李冶와 그 詩에 대한 중국 문인의 인식과 평가

박혜경 단국대학교 동양학연구원 2020 東洋學 Vol.0 No.78

본 논문은 역대 문인들의 詩話를 통하여 李冶와 그 시에 대한 인식과 평가를 살펴보았다. 李冶의 시는 최초로 高仲武의 『中興間氣集』에 간단한 평론과 함께 6수가 수록되었으며 이 책의 비평 관점은 이후 문인들에게지속적인 영향을 미쳤다. 문인들에 의해 기록된 일화 속에서 李冶는 재능을 지녔으나 행실이 좋지 못한 여성으로 그려졌으며 그것은 ‘蕩’이라는 시 비평에도 영향을 미쳤다. 明末에 이르러 처음으로 “大曆正音”이라는 中 唐 시의 변화의 측면에서 李冶의 시를 바라보는 평론이 나타났다. 李冶는 大曆 시단의 문인들처럼 五言을 잘지었으며 禮敎에 얽매이지 않고 이성에 대한 그리움이나 자신의 주관적 사상을 유창한 詩想과 言語로 표현하였다. 李冶의 시는 大曆 시기 내향적이며 형식을 중시하는 변화된 시풍을 반영한다. 이것이 李冶와 그 시에대한 역대 문인들의 긍·부정의 이중적인 인식에도 불구하고 李冶의 시가 가치를 인정받고 전해질 수 있는 이유가 되었다. The purpose of this study is to examine the perception and criticism of Chinese literary men about Li ye and her poetry through the past notes on poets and poetry regarding Li ye. 6 poems of Li ye’s poetry were first recorded in 『Zhongxingjianqiji』 written by Gao zhong wu in Tang Dynasty with a brief criticism. Narration in Zhongxingjianqiji was later cited repeatedly in Li ye’s poems and pictures and had a profound effect until the end of Ming Dynasty. Li ye received more attention in the anecdotes relates to his whereabouts from posterity than his poetry. In the anecdote, Li ye was described as a woman who had poetic talent but couldn’t keep the four virtues traditionally required to women, and it was narrated her poetic talent was rather negatively affected her life. The critics’ double-mindedness of positive and negative about Li ye’s talent also affected the appreciations of Li ye’s poetry. The assessment in Zhongxingjianqiji of “abandon and licentious” was consistently quoted by disputants from Song, Yuan, and Ming since Tang Dynasty. By the end of Ming Dynast, as the social interest and criticism began to increase regarding the poetry of female poets, Li ye’s poetry could be also assessed newly in the aspect of literary trend. Hu zhen heng commented that Li ye’s poetry is “a a form of standard poetry during the Dali period’ and assessed that Li ye left the representable works of Five-character verse form widespread in the Dali period.

새로 발굴된 출토문헌으로 본 ≪논어(論語)≫의 “금지긍야분려(今之矜也忿戾)”와 “공호이단(攻乎異端),사해야이(斯害也已)”에 대한 새로운 접근 모색

