Three Types of Accusative-Marked Causee or Goal

이두원 미래영어영문학회 2015 영어영문학 Vol.20 No.4

The accusative case particle lul on the nominal in the verbal complement position in Korean can be spread onto the associate NP, not affecting the grammaticality at all. There are three types of the multiple accusative construction (MAC). One is an inalienable possession-type MAC, another is quantifier-float type MAC, and the other is macro-micro MAC. There are also three types of the accusative-marked causee or goal (ACG). One is a morphological causative type ACG, another is a periphrastic causative type ACG, and the other is a benefactive suffix type ACG. In such constructions the VP is selected by the causative and/or benefactive v, which hosts the specified accusative-marked possessor in its outer spec. The accusative case particle may be attached to the causee or goal only when [+CAUSE] or [+BEN] is on v. The accusative-marked causee or goal undergoes movement from the VP-adjoined position to the spec of v to be structural case-checked against v and assigned specificity by the EPP (i.e., edge feature) on v. MAC may appear with three types of ACG whose accusative case particle is spread only when [+CAUSE] or [+BEN] is on v.

An Automodular Account of Pragmatically Motivated Accusatives

Kyunghwan Kim 한국언어연구학회 2014 언어학연구 Vol.19 No.3

Kim, Kyunghwan. 2014. An Automodular Account of Pragmatically Motivated Accusatives. Journal of Linguistic Studies 19(3), 211-232. This paper attempts to formalize some of the phenomena observed in pragmatically motivated suffixation of the accusative marker in Korean. Replacing the case marker on the indirect object, the causee, and the possessor with the accusative is explicated as the assignment of the patient role in role structure, which represents the cognitive contents of events and the cognitive status of the participants. Replacing a postposition with the accusative is analyzed as an instance of transitivization in function-argument structure, which represents the logical structure of sentences and consists of semantic categories such as argument and proposition. Other cases in which the accusative is optionally added, which results in emphasizing the host, may require an explanation in a separate module related to discourse-function or information structure. The theoretical framework implemented in this paper is called automodular grammar, which takes the view that grammar consists of independently and simultaneously generated modules that are associated through the lexicon. (Kyonggi University)

Causative Cwu-Constructions Revisited

Doo-Won Lee 한국중원언어학회 2015 언어학연구 Vol.0 No.35

The purpose of this paper is intended to argue that the dative verb cwu ‘give’ serves two different functions in syntax: benefactive and causative cwu’s. Depending on whether the dative verb cwu or the benefactive suffix (a/e)cwu functions as a head of v or not, it exhibits distinct behavior with respect to the accusative-marked goal. In the typical dative verb cwu-constructions, the Goal and the Theme DPs are marked by the dative and accusative case, respectively, while the Goal DP never allows the accusative case. Both the dative and the accusative goals in the causative cwu-construction bear caused ownership of the theme as a patient (i.e., causee). The distinction between the dative-marked goals and the accusative-marked goals is that only the latter bears specificity in the outer spec of vP. The terminal node v is split into two pieces with the causative and benefactive features, which provides evidence that the benefactive suffix (a/e)cwu bearing a beneficiary is base-generated on v, serving two functions in syntax. In this paper, I made an attempt to support my arguments with some unique evidence.

Accusative-marked Indirect Objects with Ownership

Doo-Won Lee(이두원) 한국생성문법학회 2007 생성문법연구 Vol.17 No.1

  Pylkk?nen (2002) argues that with transfer-of-possession predicates, the lower applicative projection is generated as the complement of the lexical verb. In this respect, Park and Whitman (2003) argue that in Korean, only ditransitive verbs which entail a transfer of ownership select the lower applicative projection with the multiple accusative pattern. Unlike their arguments, however, the indirect object (i.e., goal) in Korean is generated in [Spec, VP], regardless of whether it is a dative-marked goal or an accusative-marked goal. The ditransitive verb cwu "give", which entails a transfer of ownership from the subject to the indirect object, can take multiple accusative objects, only when the ownership of benefaction such as special honor or benefit attributable to the direct object is transferred to the indirect object. When the ditransitive construction undergoes passivization, the accusative-marked goal undergoes A-movement from the structural Case-checked position (i.e., here, [Spec, v*P]) to the subject position. The overt object shift of the goal is triggered by its structural Case checking against v*.

