中国汉代袖舞的审美风格特征研究

史青青 상명대학교 한중문화정보연구소 2023 中國地域文化硏究 Vol.18 No.-

The Han Dynasty was an unprecedented period of unity in ancient Chinese society, a period of great cultural integration of the Chinese nation, and a major period of development in dance art. Han Dynasty music and dance were integrated with foreign music and dance, and the development of music and dance art entered a second peak. Many factors have formed the unique aesthetic style of Han Dynasty music and dance, and sleeve dance ha a typical representation in Han Dynasty music and dance. Mr. Wang Ningning praised it as a "flower queen". The Han Dynasty was the second peak in the development of ancient Chinese dance history, laying the foundation for the development of dance art in later generations. Sleeve dance, as an important component of Han Dynasty music and dance, is a typical dance form of Han Dynasty music and dance, with high appreciation and exploration value. The aesthetic style of sleeve dance in the Han Dynasty is composed of many formal elements, including clothing, music, and dance movements. The style of these formal content elements constitutes the unique aesthetic style characteristics of sleeve dance in the Han Dynasty. Looking at the various sleeve dances in the Han Dynasty, we can see that the whole tone of Han art is full of romantic fantasy and emotional secularization. The sleeve dance of the Han Dynasty was both graceful, graceful, and rough, so it was both "soft" and "strong". The sleeve dance of the Han Dynasty presented a diverse and colorful appearance. The dance style is elegant and light, with a rough and unrestrained spirit, and is vigorous and vigorous, which is a prominent style presented by sleeve dance in the Han Dynasty. The Han Dynasty sleeve dance has a variety of different shapes and styles, which greatly improved the skills and techniques of ancient Chinese dance. The sleeve dance of the Han Dynasty simultaneously pursued the fusion of soaring romance and realistic emotions, which is in line with the Confucian idea of "heaven man interaction" and deeply influenced by the Taoist idea of heaven man unity and seeking immortality and soaring. The elegant dance style is the sustenance of the Han people's immortal thoughts, and the integration of ideological and cultural elements has jointly formed the elegant and light dance of the Han Dynasty, full of immortal fantasies and aspirations. This article takes the aesthetic style of sleeve dance in the Han Dynasty as the research object, using the method of combining poetry, music, and dance. Based on existing historical materials, ancient literature, and unearthed cultural relics, it comprehensively sorts out the aesthetic style characteristics of sleeve dance in the Han Dynasty, and provides a multidimensional and three-dimensional reflection of the cultural form and historical style carried by Han Dynasty music and dance.