이위위 ( Li Weiwei ),장태원 ( Jang Taewon ) 한국중국학회 2017 중국학보 Vol.82 No.-

20세기 들어 今本 ≪論語≫와 관련된 출토문헌이 계속 발견되고 있다. 이들 주요 출토문헌으로는 敦煌과 吐魯番 지역에서 출토된 唐寫本 ≪論語≫와 河北 定縣의 漢墓에서 출토된 漢代 竹簡 寫本 ≪論語≫를 비롯한 戰國 시기 郭店簡과 上博簡에 흩어져 보이는 ≪論語≫와 관련된 구절 그리고 새로 발견된 북한 평양의 貞柏洞에서 나온 漢代 竹簡 殘本 ≪論語≫와 懸泉의 漢簡 ≪子張≫篇 殘簡 등이 있다. 본문은 이상의 출토문헌과 今本 ≪論語≫의 경문을 이용하여 ≪論語·陽貨≫의 “古之矜也廉, 今之矜也忿戾”의 “忿戾”에 관한 각종 異文 자료들을 비교 검토하면서 “也”의 문법적 기능을 근거로 하여 “今之矜也忿戾” 구절이 당시의 언어 환경에서 정확하게 어떤 의미였는지에 관하여 새로운 접근을 모색하고자 한다. 또한 “攻乎異端, 斯害也已”에 대해서 학계에는 많은 이설이 존재하고, 그 관점의 차이도 아주 커다. 본문은 지금까지의 연구 성과를 토대로 이 구절을 분석해보고 나아가 출토문헌 ≪論語≫의 異文 자료를 활용해 새로운 접근을 시도한다. This paper is based on the contrasting of the different characters in these unearthed documents about the Analects of Confucius with the current version. Secondly, We hope to make full use of the different characters of unearthed documents about the Analects of Confucius. According to the different characters of “fen li” that contrasting the unearthed documents that mentioned above with the current version of the Analects of Confucius about “gu zhi jin ye lian, jin zhi jin ye fen li” in Yang Huo, and the grammatical function of “ye” in the sentence of “Jin zhi jin ye fen li”, We are trying to reinterpret “Jin zhi jin ye fen li” scientifically. With the help of the different characters that contrasting the unearthed documents with the current version of the Analects of Confucius, strive to draw a more reasonable conclusion about “gong hu yi duan si hai ye yi”.

『金石集帖』 碑文의 隸書 연구

유지복 고려대학교 민족문화연구원 2022 民族文化硏究 Vol.96 No.-

The purpose of this study is to examine the changes in Ye・seo (隷書: Chin. Li shu; the plain square style Calligraphy) of the 17th and 18th centuries of the Joseon Dynasty by targeting the inscriptions included in Geumseokjipcheop (金石集帖). In Geumseokjipcheop, inscriptions belonging to the Kim Soo-jeung (金壽增) family account for the largest number of inscriptions engraved in Ye・seo. Among them, there are a number of Calligraphy following Kim Soo-jeung's Ye・seo style, including an inscription engraved by collecting letters written by Su-Jeung Kim. This indicates that he was a calligrapher who brought Ye・seo in the 17th century of the Joseon Dynasty. After Kim Su-jeung, Kim Jin-gyu (金鎭圭) and Kim Yang-taek (金陽澤) and Kim Jin-sang (金鎭商) of the Gwangsan Kim clan were the famous calligraphers who distinguished themselves with Ye・seo calligraphy. Among them, Kim Jin-sang's Ye・seo writings are the second most numerous after Kim Soo-jeung's in Geumseokjipcheop. He deviated from the Ye・seo style of Kim Soo-jeung and embraced Tang dynasty calligraphy, pioneering a new realm of Ye・seo calligraphy in the 18th century. In particular, Kim Yang-taek removed the transitional habits revealed in 17th century calligraphy and presented elegant Ye・seo calligraphy based on the Later Han's Jojeonbi (曹全碑). In that Kim Yang-taek was never mentioned in the history of Joseon calligraphy, his Ye・seo calligraphy is worth supplementing an important point in the history of calligraphy in the 18th century. In addition, in the calligraphy of Nam Yu-yong (南有容), Song Mun-heum (宋文欽), and Lee In-sang (李麟祥), traces of mastering the inscriptions of the Later Han, such as Haseungbi (夏承碑) and Eulyeongbi (乙瑛碑), are found. This means that the reception of Han Dynasty inscriptions began in earnest in the middle of the 18th century. Among the best Ye・seo calligraphers included in Geumseokjipcheop, the final calligrapher is Lee Gwangsa (李匡師). He first established a model of Ye・seo style of the late Han Dynasty in the 18th century by learning various inscriptions from the Han Dynasty, including Yegibi (禮器碑). 이 연구는 『금석집첩』에 수록된 비문의 隸書를 대상으로 조선 17⋅18세기 예서의 변화 양상을 살펴보기 위한 것이다. 『금석집첩』에는 김수증 계열에 속하는 예서비가 가장 많은 수를 차지한다. 그중에는 김수증의 글자를 모아 만든 집자비를 비롯해 김수증의 예서풍을 따른 필적도 다수 포함되어 있다. 이는 김수증이 17세기 조선에 예서를 흥기시킨 서가였음을 알려주는 것이다. 김수증 이후 예서로 두각을 나타낸 명서가로 광산김씨 집안의 김진규⋅김양택 부자와 김진상을 들 수 있다. 이 중 김진상의 예서는 『금석집첩』에 김수증 다음으로 많이 실려 있다. 그는 김수증의 예서풍을 벗어나 唐隸를 수용하여 18세기 예서의 새로운 경지를 개척하였다. 특히 김양택은 17세기 예서에서 드러났던 과도기적 습성들을 덜어내고 東漢의 <조전비>를 기반으로 격조 있는 예서를 선보였다. 김양택이 조선 서예사에서 전혀 언급된 바 없다는 점에서 그의 예서는 18세기 서예사의 중요 지점을 보완하는 가치가 있다. 이 밖에 남유용, 송문흠, 이인상의 예서에서는 동한의 <하승비>를 비롯해 <을영비> 등의 漢碑를 익힌 흔적이 발견된다. 이는 18세기 중반에 이르러 한비의 수용이 본격적으로 시작됐음을 의미한다. 『금석집첩』에 수록된 예서 명필 중 대미를 장식하는 서가는 이광사이다. 그는 <예기비>를 비롯해 다양한 한비를 익혀 18세기 조선에 동한 예서풍의 전형을 처음으로 확립하였다.