한국어 자동사 구문의대격 할당 현상에 관하여

김용석 한국언어학회 2024 언어 Vol.49 No.1

This paper concernsa peculiar phenomenon in natural language, which is that of accusative Caseassignment in intransitive constructions, so widely occurring in Korean. In fact,this phenomenon has so far been a troublesome problem in the studies of Koreanlanguage, since it gives rise to serious complexities with regard to the conceptsof subject/object, transitive/intransitive, accusative/non-accusative, etc. So, thispaper argues for a solid solution to the classification of verbs based on theirθ-grids, detecting that there exist two types of intransitive verbs: S-intransitiveand O-intransitive in Korean, and that the one assigning accusative Case is nomore than S-intransitive, rather than O-intransitive. Consequently, it goes tolight that this phenomenon is not peculiar nor troublesome any longer, but ratherfalls under UG in that it conforms to the universal principle that the accusativeCase is assigned, by labeling algorithm(LA), to XPs in the VP-criterial positionin v*P phase, within the framework of Chomsky’s(2013, 2015) labeling theory.

Causative Cwu-Constructions Revisited

이두원 한국중원언어학회 2015 언어학연구 Vol.0 No.35

The purpose of this paper is intended to argue that the dative verb cwu 'give' serves two different functions in syntax: benefactive and causative cwu's. Depending on whether the dative verb cwu or the benefactive suffix (a/e)cwu functions as a head of v or not, it exhibits distinct behavior with respect to the accusative-marked goal. In the typical dative verb cwu-constructions, the Goal and the Theme DPs are marked by the dative and accusative case, respectively, while the Goal DP never allows the accusative case. Both the dative and the accusative goals in the causative cwu-construction bear caused ownership of the theme as a patient (i.e., causee). The distinction between the dative-marked goals and the accusative-marked goals is that only the latter bears specificity in the outer spec of vP. The terminal node v is split into two pieces with the causative and benefactive features, which provides evidence that the benefactive suffix (a/e)cwu bearing a beneficiary is base-generated on v, serving two functions in syntax. In this paper, I made an attempt to support my arguments with some unique evidence.

러시아어 조격의 대격/주격 교체 현상 연구 : “Он наполняет бассейн водой” 구문을 중심으로

황서경(Seo-kyoung Hwang) 한국외국어대학교 외국어 종합연구센터 언어연구소 2007 언어와 언어학 Vol.0 No.39

In Russian verbal construction ‘On napolniaet bassein vodoi'(He filled the pool with water) has the specific case frame [Agent(Nom)+V+Location(Acc)+Material(Inst)]. It shows that direct objective in action by the verb expresses as the instrumental case and location in results of action as the accusative. These verbs are called 'full-engagement verbs', it means that the material keeps in fully contact with the location after action. (ex. napolniat'(fill), nabit'(fill, pack), zalit'(flood, stain, pour), nagruzit' (load)). The normal construction of full-engagement verbs may be transformed into another: [Agent(Nom)+V+Material(Acc)+Location(PP)] or [Material/Force(Nom)+V+Location(Acc)] (On zalil bak benzinom (He filled the tank with benzine) - On zalil benzin v bak (He poured the benzine into the tank). - Voda napolniaet bassein (Water fills the pool)). This study suggests how instrumental case alters into accusative or nominative in full- engagement verb construction in Russian and that this alternation is result from different factors included lexical meaning, aspectuality and wordformational characteristics of verb, and meaning of material noun.