秦漢 遷律의 성립과 폐지

오준석 중국사학회 2022 中國史硏究 Vol.- No.141

With the disclosure of the specific law articles of the Qin and Han Dynasty, such as the Shuihudi Qin bamboo slips, Zhangjiajian Han bamboo slips, and Yuelu Qin bamboo slips, research on the history of the law of the Qin and Han Dynasty was carried out explosively, and the full picture of the law system of the Qin and Han Dynasty was also revealed. However, as it was revealed through the recently excavated Shuihudi Han bamboo slips and Hujiacaochang Han bamboo slips that the law of the Qin and Han Dynasty were divided into the criminal law ​​and the additional law, a study to consider this in connection with the establishment of the nine chapter law is being done recently. This paper tried to examine the succession and origin relationship of the law system in the Qin and Han Dynasty by examining the contents and the background of the abolition of Qian law, which belonged to the criminal law until the reign of Emperor Wen of the Former Han Dynasty and was abolished before and after the reform of the criminal law. In the case of Qian law, it is clear that it existed from the beginning of the Former Han Dynasty to the reign of Emperor Wen, but its specific details are unknown. However, through the Han Dynasty, there are various provisions related to the execution of the punishment in the contents of the punishment, especially whether or not the family to be included in the punishment together, the target area of ​​the punishment, the punishment when fleeing from the punishment place or committing other crimes, etc. was inferred to have been included. It is unclear whether Qian law existed even in the Qin Dynasty. However, in this paper, by examining the provisions of law, which are thought to have been included in the criminal law, among the Qin Dynasty and there is a high possibility that Qian law's existence in the Qin Dynasty. It was understood that it was inherited as a descendant. In addition, as physical punishment were abolished through the reform of the criminal law of Emperor Wen of the Former Han Dynasty and the sentences of labor punishment were drastically reduced, there was no choice but to change the contents of the Qian penalty or the grade of punishment. Through this process, it was confirmed that law’s code belonging to the Qin and Han dynasty was periodically added or abolished according to the changes of the times. 秦漢代의 구체적인 율령 조문들을 수록하고 있는 睡虎地秦簡, 張家山漢簡, 嶽麓秦簡 등이 공개되면서 秦漢代 법제사 방면 연구는 폭발적으로 이루어졌고, 이로 인해 秦漢代 율령체계의 전모도 드러나게 되었다. 하지만 최근 출토된 睡虎地漢簡, 胡家草場漢簡을 통해 秦漢代의 律이 獄律과 旁律로 구분되어 있었음이 드러나면서 이를 문헌사료, 특히 蕭何 九章律의 제정과 관련해 고찰하는 연구가 최근 이루어지고 있다. 본 논문은 前漢 文帝시기까지 獄律에 속해 있다가 형법개혁을 전후해 폐지된 遷律의 내용과 폐지 경위를 살펴봄으로써 秦漢代 獄律의 계승과 연원 관계를 고찰해보고자 하였다. 遷律의 경우 前漢 初부터 文帝 시기까지 존재했던 것은 분명하지만, 그 구체적인 내용은 알려져 있지 않다. 하지만 漢代 收律을 통해 遷律의 내용 안에 遷刑의 시행과 관련된 여러 가지 조항들, 특히 함께 遷徙되는 가족의 포함 여부, 遷徙의 대상 지역, 遷徙地에서 도망하거나 다른 범죄를 저질렀을 때의 처벌 규정 등이 포함되었을 것으로 추론하였다. 秦代에도 遷律이 존재하고 있었는지 여부는 불분명하다. 하지만 본고에서는 睡虎地秦簡, 嶽麓秦簡 중 遷律에 수록되었을 것으로 생각되는 律令 조문들을 살펴봄으로써 秦代에 遷律이 존재했을 가능성이 상당히 높고, 비록 존재하지 않았더라도 관련 조문들이 漢代의 遷律로 계승된 것으로 파악하였다. 또한 前漢 文帝의 형법개혁을 통해 육형이 폐지되고 노역형의 형량이 급감하면서 遷刑의 내용이나 형벌 등급에 변화가 발생할 수밖에 없었고, 이로 인해 관련 내용을 규정하고 있는 遷律이 폐지된 것으로 파악하였다. 이런 과정을 통해 秦漢代 獄律에 소속된 律目은 시대의 변화에 따라 주기적으로 추가되거나 폐지되었음을 확인할 수 있었다.

