The Status of the Coordinate Structure Constraint

Soo-Min Hong 한국언어과학회 2011 언어과학 Vol.18 No.2

This paper raises a question whether the Coordinate Structure Constraint should maintain its status as a general constraint. There are some reported counterexamples in the literature. Considering the undeniable presence of counterexamples, there are two possible ways to deal with those documented counterexamples. One is to decide to abandon the Coordinate Structure Constraint altogether. The other is to find a plausible way to circumvent the Coordinate Structure Constraint to a restrictive extent. Given the general acceptance of the Coordinate Structure Constraint, this paper pursues to find a feasible solution to relax the Coordinate Structure Constraint so that it is allowed to be violable only in a well-controlled circumstance. Instead of seeing the Coordinate Structure Constraint as a condition on movement, it may well be better understood as a well-formenness condition at LF

VP-Cordination and the CSC

김병권 한국영어학회 2006 영어학 Vol.6 No.4

Kim, Byong-Kwon. 2006. VP-Cordination and the CSC. Korean Journal of English Language and Linguistics 6-4, 731-749. This paper presents a new syntactic account for a group of apparent exceptions to Ross' (1967) Coordinate Structure Constraint (CSC), which bans extraction from a single conjunct in coordinate structure. When Ross discovered the CSC, he also observed the exceptional cases, where extraction is systematically well-formed even if it is only from a single conjunct. An important observation, however, is that the CSC violations are allowed only in VP-coordination. In this paper I propose that the VP-coordination in the traditional sense is not a maximal category coordination, assuming the Split VP hypothesis where the subject appears inside VP (Larson 1988, Chomsky 1993 and later work). Given that only a phrasal category forms a blocking boundary for extraction, the apparently exceptional data are predicted to be well-formed. The data analysis is given by extending the framework of the Minimalist Program (Chomsky 1993 and later work).

Relativized Parallelism in Mandarin Chinese Natural Coordination

Niina Ning Zhang 서울대학교 언어교육원 (구 서울대학교 어학연구소) 2008 語學硏究 Vol.44 No.1

Conjuncts of natural coordination are semantically related, in contrast to those of accidental coordination. It is generally assumed that no single conjunct may be moved and no element may be extracted from a single conjunct. Focusing on Chinese he/gen constructions, this paper first argues that not only post-verbal, but also preverbal he and gen in comitative constructions are coordinators, and thus form constructions of natural coordination, and then presents the following correlation: on the one hand, single conjuncts may move in natural coordination and elements may also be extracted from single conjuncts of natural coordination; and on the other hand, single conjuncts may not move in accidental coordination, nor may elements be extracted from single conjuncts of accidental coordination. This correlation reveals a relativized parallelism in coordinate constructions: syntactic operations applied to single conjuncts are possible only when the conjuncts of a coordinate complex are semantically related to each other. The paper then tries to account for this relativized parallelism from an economy perspective of language processing.

Can You Violate the Conjunction Condition in Korean? Tight vs. Loose Coordination*

Rhanghyeyun Kim 한국생성문법학회 2018 생성문법연구 Vol.28 No.3

Kim, Rhanghyeyun. 2018. Can You Violate the Conjunction Condition in Korean? Tight vs. Loose Coordination. Studies in Generative Grammar, 28-3, 471-488. Zhang (2010) argues that the Coordinate Structure Constraint (CSC) can be violated as in extraction of collective-reading conjuncts in Chinese he/gen coordinate construction. Likewise, Bošković (2013, 2017 a,b, 2018), Stjepanović (2014) and Oda (2016) argue that movement of the head of an island voids islandhood and thus CSC can be violated in some cases. Specifically, Oda (2016) claims that Japanese allows extraction of conjuncts in violation of CSC. This paper argues that the conjunctive -wa in Korean does not allow violation of the conjunct condition of CSC, even when it has collective interpretation, based on the data related to plural agreement marker –tul, reciprocal pronoun selo(each other), and intentional/optative verbs. This paper concludes by suggesting that, cross-linguistically, extractable conjunct is in ‘loose’-coordination relation with the other conjunct in that it is base-generated at the edge of coordinate structure, while non-extractable one, as a ‘tightly’ coordinated conjunct, is within coordinate structure.

등위 구조 제약과 균형 자질

정소우(Chung So-Woo) 한국영어학회 2007 영어학 Vol.7 No.1

This paper proposes an analysis of the Coordinate Structure Constraint, in which the acceptability of movements out of coordinate structures is explained in terms of checking and deleting of features within the Minimalist Program. An uninterpretable feature [balance] is proposed to explain why only ATB movement is allowed out of coordinate structures. A movement of any subpart out of a coordinate structure causes an activation of [balance], which leads to a crash at PF unless it is deleted or deactivated before the derivation ends. The deletion (or deactivation) of [balance] may be done by either another movement out of the coordinate structure or a semantic or pragmatic motivation. Following the spirit of Chierchia (2004)'s analysis of scalar implicature, the analysis of coordinate structures proposed here suggests that the pragmatic aspects of conjunction phrases are taken into consideration to determine the possibility of deleting [balance] features.

