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신민주주의 경제 조기 종결의 미시경제적 원인 ― 장가구(張家口)시 식량업(食糧業)과 제분업(製粉業)의 공사관계(公私關係)(1948~1953)
王筱影 ( Wang Xiaoying ) 중국사학회 2021 中國史硏究 Vol.- No.132
Zhangjiakou was an important grain collecting and distributing center before liberation. Both grain industry and flour industry played a significant role in Zhangjiakou’s industry and commerce. Private wholesale grain store and flour mills began to resume production after the second liberation in December 1948. Simultaneously new flour grinding machine had been introduced with the encouragement of the government. Under these conditions, some private wholesale grain store made a transition to flour mills, which led to a rapid development of the flour industry. However, while the new regime encouraged private wholesale grain store to operate flour mills, it also strictly separated the grain industry from the flour industry and prohibited private flour mills from concurrently involve in the grain industry. At the same time, the new regime controlled the grain market through measures such as formulating list price, and state-run grain companies (hereinafter called grain companies) quickly took a leading place. Consequently, the transaction volume of private wholesale grain store decreased, and the purchase and sale of grain were more concentrated in grain companies. Under such circumstances, the flour industry relies on grain companies to provide raw materials, more and more private flour mills became a processer of grain companies. Once the grain supply is tight, private flour mills would be out of business because grain companies could not provide enough raw materials. After the State Monopoly Policy for Grain Purchase and Marketing implemented in 1953, private grain industry completely withdrew from the market, only a few private flour mills maintained production as processing plants, and finally they became the object of socialist transformation.
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이평래 동북아역사재단 2012 東北亞歷史論叢 Vol.- No.37
This study considers the territorial dispute over the Dariganga area between Mongolia and China that began after Mongolia declared its independence in 1911. Upon the declaration of independence, the regional domains of the Bogd government was limited to four, while all the other Mongolian settlements, including the frontiers of Khovd and Inner Mongolia, were still under the rule of the Qing Dynasty. Thus, as the Qing Dynasty collapsed in February 1912, with the exception of four Khalkha Aimags, the status of the Mongolian settlements that had been ruled by the Qing Dynasty remained ambiguous. Therefore, after the declaration of independence, the most important challenge that lay ahead for the Bogd government was to integrate the whole territory of the Mongolian settlements and then to make the Qing Dynasty (later the Republic of China) and the international community recognize the independence of Mongolia. To this end, the Bogd government had integrated the whole area of Western Mongolia by the end of August, 1911, and sent a letter recommending Inner Mongolia to revert voluntarily. While trying to invalidate the independence of Mongolia in an effort to succeed to the territory of the Qing Dynasty,the Beijing government also tried to include Mongolian settlements,especially Inner Mongolia, in its territory through appeasement, preference, and force. The intervention of Russia and Japan in Inner Mongolia made the issue more complicated. Russia and Japan signed agreements in 1907and 1910, respectively, stating that Outer Mongolia and northern Manchuria belonged to the Russian sphere of influence, and the Korean Peninsula and southern Manchuria to the Japanese sphere of influence. On July 8, 1912, the two countries signed the third Russo-Japanese agreement to expand their interests in Inner Mongolia and to mediate the issue. Both agreed to divide Inner Mongolia based upon the longitude at which Beijing was situated, establishing the area east of Inner Mongolia as the Japanese sphere of influence and the area west of Inner Mongolia as the Russian sphere of influence. Thus, the Mongolian territorial dispute appeared in a complicated manner by Russia and Japan in addition to the Bogd government and the Beijing government. In this situation, Mongolian nobles from many areas including Inner Mongolia were in awkward positions, and some sought to find a breakthrough, leaning on the power of foreign countries. To join in the Bogd government would be right in upholding a cause, but it would be difficult to turn their back on the Beijing government due to the close geographical location and practical interests. In fact, the responses of the Mongolian nobles to the request of reverting to the Bogd government varied. There were various types of responses: people who actively participated in the national integration initiated by the Bogd government from the beginning;people who sent someone to check on the course of events in the Bogd government; people who rejected the Bogd government’s request to revert; people who drifted between the Bogd government and the Beijing government; and people who sought a way out by relying on the foreign powers. One typical case is the Dariganga area located on the border of Mongolia. There had been an imperial pasture under the rule of the Qing Dynasty. Dariganga sum of Sukhbaatar Aimag, the southeastern part of today’s Mongolia, is relevant to this place. From ancient times,this place has been considered as a commercial and military hub due to the abundance of water and grass, and the narrowest width of desert among the Gobi areas between Inner Mongolia and Outer Mongolia. The imperial pasture, highly valued by the Qing Dynasty, had been managed by Chakhar tu-t’tung living in Zhangjiakou. While it was geographically located in Khalkha, the pasture of Dariganga was administratively under Chakhar tu-t’tung’s contol. Because of this, the status and affiliation of Dariganga had become ambiguous sin...