한대(漢代) 요후화덕설(堯後火德說)의 성립

양양 ( Yang Yang ) 호남사학회(구 전남사학회) 2017 역사학연구 Vol.68 No.-

본고에서는 漢代 堯後火德說이 성립되었던 과정을 통해 고대 중국의 정치적 정당성에 대해 살펴보았다. 주나라로부터 天命을 받아 天下를 다스리는 것은 중원왕조가 자신의 정당성을 증명하는 수단이었다. 五德終始說과 天人感應說은 先秦시기에 이르기까지 천명이라는 정신적 개념으로 가시화되었다. 한대에 기계적으로 반복되는 순환이론은 『易經』 팔괘와 결합하였으며, 상대적으로 복잡한 이론인 오덕상생을 탄생케 하였다. 이 오덕상생의 이론으로 한나라의 요후화덕설이 나타난 것이다. 요후화덕설은 전한이 쇠퇴해질 무렵인 전한 중·후기에 탄생하였다. 이 설이 나온 원인에 대해서는 여러 논쟁이 있지만, 기본적으로 한황실을 공고히 하기 위함이라고 생각된다. 요후화덕설은 주로 2단계로 발전해왔다. 하나는 漢爲火德說을 확립한 것이고, 또 하나는 劉漢世系를 채운 것이었다. 한위화덕설은 주로 劉向·劉歆 父子에 의해 완성되었다. 유향·유흠 부자는 역경을 바탕으로 이어져 왔던 五德相勝說을 五德相生說로 바꾸었다. 오덕상생설은 木德 伏羲가 土德 黃帝를 대신하여 오덕의 우두머리가 된 것이다. 여기서 유향·유흠 부자가 역경을 입론근거로 삼은 이유는 역경에는 오덕상생을 지지할 수 있는 논거가 있었고, 또한 역경자체가 유가와 도가에서 중요하게 다뤄지는 경전이기 때문이었다. 유가와 도가집단은 전한시기 경쟁관계에 있던 지식단체였다. 전한 시기에는 양자 중 어느 하나의 영향력도 무시할 수 없었다. 그리하여 이때에 黃老學派의 견해가 담긴 수덕이론과 유가계열에서 주장한 토덕이론은 모두 반대를 받았다. 유향·유흠 부자가 다른 百家之言을 따르지 않고 단지 역경으로 이론근거를 삼은 이유는 유가와 도가 집단에게 모두 인정을 받고자 했기 때문이다. 유향·유흠 부자가 한위화덕설을 확립한 이후에는 전한 학계에서 한위화덕설을 모두 인정하였고, 高祖와 武帝가 조령한 정책보다 더 중요하게 여겼다. 이러한 한위화덕설은 또한 한고조가 진나라를 전복한 폭력방식을 오덕상생으로 다시 해설한 것이다. 유향·유흠 부자는 以母傳子의 방식으로 고조에게 龍子의 신분이라는 명분으로 한황실에게 천하를 다스린 정당성을 부여하였다. 뿐만 아니라 유흠은 閏位水德으로 진나라가 2세만에 망하게 되었던 명운을 설명하였다. 이를 통하여 한초 이래 남아 있던 정당성과 관련한 두 문제를 해결하였다. 그런데 여기서 유향·유흠 부자의 한위화덕설은 한황실과 요임금 간에 혈연관계의 여부에 대해 논정하지 않았고 德運의 측면에서 양자의 상속관계를 강조한 것이었다. 兩漢 사이에 일부의 참위학자는 한위요후설을 同德·同運의 토대에서 확대하고 左傳을 이론적 근거로 여러 讖言·符命을 보조로 두어 독립적인 학설을 형성하였다. 그리하여 유한세계가 요임금과 연결되었으며, 한황실은 명문의 후손이 되었다. 이로써 光武帝 劉秀는 자신의 정당성을 세워서 한나라를 부흥시켰다. In this article we will analyze the theory of Han is the fire dynasty and Yao’s progeny’s establishment to ascertain the political legitimacy of ancient China. Since the beginning of the Zhou dynasty, got the god’s will to dominate the world became the means by which the central plains proved their legitimacy. In pre-qin period, theory of five elements and heaven-human induction made the God's will visible. In han dynasty this mechanical cyclical theory combined with the Eight Diagrams that formed the theory of inter-promotion of five elements. With the emergence of this theory, the Han dynasty is the fire dynasty and Yao’s progeny’s theory had established. This theory appeared in the end of Western Han when the Han dynasty from flourish to decadence. Although there are many arguments about the reasons for its emergence, I think that it should be born for the consolidation of the orthodox emperor of the Han dynasty. The formation of the theory mainly through two stages, one is the theory of Han is the fire dynasty's establishment, the other is the filling of Liu han's lineage. The theory of Han is the fire dynasty was established by Liu Xiang and his son Liu Xin. Based on the theory of "I Ching", Liu Xiang and Liu Xin changed the theory of five elements that made the old theory into the new context of inter-promotion of five elements. On this basis, it also combined the image of 'Fu Hsi', the ancestor god of the han dynasty which originated from Chu land. Then it changed the head of the five elements - Yellow Emperor, the earth dynasty into Fu Hsi, the wood dynasty. Liu's theory is based on the "I Ching" that not only because the "I Ching" have the message they need, but also because the "I Ching" is the classic of both Confucianism and Taoism. During the Western Han Dynasty Confucianism and Taoism had evolved into a heated political struggle. Whether prevailed Huang-lao Taoism in the early han dynasty or the period that the emperor Han Wudi rejected all kinds of theoretical schools but Confucius, both of the two intellectual groups had great influence that cannot be ignored. Because of this, both of the water dynasty and the earth dynasty were all questioned. Therefore, Liu's ignored the Hundred Schools of Thought and enabled the doctrine of "I Ching" as their rationale, the purpose was apparently to get the support of both Confucianism and Taoism. And because of this, the theory of Han is the fire dynasty was able to receive the unanimous recognition. Another invention of the theory of Han is the fire dynasty was how to use inter-promotion of five elements to define the way in which Liu Bang extinguished Qin dynasty. Liu Xiang and Liu Xin used the method of mother-son inheritance to vest Liu Bang and han dynasty the legitimacy of ruling the world. Then they made intercalary water dynasty to explain why the Qin dynasty perished after two emperors. Thus solved the two outstanding problems since early han dynasty. But the theory of Han is the fire dynasty which made by Liu Xiang and Liu Xin were intended to emphasize the Han dynasty and emperor Yao are both fire dynasty. In other words, this theory didn't emphasize that Han and Yao have direct blood relationship. But in the Period between the Two Han Dynasties, the divination scholars drew the theory of the Han is Yao’s progeny from the theory of the Han is fire dynasty, based on "Zuo Zhuan" and accompanied by various kinds of the divination ideology that connected han dynasty with Yao to make the Liu han's lineage into descendant of an eminent family. Thanks to this, the Guangwu emperor Liu xiu was able to rapidly occupy the highest point of theory thus made the han dynasty restored.