Korean reformulative multiple accusative construction as vacuous reformulative apposition

김옥기 경희대학교 언어정보연구소 2023 언어연구 Vol.40 No.2

This paper explores one type of Multiple Accusative Construction (MAC), namely “reformulative” MACs (previously referred to as “topic-type” MACs) (e.g., Mimi-ka kwail-ul sakwa-lul cohaha-n-ta), where the second accusative-marked NP (e.g., sakwa-lul) specifies a value for the variable introduced by the first accusative-marked NP (e.g., kwail-ul). In doing so, the paper first reviews two previous analyses: one proposed by Chae and Kim (2008) and the other by Kim (2006, 2010). Chae and Kim try to account for the formation of (reformulative-)MACs by appealing to a construction-specific rule (Recursive Rule) in the HPSG framework. Kim, on the other hand, takes the construction to be derived via PF-ellipsis in an underlying sentential structure. The previous analyses, however, encounter some empirical problems. This paper, therefore, offers an alternative perspective by treating reformulative MACs on a par with vacuous reformulative appositions in English (e.g., Kim likes fruit ─ likes apples) which are analyzed as involving coordinative syntax according to Griffiths (2015). Specifically, the paper proposes to analyze reformulative MACs as involving a coordinate VP structure created by overt across-the-board movement of a main verb. This coordination analysis, without positing any construction-specific rule or ellipsis, provides a streamlined way of accounting for general as well as idiosyncratic aspects of reformulative MACs.

エヴェンキ語の不定對格とその能格的特徵

송본량 ( Matsumoto Ryo ) 한국알타이학회 2007 알타이학보 Vol.0 No.17

Evenki is a language belonging to the Tungus language family and prevailing through East Siberia widely. In this paper, I argue that the suffix -yA in Evenki has an ergativelike feature. This suffix generally appears in next two situations: one is as what is usually called ‘indefinite accusative’, and the other is with nouns before the negative noun ??in. In earlier literatures some treated this suffix as an identical suffix, and others as two different suffixes. There is no common view. I selected up all the examples including the suffix -yA from some texts, and found a peculiar distribution. It appears as next two roles: the one is as an object of transitive verbs, and the other as a subject in the sentences expressing non-existence especially with ??in. In addition it appears as an object more often in the negative sentences with indefinite pronouns. From this distribution I redefine the suffix -yA as the case marker expressing objects not existing before a speaker, or indefinite objects existing before a speaker. It is able to say that the suffix -yA in Evenki, which is typically an accusative language, plays a role as a subsidiary ergative system to express indefiniteness or non-existence. In conclusion the suffix -yA should be treated as an identical suffix.

15세기 국어의 어휘적 대우

이선영(Lee Seon-Yeong) 중앙어문학회 2010 語文論集 Vol.44 No.-

This paper aims to discuss the characteristics of the Lexical Honorifics in the 15th century Korean. Korean Honorifics is divided into Syntactic Honorifics and Lexical Honorifics. The Syntactic Honorifics is divided into Subject Honorifics, Hearer Honorifics and Object Honorifics. The Syntactic Honorifics is realized by using special endings, while the Lexical Honorifics is realized by special words. In modern Korean, for example, ' Jabsusida(잡수시다)' and ' Jumusida(주무시다)' are used instead of 'Meogda(먹다), Jada(자다)' to express respect to target person. In 15th century Lexical honorifics can be divided into four types accoring to the case of respected person. They are Nominative Honorifics(' Gyeosida(겨시다), Jwasida(좌시다)'), Accusative?Dative Honorifics(' Boeda(뵈다), Moesida(뫼시다)') Accusative Honorifics (' Bad-da1(받다1), Deurida(드리다)') and Dative Honorifics(' Bad-da2(받다2)'). Especially the usage of the Accusative?Dative Honorifics that is not used in modern Korean is a prominent feature in the 15th century Korean.