새로 발굴된 출토문헌으로 본 ≪論語≫의 “今之矜也忿戾”와 “攻乎異端,斯害也已”에 대한 새로운 접근 모색

李偉偉,장태원 한국중국학회 2017 中國學報 Vol.82 No.-

This paper is based on the contrasting of the different characters in these unearthed documents about the Analects of Confucius with the current version. Secondly, We hope to make full use of the different characters of unearthed documents about the Analects of Confucius. According to the different characters of “fen li” that contrasting the unearthed documents that mentioned above with the current version of the Analects of Confucius about “gu zhi jin ye lian, jin zhi jin ye fen li” in Yang Huo, and the grammatical function of “ye” in the sentence of “Jin zhi jin ye fen li”, We are trying to reinterpret “Jin zhi jin ye fen li” scientifically. With the help of the different characters that contrasting the unearthed documents with the current version of the Analects of Confucius, strive to draw a more reasonable conclusion about “gong hu yi duan si hai ye yi”. 20세기 들어 今本 ≪論語≫와 관련된 출토문헌이 계속 발견되고 있다. 이들 주요 출토문헌으로는 敦煌과 吐魯番 지역에서 출토된 唐寫本 ≪論語≫와 河北 定縣의 漢墓에서 출토된 漢代 竹簡 寫本 ≪論語≫를 비롯한 戰國 시기 郭店簡과 上博簡에 흩어져 보이는 ≪論語≫와 관련된 구절 그리고 새로 발견된 북한 평양의 貞柏洞에서 나온 漢代 竹簡 殘本≪論語≫와 懸泉의 漢簡 ≪子張≫篇 殘簡 등이 있다. 본문은 이상의 출토문헌과 今本 ≪論語≫의 경문을 이용하여 ≪論語·陽貨≫의 “古之矜也廉, 今之矜也忿戾”의 “忿戾”에 관한 각종 異文 자료들을 비교 검토하면서 “也”의 문법적 기능을 근거로 하여 “今之矜也忿戾” 구절이 당시의 언어 환경에서 정확하게 어떤 의미였는지에 관하여 새로운 접근을 모색하고자 한다. 또한 “攻乎異端, 斯害也已”에 대해서 학계에는 많은 이설이 존재하고, 그 관점의 차이도 아주 커다. 본문은 지금까지의 연구 성과를 토대로 이 구절을 분석해보고 나아가 출토문헌 ≪論語≫의 異文 자료를 활용해 새로운 접근을 시도한다.