내몽고 포두시(包頭市)출토 한대 문자와당 편년 및 특징

허선영 ( Heo Sunyoung ) 한국외국어대학교 중국연구소 2020 中國硏究 Vol.84 No.-

Hun Empire was the powerful tribe in the northen China for more than 700 years from the 1st century BC to the 1st century AD. Since the advent of Han Dynasty, Han Go Jo Hwachin policies with Hun Empire, and it tells the circumstances at that time when it was difficult to take forceful actions due to Hun Empire’s military forces. The friendly relations between Han Dynasty and Hun Empire of the northen China can be found not only in the clue from the history but from Wadang of Han Dynasty. Among 1,000 pieces of Character Wadangs appeared during the Han Dynasty, there was the Character Wadang relating to the Hun Empire of the Northern China excavated. As the text word shows, the contents of the text fully tell the political relationship between the Hun Empire and Han Dynasty. In particular, Character Wadang ‘Seonwoohwachin’ provides substantial materials for the important clue to understand the friendly relations with the Hun Empire for 60-70 years after Han Go Jo. According to historical records, the text words on the Character Wadang of Han Dynasty were likely produced in the period of Han Mun Je, as the early Han Dynasty took friendly relations. However, the issue is that these Wadangs were not produced in the period of Han Mun Je. This paper studied that 7 Character Wadangs related to ‘Seonwoo’ among 17 Wadangs unearthed in Podu city and discovered that they were produced in the late of Han Dynasty, not the early Dynasty. They show the originality of Wadang from Hun Empire as their patterns are horn-shaped, which did not exist in the early Han Dynasty.

