it dose not mean that Congress has the foreign commerce power exclusively. The Constitution confers 'legislative powers' upon a Congress as a law-maker, so the President is assigned the power to negotiate and conclude agreements about commerce with foreign nations by the federal law being made by Congress. This Congressional-Executive agreement takes effect by simple majority of both houses. In this case, there have been heated discussions on the Interchangeability of Treaty with Congressional-Executive Agreement and the Constitutionality of such an agreement. But, in the end, Congressional-Executive Agreement is accepted for wide use, for the foreign commerce as well, by treaty-making practice and also the Court seems not to against it. The Congressional-Executive agreement for foreign commerce seems to be caused by the particular constitutional structure of the United States and practices for distribution of power between the treaty-making power of the President and the legislative power of Congress.

The Decline of American Soft Power in the Era of Trump

Havertz Ralf Arnold 한국외국어대학교 글로벌정치연구소 2018 글로벌정치연구 Vol.11 No.2

After two years of Donald Trump in the office of the president of the U.S., it has become clear that his presidency has a profound impact on American power. While the Trump administration is increasing its investments in hard power, the soft power of the U.S. has come under stress. The concept of soft power was introduced by Joseph S. Nye. It denotes the ability of a country to get the people in other countries to want what they want due to the attractiveness of their culture and values in the eyes of those abroad. This study examines the concept of soft power and its relation to other concepts of power such as hard power, smart power, and sharp power. It makes a contribution to the placement of soft power in the theory of power. Methodically, the problem of soft power in the American context is primarily approached with a qualitative analysis. Few cases are discussed that support the theoretical considerations about American soft power and its reduction in the era of Trump. This study examines the sources of American soft power and investigates the reasons for the current decline of American soft power. It was found that there are several indicators for the reduction of American soft power since Trump took office. His personal statements and behavior, and the policies of his government had a detrimental impact on the soft power of the country. The decrease of the credibility of the American government in the eyes of foreigners is the most significant element in the diminishing of American soft power

미국의 이라크 전쟁 수행과정 및 기조변화에 대한 고찰

신택호(Taekho Shin) 충남대학교 사회과학연구소 2010 사회과학연구 Vol.21 No.2

The purpose of this study is to provide recommendations for the termination of the Iraq War that has been lasting since 2003. The international society was exhausted by the Bush Administration's unilateral method of responding to the threats revealed by 9/11, and welcomed the Obama Administration's new style of foreign policy. The focus of Obama's foreign policy includes overall strategic victory in the war against terrorism, and the strengthening of international cooperation. The most important issue is to crush terrorism, and the U.S. should terminate the Iraq War and concentrate its might to defeat the Al Qaeda remnants in Afghanistan. The Democratic and Republican Party in November 2007, commissioned the U.S.'s leading scholars to analyze U.S. foreign policy and provide recommendations. The CSIS released the smart power report and this report, recognizing the limitations of hard power based on military and economic power, emphasized that the U.S. should apply smart power - hard power combined with soft power - to its method of providing assistance in resolving global disputes. The five tenets of smart power are 'Revitalizing Alliances & Partnerships', 'Global Development', 'Economic Integration', 'Public Diplomacy' and 'Technology and Innovation', and through the implementation of these tenets the U.S. and it's global partners can better influence the actions of countries dealing with global challenges. As is dearly pointed out in the report, the point is that smart power instead of hard power should be applied to the Iraq war termination issue that the U.S. has yet to resolve. Accordingly, this study presents the schemes of applying smart power by the U.S. to the Iraq war termination issue which is the matter of concern of Middle East area security and of international interest, and attempts to define the role of multinational cooperation. The Iraq war termination issue has been making slow progress for almost 7 years and can be resolved more swiftly if the U.S. focuses on the application of foreign policy vice hard power. In this context, this study attempts to reiterate that the U.S. should quickly finalize the termination of the Iraq War and concentrate on bringing stability to the war on terror in Afghanistan.

The Decline of American Soft Power in the Era of Trump

( Ralf Havertz ) 한국외국어대학교 글로벌정치연구소 2018 글로벌정치연구 Vol.11 No.2

After two years of Donald Trump in the office of the president of the U.S., it has become clear that his presidency has a profound impact on American power. While the Trump administration is increasing its investments in hard power, the soft power of the U.S. has come under stress. The concept of soft power was introduced by Joseph S. Nye. It denotes the ability of a country to get the people in other countries to want what they want due to the attractiveness of their culture and values in the eyes of those abroad. This study examines the concept of soft power and its relation to other concepts of power such as hard power, smart power, and sharp power. It makes a contribution to the placement of soft power in the theory of power. Methodically, the problem of soft power in the American context is primarily approached with a qualitative analysis. Few cases are discussed that support the theoretical considerations about American soft power and its reduction in the era of Trump. This study examines the sources of American soft power and investigates the reasons for the current decline of American soft power. It was found that there are several indicators for the reduction of American soft power since Trump took office. His personal statements and behavior, and the policies of his government had a detrimental impact on the soft power of the country. The decrease of the credibility of the American government in the eyes of foreigners is the most significant element in the diminishing of American soft power.

주변국(중·일·러)의 대외·국방정책과 한국의 대응전략

김열수,김경규 (사) 한국전략문제연구소 2014 전략연구 Vol.- No.63

The aim of this paper analyzes foreign policy and defense policy of the neighboring states including China, Japan, and Russia and suggests responding strategy of the ROK. Power Shift is occurring in world wide, post post-cold war security circumstance oriented in national interest is shaping. US-Japan camp and China-Russia camp appears for the balance of power. Each state assumes that power transition theory of A.F.Organski can be a reality and prepare for it. The results of each state’s preparedness are taking a strong stance in foreign policy and defense policy, and increasing in national defense spending. It is particularly worrisome that China, Japan, and Russia which can influence in the East Asia adopt strong foreign and defense policies. The responding policies of the ROK are making every efforts to the creation of the cooperative security regimes, developing foreign policy suitable to the power shift, coping with threats from sea territory and air defense identification zone, pushing ahead with defense policy corresponding to the status of Korea, and securing national defense expenditure suitable to the high-risk country. 이 논문은 미국을 제외한 중국, 일본, 러시아 등 주변국들이 추진하고 있는 대외 및 국방정책을 분석해 보고 한국의 대응방향을 제시하는데 그 목적이 있다. 세계 안보정세는 Power Shift의 가시화와 함께 협력보다는 국익 중심의 탈탈냉전의 안보 환경이 조성되고 있다. 세력균형을 위해 미일 진영과 중러 진영으로 재편되는 양상도 나타나고 있다. 각 국가들은 power shift가 진행되는 과정에서 오간스키의 전이 이론(power transition)이 현실화될 수 있음을 가정하고 이에 대비하고 있다. 그 결과가 강경한 외교정책, 강한 국방정책, 그리고 이들을 뒷받침할 수 있는 국방비의 증액으로 나타나고 있다. 특히 우려스러운 것은 동아시아에 영향을 미칠 수 있는 3개국, 특히 중일러에서 이런 현상이 두드러지게 나타나고 있다. 이런 안보 환경하에서 한국이 추진해야 할 대외 및 국방정책의 핵심은 동아시아 안보협력레짐 창설을 위한 적극적 노력, power shift의 안보 상황에 걸맞은 외교 전개, 해양 영토 및 관할권, 그리고 방공식별구역 위협에 대한 적극적 대처, 한국의 위상에 걸맞은 국방정책 추진, 고위험 국가에 걸맞은 국방비와 군사력 건설비 확보 등이다.