『주역』 리괘(履卦)를 통해 본 예(禮)의 실천과 화(和)의 구현

차민경 (재) 우계문화재단 2022 牛溪學報 Vol.43 No.-

This study is to examine Ye(禮) contained in Li-Hexagram(履卦) and Hwa(和)'s plan in Zhouyi, focusing on the spirit of practice. It aims to contribute to leading a happy life by suggesting a way of harmony and harmony in an era of loss of humanity and social conflict and division through this. The word ‘Hwa(和)’ is mentioned total of 13 times in Zhouyi. Among them, the 7th chapter of Gyesahajeon(繫辭下傳) states, “The Li harmonizes and is filial[履和而至], and The Li harmonizes actions[履以和行]”, and is explained in relation to Li-Hexagram and Hwa. Based on this, the discussion was conducted focusing on the Li-Hexagram suggested as a way to realize ‘Hwa’ in this paper. As a result, Li(履) means courtesy and practice, and could be confirmed that the spirit of courtesy and its practice were emphasized through the Kwe-sa(卦辭) and Hyo-sa (爻辭), Dan-jeon(彖傳)」 and Sang-jeon(象傳)」 of Li-Hexagram. It is believed that it is possible to resolve the loss of humanity and social polarization that our society is currently experiencing, and complete one's character, realization of the public interest, and a politics of harmony according to Jung-do(中道) through the spirit of courtesy and practice contained in Li-Hexagram. We can establish a foundation for Virtue and Will rise up to the top state of Harmony, when we achieve Jung-jeol(中節) by practicing the etiquette spirit of courtesy such as ‘Distinction(分)’ and ‘Righteousness(義)’, ‘Respect and Caution(敬愼)’. This is the realization of Hwa through the practice of Courtesy.

秦代 공문서의 분류와 서사형식

오준석 중국고중세사학회 2019 중국고중세사연구 Vol.51 No.-

This paper organizes the results of the study so far on the classification method and classification system of the Qin-Han(秦漢) dynasties and discusses the form of Qin’s official documents and the name of documents, idioms, etc. centered on Li-ye(里耶) wooden materials. The contents of this paper are summarized as follows. First, considering the classification system of the Qin-Han dynasties and the name of documents used by people at that time, “Shu(書)” was also used as a general noun to refer to the entire document, but more specifically, the name of the document to which the sender and receiver are connected with the attached document, namely, the 'public document' today. Second, the official documents, “Shu(書)”, were used alone, but because they were used as a medium for distributing attachments, the official documents were largely composed of three forms: [1]Self-contained official document without attached document [2]The official documents and attachments are recorded in a separate wooden material [3]The official documents and attachments are recorded on the front and back side of a wooden material In the case of [1] and [2], the distinction between front side and back side of wooden material is not necessary, but in [3], it is necessary to distinguish whether the official part is front side or the attached document is front side. Considering the characteristics of a Li-ye wooden materials document's format or the method of writing the date of sending, can be called front side, where the attached document is recorded, rather than the official document. Third, the idioms used in the Li-ye wooden materials documents, particularly the expressions “ganyanzhi(敢言之)”, “gangao(敢告)”, “gao(告)”, “wei(謂)”, “shang(上)” and “xia(下)”, which express the delivery of the document, indicate that Han dynasty’s official documents was used on almost the same basis as the idioms. In particular, we could see that documents with “xia(下)” used in Li-ye wooden materials were subcontracted by the emperor and national authority, rather than by the sender's authority, like that of Han dynasty’s official documents. It was then confirmed that this characteristic of the Han dynasty’s document administration system was derived from Qin dynasty.