汉代帝陵的考古发现与研究

谭青枝 ( Qingzhi Tan ) 동양미술사학회 2022 동양미술사학 Vol.14 No.-

近二十年, 汉代帝陵的考古调查勘探发掘工作取得了重大成果, 基本探明了两汉帝陵的形制、布局及发展演变轨迹。本文利用已发表的考古资料及多位学者的研究成果, 介绍了两汉帝陵考古工作及研究历程, 并重点介绍了具有代表性的陵墓布局、内涵。西汉“事死如生”,帝陵制度的特点可归纳如下:帝后同茔不同穴;双重陵园, 外陵园内帝后又各自有小陵园;陵园墙外有一重或两重围沟;覆斗形封土;墓葬形制是有四条墓道的亚字形墓, 以东墓道最长, 为主墓道;墓室内黄肠题凑木椁结构;墓主身着金镂玉衣;陵园内有大量的外藏坑, 有多座建筑, 有嫔妃祔葬墓, 数量从数座到数十座不等;陵园外有大量陪葬墓;西汉宣帝之前的帝陵近旁设置陵邑。东汉提倡薄葬, 与西汉时期重视陵墓设施相较, 更注重祭祀仪式, 东汉时期帝陵规模较西汉小很多, 特点如下:帝后同穴而葬;一重陵园, 规模较小;或有一重围沟;圆丘形封土;墓葬形制是一条墓道的甲字形墓, 墓道通常在墓室南侧;墓室是有横前室纵向后室或多室砖石墓;墓主身着金镂玉衣;陵园内有石殿建筑、钟虡建筑;没有外藏坑, 将西汉时期的外藏体系纳入墓葬内;有陪葬墓。 Abstract: In the past 20 years, great achievements have been made in the archaeological exploration and excavation of the mausoleums of the Han Dynasty, which has basically proved the shape, layout, and evolution of the mausoleums of the Han Dynasty. Based on the published archaeological materials and the research results of many scholars, this paper introduces the archaeological work and research process of the mausoleums of the Han Dynasty, and focuses on the layout and characteristics of the representative mausoleums. The idea of Han Dynasty is to treat the dead as if he were alive. The characteristics of the imperial mausoleums system in the Western Han Dynasty can be summarized as follows: The emperor and queen were buried in the same mausoleum, but in different tombs; double enclosure; in the outer enclosure, the emperor and the queen had their own small enclosure; There were one or two ditches outside the enclosure wall; the covering soil with truncated square cone; the shape of the mausoleum was a "亞" shaped tomb with four entrance passages, of which the East path was the longest and the main path; there was an outer coffin in the tomb, which was usually made of cypress with the timber headed in; the owner of the tomb was dressed in jade burial suit sewn with gold thread; in the enclosure, there were a large number of external burial pits, a number of buildings and burial tombs for concubines, ranging from several to dozens; outside the enclosure, there were a lot of funerary tombs; before Emperor Xuan of the Western Han Dynasty, a mausoleum feod was set up near the mausoleum. Compared with the Western Han Dynasty, which paid more attention to mausoleum facilities, the Eastern Han Dynasty advocated plain burial, and paid more attention to sacrificial rites. The mausoleum of the Eastern Han Dynasty was much smaller than that of the Western Han Dynasty, and its characteristics are as follows: the emperor and queen were buried in the same grave; one small enclosure; maybe there was one ditch outside the enclosure wall; the covering soil with dome shape; The shape of the tomb was a "甲" shaped tomb with one entrance passage, which was usually to the south of the chamber; brick chambered tombs, with transverse antechamber, longitudinal posterior chamber, or multiple chambers; the owner of the tomb was dressed in jade burial suit sewn with gold thread; there were stone building and building with hanging bells in the enclosure; there was no external burial pit, and the external burial facilities of the Western Han Dynasty were put inside the imperial mausoleum; There were accompanying tombs in the imperial mausoleum.