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청말 러시아 조사단이 본 청말 張家口 ― 뽀즈네프 알렉세이 마뜨베이비치(Pozdneev Aleksei Matveevich)의 기록을 중심으로 ―
정혜중 명청사학회 2013 명청사연구 Vol.0 No.39
本文以阿ㆍ马ㆍ波兹德涅耶夫的日记为中心,分析了作为清末与蒙古贸易窗口的张家口这一城市的贸易及商业状况。我认为他对张家口的分析有如下几个意义:首先、阿ㆍ马ㆍ波兹德涅耶夫的旅行日记凸显了张家口在北方贸易中的地位。在他的旅程中,最重要的路线是由库伦(乌兰巴托)经科布多、再返回库伦(乌兰巴托)最终入张家口的部分。关于这一部分的内容占整个日记内容的一半。通过这一部分日记,我们可以了解到所有的蒙古贸易经由张家口到北京的商队路线的主要情况。进入关内在北京逗留后,他在1893年3月至4月间,又经张家口到归化城,再返回张家口。从归化城不经北京到张家口再到承德府的旅程与当时一般人按照商路移动的路线是一致的。即作为北京的入口,张家口不仅是俄罗斯和蒙古的商人进入北京的重要通路,而且是关内商人进行贸易和移动的重要据点。从他将归化城的商业情况与张家口繁华的商业情况进行比较的内容也可以了解到,以北京为中心的张家口的商业状况和地位的重要性。第二、不仅仅是对张家口,波兹德涅耶夫在叙述所有的城市时都以该城市的经济状况为中心。在描述张家口时,他并没有把中心放在属于该地区的万田县,而是更详细地描写了元宝山的商街和马市以及上堡和下堡的商业情况。由此可以看出,虽然他所途经的各个城市都是在行政上具有重要的地位的军事要地,但他最为关注的是经济状况。从日记的多处我们可以看出他对宗教及民俗学的关注,但通过他的日记我们可以清楚地了解到蒙古和中国各城市的日常生活。中国方面的资料中所描述的清末的城市多集中在表面的行政划分,相反,日本方面的关于清末的调查报告可以让我们更清晰地看到当时的社会氛围。第三、一般在描述山西商人的活动时,比较强调山西商人在清朝兴起及建国时对清政权的辅佐作用。但从波兹德涅耶夫的日记中,我们可以了解到在1890年代初的商业与贸易中,至少在张家口这一地区里,山西商人的作用非常微弱。同时通过日记我们还可以了解到,在与钱业相关的金融方面,山西商人在张家口占有垄断性优势,由此我们可以得知清末在张家口的山西商人的活动主要集中在山西票号的经营上。在民国以后的政治状况下,张家口经历了行政上混乱,尤其是在俄罗斯的帮助下,1921年外蒙古独立的过程中,北方的贸易出现断层。蒙古地区的商人活动及贸易规模的缩小对山西票号带来了相当大的冲击。如果说辛亥革命是来自南方的打击,那么北方的这些变化无疑是来自北方的巨大冲击。
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