정약용 ‘인仁’설의 동아시아 유학적 의의: 예禮·악樂·형刑·정政의 기초에 관한 입장을 중심으로

차이전펑 재단법인다산학술문화재단 2014 다산학 Vol.- No.24

Generally, Confucian understanding of such institutions as rites,music, punishment, and administration (ye/li 禮·ak/yue 樂·hyeong/xing 刑·jeong/zheng 政)’ can be classifi ed into two types - ‘Morality-based’ understandingand ‘Order-based’ understanding. Zhu Xi (朱熹) representsthe former, while Ye Shi (葉適) the latter. This article argues that although Cheong Yagyong also emphasizedthe signifi cance of rites, music, punishment, and administration he didnot belong to either of the above two types; rather, he suggested a newposition. Cheong’s view is different from Zhu’s in that Cheong focuseson the ‘utility’ of rites, music, punishment, and administration morethan the ‘metaphysical’ basis of them. And Cheong’s view is differentfrom Ye’s as well in that he does not negate Mencius’s thesis on humannature, “Human nature is originally good.”Cheong’s view on ‘rites, music, punishment, and administration’ wasbased on his new theory of ‘Humanity (yin/ren 仁).’ His new theory onHumanity can be said to be rooted in his unique understanding of ‘HumanNature (seong/xing 性)’ as ‘inborn preferences (kiho 嗜好).’ Throughhis new theory of Humanity, Cheong tried to confer a theoretical basison the institutions and emphasize their utility as well. Uniquely,he interpreted the concept in terms of ‘intersubjectiviy,’ which can beappreciated from the perspective of the modern ‘Discourse ethics (Diskursethik).’ 동아시아 유학자의 예·악·형·정에 대한 이해는 크게 ‘도덕’ 기반의입장과 ‘질서’ 기반의 입장으로 나눌 수 있다. 주희(朱熹, 1130~1200)와 섭적(葉適, 1150~1228)의 입장이 두 유형을 대표한다고 할 수 있다. 본 논문은 정약용도 예·악·형·정을 강조했지만 ‘도덕’ 기반도 ‘질서’기반도 아닌 새로운 유형을 제시하였음을 논한다. 정약용은 예·악·형·정의 도덕적이고 형이상학적 기초보다는 그 효용성을 중시했다는 점에서 주희와 달랐다. 또한 그가 맹자의 ‘성선性善’을 비판하지 않았다는 점에서 그의 이론은 섭적과도 달랐다. 정약용의 예·악·형·정에 대한 새로운 이해는 그의 ‘인仁’ 학설에 기반하고 있었다. 그의 ‘인’ 학설은 그의 독특한 ‘성性’ 개념 이해, 즉 ‘성기호설性嗜好說’에 기초를 둔 것이기도 하였다. 그는 자신의 ‘인’ 학설을 통해 예·악·형·정에 윤리적인 근거를 마련하면서도 효용의 의미도 동시에 부여하고자 하였다. 그는 ‘인’ 개념을 ‘상호주관성(相互主觀性, intersubjectivity)’의 측면에서 이해하였는데, 이는 현대의 ‘담화윤리학(談話倫理學,Dikursethik)’적 시각에서 음미될 수 있다.