後漢시기 察擧 관료의 출신지와 任官

민후기 동아시아고대학회 2019 동아시아고대학 Vol.0 No.54

This article is a study on cha-ju(察擧) system, and it was one of the recruiting bureaucrats systems in Han Empire. The conclusion is as follows. First, when it changed from the Former Han Dynasty to the Later Han Dynasty, the number of officials from cha-ju system has increased more than 4.5 times. It can be seen that the method of selecting officials has changed from military exploits or the selection of son of high-ranking officials to recommendation. Second, the number of item’s of the cha-ju system decreased. There were 14 items in the Former Han Dynasty, but they fell to 11items in the Later Han Dynasty. It is thought that the number of the officials from cha-ju system in the latter Han dynasty increased a little more than 4.5 times compared to the Former Han dynasty, but the decrease in the number of cha-ju‘s items was caused by the gradual readjustment of the system around Xiaolian(孝廉: a man of filial piety and integrity to his parents) and maocai(茂才: a man of talent) as the result of the transition from the Former Han dynasty to the latter Han dynasty. Third, the Former Han dynasty considered personality a little more important than ability in the selection of officials, the ratio was 54.3 percent (personality): 45.7 percent (ability). The Later Han dynasty considered personality far more important than ability in the selection of officials, the ratio was 77.8 percent (personality): 22.2 percent (ability). Fourth, from the Former Han dynasty to the Later Han Dynasty, The number of officials from north of the Hwanghe river has decreased, and the number from south of the Hwanghe river has increased. 이 글은 後漢제국의 官僚制가 察擧 인원수, 察擧 항목, 被察擧者들의 출신지라는 측면에서는 어떤 양상을 띠고 있었는가를 규명한 글이다. Ⅱ장에서는 우선, 『東觀漢記』, 『三國志』, 『八家後漢書輯注』, 『華陽國志』, 『後漢書』, 『隸釋』, 『漢碑集釋』 등에 나타나는 후한의 피찰거자 327명, 『漢書』, 『後漢書』, 『華陽國志』 등에 나타나는 전한의 피찰거자 72명을 정리하고, 이를 바탕으로 前漢에서 後漢으로 이행하면서 찰거자의 수가 4.5배 약간 넘게 증가하였으며, 選官 방식도 전한 초기에 중시되었던 任子, 軍功 등의 방법에서 점차 察擧로 옮겨갔음을 살펴보았다. 다음으로 찰거 항목에서는 후한에서는 孝廉, 賢良方正 등 11개 항목이 나타나고, 前漢시기에는 孝廉, 賢良 등 14개 항목이 나타나, 후한에서는 찰거자의 수가 전한에 비해 4.5배 약간 넘게 늘어났지만 찰거 항목은 오히려 간소화됨을 살펴보았다. 또한, 전한과 후한에 보이는 찰거의 항목과 횟수를 인성과 능력으로 이분하여 정리한 결과 前漢에 비해 後漢에서 능력보다는 인성을 훨씬 중시했다는 사실을 알 수 있었다. Ⅲ장에서는 후한의 피찰거자의 출신지를 조사하고 이를 전한 피찰거자의 출신지와 비교하여 피찰거자의 출신지라는 측면에서는 전한과 후한에 어떤 변화가 있었는가를 살펴보았다. 이를 통해, 먼저 冀州, 並州, 徐州, 幽州 지역에서 피찰거자의 수가 줄어들었으며, 이들 지역은 주로 현재의 황하의 북쪽지역 중에서도 현재의 산서성과 그 동쪽 지역으로 이들 지역에서 被察擧者의 비중이 전한에서 후한으로 가면서 줄어들었음을 알 수 있었다. 또한 徐州의 피찰거자 비중이 감소한 것은 徐州를 중심으로 한 前漢 지배집단이 전한에서 후한으로의 정권 교체 과정에서 주도권을 상실했기 때문으로 파악하였다. 다음으로 전한에서 후한으로 왕조가 교체되면서 피찰거자의 수가 늘어난 지역들은 交州, 涼州, 揚州, 兗州, 豫州, 益州, 靑州, 荊州 등이며, 이들 지역은 대체로 황하 이남 지역이 많다는 사실을 살펴보았다. 이는 전한에서 후한으로 이동하면서 관리들의 인적 구성이 지리적으로 상당 부분 남쪽으로 이동하였을 가능성을 시사하는 것으로 파악하였다. 마지막으로 찰거의 비중이 높은 지역을 살펴보았다. 前漢시기에는 豫州, 冀州, 司隸校尉, 徐州가 전체 피찰거자의 58.9%를 차지하여 정권의 중핵을 담당하였고, 이에 반해, 후한에서는 揚州, 豫州, 益州, 司隸校尉가 전체 피찰거자의 57.3%를 차지하여 이들 지역이 후한 정권을 지탱한 핵심지역이었을 가능성을 살펴보았다.