Can You Violate the Conjunction Condition in Korean? Tight vs. Loose Coordination

김랑혜윤 한국생성문법학회 2018 생성문법연구 Vol.28 No.3

Zhang (2010) argues that the Coordinate Structure Constraint (CSC) can be violated as in extraction of collective-reading conjuncts in Chinese he/gen coordinate construction. Likewise, Bošković (2013, 2017 a,b, 2018), Stjepanović (2014) and Oda (2016) argue that movement of the head of an island voids islandhood and thus CSC can be violated in some cases. Specifically, Oda (2016) claims that Japanese allows extraction of conjuncts in violation of CSC. This paper argues that the conjunctive -wa in Korean does not allow violation of the conjunct condition of CSC, even when it has collective interpretation, based on the data related to plural agreement marker –tul, reciprocal pronoun selo(each other), and intentional/optative verbs. This paper concludes by suggesting that, cross-linguistically, extractable conjunct is in ‘loose’-coordination relation with the other conjunct in that it is base-generated at the edge of coordinate structure, while non-extractable one, as a ‘tightly’ coordinated conjunct, is within coordinate structure.

Remarks on the syntax and semantics of so-called comitative coordination

Eman Al Khalaf 경희대학교 언어정보연구소 2018 언어연구 Vol.35 No.2

Natural languages exhibit two conjunction strategies: the coordinate strategy and the comitative strategy (Stassen 2000). Recent work claims that there exists a hybrid construction that appears to employ both strategies, namely comitative coordinate construction. This paper argues against this claim and shows that what the literature assumes to be a hybrid construction is in fact a pure comitative, which is different from a coordinate semantically and syntactically. The paper also offers an alternative structural analysis of this construction, which captures the various differences between comitatives and coordinates. The analysis proposed has consequences on the status of the conjunct constraint, the constraint that bans extracting a whole conjunct.

VP-Cordination and the CSC

Byong-Kwon Kim(김병권) 한국영어학회 2006 영어학 Vol.6 No.4

This paper presents a new syntactic account for a group of apparent exceptions to Ross' (1967) Coordinate Structure Constraint (CSC), which bans extraction from a single conjunct in coordinate structure. When Ross discovered the CSC, he also observed the exceptional cases, where extraction is systematically well-formed even if it is only from a single conjunct. An important observation, however, is that the CSC violations are allowed only in VP-coordination. In this paper I propose that the VP-coordination in the traditional sense is not a maximal category coordination, assuming the Split VP hypothesis where the subject appears inside VP (Larson 1988, Chomsky 1993 and later work). Given that only a phrasal category forms a blocking boundary for extraction, the apparently exceptional data are predicted to be well-formed. The data analysis is given by extending the framework of the Minimalist Program (Chomsky 1993 and later work).

영어의 이형 의문문의 등위 구조에 관한 연구

김미자,조세연 경희대학교(국제캠퍼스) 비교문화연구소 2024 비교문화연구 Vol.71 No.-

The paper presents the distributional and discourse properties of the coordination of distinct types of interrogatives in English. Ross (1967) claims that sentences joined by and with different types of questions as conjuncts are considered questionable, whereas sentences coordinated with or are deemed ungrammatical. To determine whether there is a grammaticality distinction between sentences joined by and and or with dissimilar types of interrogatives as conjuncts, we thoroughly analyze the pertinent data from corpora. As a result, we find that, contra Ross (1967), the coordination of all types of interrogatives is possible for both and and or, unless the events of the conjuncts involved are disconnected. To implement the idea into a constraint-based construction grammar, we propose a pragmatic constraint on discourse coherence relations based on Kehler (1995), which can be a part of a revised version of the Coordination Rule by Sag et al. (2003). The analysis we propose here, hence, allows us to give a simple explanation on how to generate a proper set of coordinated sentences and to predict the acceptability of sentences containing the coordination of distinct types of interrogatives in English.

On the Nature of the Quotative Operator Movement and the CSC Obviation Effects

손근원(Keun-Won Sohn) 한국생성문법학회 2010 생성문법연구 Vol.20 No.1

The quote initial reported direct speech optionally involves subject-main verb inversion, and the inverted cases are called the quotative inversion construction. This study examines the structure of this quotative inversion and non-inversion constructions and diagnoses one previously unnoticed problem in them. More specifically, it will be shown that the quotative operator, widely believed to be involved in the derivation of the quotative constructions, is immune to the Coordinate Structure Constraint. This obviation effect is attributed to the A-movement nature of the quotative operator movement, based on the idea that A-movement is immune to the Coordinate Structure Constraint.