古代 中國 遺址 出土 簡牘文書 정량 분석 시론 ― 里耶秦簡 行政文書를 중심으로 ―

금재원 동양사학회 2023 東洋史學硏究 Vol.163 No.-

試論朝鮮李德懋《隷古定》篇

申世利(Shin, Se-ri) 한국중어중문학회 2018 中語中文學 Vol.- No.72

This article will give an account of Lee Deokmoo’s (李德懋) “Chong jang kwan Jeonseo · Yang Yeop ki 4 · Ye Go Jeong(靑莊館全書·盎葉記四·隷古定)”, to explore the terminology of Lee‘s Li Gu Ding(隸古定). Lee Deokmoo(1741-1793) was a scholar of the Joseon Dynasty and a member of Northem School(北學派)]. In 1778, he gained the opportunity to become a Shu Zhuang guan and contacted the academics of the Qing Dynasty. He has achieved certain achievements in primary school, essay writing, painting, etc., especially a scholar with a keen interest in linguistics. The “Li Gu Ding” is generally considered to replace the ancient chracter (古體) with the Li ti chracter(隸體) , and then to extend this idea, to replace the ancient font with tthe chracter. Li Guwen first appeared in Han(漢) Kong Anguo’s “Book of Preface(孔安國《尚書·序》)” and continued discussions on Tang(唐) Yanshi’s ancient books on “Kuang Miu Zheng Su(顏師古《匡謬正俗》)” and Lu Deming’s “Elegant Interpretation, Preface, and Notes(陸德明《經典釋文·序錄·注解》)” and other articles. After discussion, the basic concept of the established ancient text was gradually formed. In the middle of the 18th century, Joseon(朝鮮) Lee Deokmoo discussed the meaning of the term “Li Gu Ding(隷古定)” in the article “Li Gu Ding(Ye Go Jeong:隷古定)”. Lee Deokmoo quoted Ming Dynasty(明) Zhang Chao (張潮)’s “Gu Li Gu Ding” as the “Li Gu Zi” proposition. He also cited the opinions of three Zhang, That is to say Zhang Chao(張潮), Zhang Yin (張縯) of Southern Song(南宋)and Joseon(朝鮮) Zhang Wei. Lee explained: “The word ‘set(定)’ is used as the word ‘character(字)’. Although it is not plausible, it means quite understandable.” This article through the analysis of the three-word speech and Lee Deokmoo’s point of view, found that even though Lee’s knowledge of Yan Shigu and other discussions about the “Li Gu Ding” still put forward Zhang Chao and other viewpoints, it has certain significance. “Li Gu Ding” was originally called “Li Ding Gu Wen”. In terms of the typeface, the “set” and “character” of the book “Qi Ding Gu Wen” are similar. The Tang Yan Shi Gu attached great importance to its “Ding Ding”, so it was Joseon(朝鮮) In the 18th century, there were some people who misunderstood the term “Li Gu Ding” to mean “not to be from the ancient Kodou(科斗古文)”. Therefore, Lee believes that if the word “character(字)” is used as “scribecal ancient character(隸古字)”, it may make the reader easy to use. we can understand the meaning of “decide a ancient texts as a scribe written in classical hand texts (隷定古文)” that combines the two type ancient chracter(隷古兩體). Through the analysis of the article “Li Gu Ding”, this paper consider that Lee Deokmoo admires Sinology and inherits the tendency Joseon(朝鮮) academics. Lee sigh lamented that he could not co-exist with Li(隷) and Gu(古) two characters. He can see that he admired the academic attitude of the Han Dynasty. The proposal made by Zhang Wei and other Joseon(朝鮮) scholars can be seen as an effort to promote the Joseon(朝鮮) academics.

국민 여배우 혹은 선전의 꽃 - 문예봉, 리샹란, 하라 세츠코와 그녀들의 시대

정영권,김소원 단국대학교(천안캠퍼스) 한국문화기술연구소 2016 한국문화기술 Vol.20 No.-

This essay investigates the star persona and propagandist role during wartime, and the new change in postwar era of Moon Ye Bong(Colonial Korea), Li Xianglan(Manchukou), and Setsuko Hara which performed in the wartime propagandist films. While these three actresses acted in the different nation, they worked in “Greater East Asia Co-prosperity Sphere” and “East Asia Film Network.” As Moon was a prototype of “Chosen woman”, and as Li was a pan-Asian identity, and as Hara was the harmony of “Japanese” and “Western”, they have constructed their own star personae. These star personae were maintained in postwar era, but changed unlike during wartime. Moon became the mother of “socialist motherland”. Li changed from a Chinese woman which loved Japanese man to a Japanese woman which loved American man. Hara, a typical Japanese “Front Woman” during wartime, changed into postwar democratic “goddess”. Surely, the image of Moon as a passive and obedient woman, the stereotype of Li as a fantasy which satisfies dominant nation's men, the image of Hara as a nobility, dignity and sacrifice were without change. A recognition and self-awareness on their own selves as “propagandist tool” was differentiated each other. Moon acknowledged pro-Japanese film career in her later years, but kept excuse for her wrong activity because of coercion of Japan. Moon’s pro-Japanese career was not brought into question in North Korea. A Japanese, Li who has masqueraded as a Chinese felt herself to be blamable. Hara started the second film career without difficulty in the atmosphere of Japan's film world who was not brought into question on war responsibility.