한대 황제릉의 고고학적 발견과 연구

탄칭즈 ( Qingzhi Tan ) 동양미술사학회 2022 동양미술사학 Vol.14 No.-

최근 20년 동안 한대 황제릉의 고고학적 조사·탐사 발굴 작업은 한대제릉의 형식과 배치, 발전 및 변화의 궤적을 밝혀내는데 성과를 거두었다. 이 글에서는 이미 발표된 고고학 자료와 여러 학자들의 연구성과를 기초로 한대 황제릉의 고고학적 성과와 연구과정을 소개하고, 능묘배치, 내포된 함의을 중점적으로 소개하였다. 서한(西漢)은 “사사여생(事死如生)” 즉, 죽은자 섬기기를 산자 섬기듯 하였는데, 황제릉제도의 특징을 요약하면, “제후동토부동혈(帝后同茔不同穴)”로, 황제와 황후는 동일 묘역에 장례를 치루지만, 각자의 능원을 가지며, 이중능원, 외릉원 안에서 제후는 각기 소능원을 가지며, 능원담장 밖에는 한겹 또는 2중으로 해자를 둘렀다. 복두형 봉분으로 4개의 묘도가 있는 아자형묘(亞字形墓)이며. 가장 긴 동쪽의 묘도가 무덤의 주묘도이다. 무덤 안은 황장제주의 목곽구조이며, 묘주는 금루옥의를 입고 있다. 능원 안에는 대량의 외장갱이 있고, 여러 기의 건축물이 있으며, 비빈의 합장묘가 있다. 수량은 몇기에서 수십기로 차등이 있다. 능원밖에는 대량의 배장묘(陪葬墓)가 있다. 서한 선제이전의 제릉은 근처에 능읍을 설치하였다. 동한(東漢)은 박장(薄葬)을 부르짖어, 서한시대의 능묘시설을 중시하였던 것과 비교된다. 제사의식을 더 중시하였으며, 동한시기 제릉의 규모가 서한 때 보다 훨씬 작다. 특징은 다음과 같다. 제후동혈장(帝后同穴葬)으로, 한겹의 능원으로 규모가 작거나 혹은 한 겹의 해자가 있거나 또는 원구형 봉분이다. 무덤형식은 묘도가 하나인 갑자형묘(甲字形墓)로, 묘도는 통상적으로 묘실의 남측에 있다. 묘실은 가로형 전실과 세로형 후실이 있거나 혹은 다실(多室)의 전석묘(磚石墓)이다. 묘주는 몸에 금루옥의를 걸치고 있다. 능원 안에는 석전(石殿)건축과 종거(鐘簴)건축이 있다. 외장갱이 없는 것은, 서한시기의 외장체계를 무덤 안으로 포함시켰으며, 배장묘는 있다. In the past 20 years, great achievements have been made in the archaeological exploration and excavation of the mausoleums of the Han Dynasty, which has basically proved the shape, layout, and evolution of the mausoleums of the Han Dynasty. Based on the published archaeological materials and the research results of many scholars, this paper introduces the archaeological work and research process of the mausoleums of the Han Dynasty, and focuses on the layout and characteristics of the representative mausoleums. The idea of Han Dynasty is to treat the dead as if he were alive. The characteristics of the imperial mausoleums system in the Western Han Dynasty can be summarized as follows: The emperor and queen were buried in the same mausoleum, but in different tombs; double enclosure; in the outer enclosure, the emperor and the queen had their own small enclosure; There were one or two ditches outside the enclosure wall; the covering soil with truncated square cone; the shape of the mausoleum was a "亞" shaped tomb with four entrance passages, of which the East path was the longest and the main path; there was an outer coffin in the tomb, which was usually made of cypress with the timber headed in; in the enclosure, there were a large number of external burial pits, a number of buildings and burial tombs for concubines, ranging from several to dozens; outside the enclosure, there were a lot of funerary tombs; before Emperor Xuan of the Western Han Dynasty, a mausoleum feod was set up near the mausoleum. The mausoleum of the Eastern Han Dynasty was much smaller than that of the Western Han Dynasty, and its characteristics are as follows: the emperor and queen were buried in the same grave; one small enclosure; maybe there was one ditch outside the enclosure wall; the covering soil with dome shape; The shape of the tomb was a "甲" shaped tomb with one entrance passage, which was usually to the south of the chamber; brick chambered tombs, with transverse antechamber, longitudinal posterior chamber, or multiple chambers; there were stone building and building with hanging bells in the enclosure; there was no external burial pit, and the external burial facilities of the Western Han Dynasty were put inside the imperial mausoleum; There were accompanying tombs in the imperial mausoleum.

흉노 고분 출토 칠이배 : 생산, 유통 그리고 용도

양은경(Eun Gyeng Yang) 한국상고사학회 2021 한국상고사학보 Vol.114 No.114

필자는 이번 연구에서 흉노 칠이배는 자체 생산품은 없으며 한나라에서 제작된 제품이라는 결론을 우선적으로 도출한 후, 역으로 그 연구대상을 흉노 출토품에만 국한시키지 않고 한나라 본토와 낙랑, 남월, 하서지역 고분 출토 칠이배까지 비교대상으로 포함시켜 고찰해 보았다. 또한 본고에서는 흉노 고분에서 발견된 칠이배의 현상과 명문 내용을 중점적으로 소개하던 기존의 연구방법에서 벗어나 생산지를 포함한 유통 그리고 용도에 대해서도 고찰하면서 최종적으로는 매장의례를포함한 고분문화까지 살펴보고자 노력하였다. 우선 생산지를 파악하기 위해 몽골 경내 흉노 고분에서 출토된 칠이배 중 명문과 보존상태가 양호한 6점을 기준으로 내용을 살펴보았다. 그 결과 한나라 수도 장안에 소재한 고공에서 생산한 제품이 사천지역 생산품보다 상대적으로 더욱 많다는 것을 알게 되었다. 이러한 사실은 중국 본토와 낙랑, 남월지역에서 발견된 한나라 칠이배는 사천지역 촉군서공과 광한군공 생산품이 장안 고공 제품보다더욱 우위를 차지하는 것과는 다른 내용으로 판단하였다. 또한 옻나무의 서식지와 모방제품 유무를기준으로 판단하여도 흉노 칠이배는 자체 생산은 힘들었을 것으로 추정하였다. 이러한 흉노의 양상은낙랑, 남월지역 칠이배가 수입품 이외에 자체 생산품도 존재하였던 내용과는 다른 것으로 판단하였다. 흉노 고분 출토 칠이배의 생산지를 고찰하는 과정에서 이배의 제작 시기가 B.C. 1세기에 집중되어있는 사실에 주목하게 되었으며, 그 원인에 대해 추적해 보았다. 그 결과 B.C. 1세기 한 무제가 집정한 이후 흉노 선우와 왕자, 귀족들이 빈번하게 장안을 방문 혹은 입조하였던 역사기록에 주목하게 되었다. 또한 입조 당시 흉노인들은 한나라로부터 공식적으로 물품을 사여 받은 것 이외에 장안 상림원에 위치한 건장궁, 포도궁 등에 거주하면서 각종 한나라 문물을 직접 체험하였을 것으로 추정하였다. 결국 B.C. 1세기에는 앞 시기와는 달리 흉노 상층 계급인들에 의해 한나라 문물이 전래되게 되었으며, 그 문물 속에는 한나라 고분과 매장의례도 포함되었을 가능성이 있는 것으로 조심스럽게 추정해 보았다. 칠이배라는 단독 유물을 통해, 한나라 고분문화의 흉노 전래라는 필자의 가설은 다소 위험한 발상으로 생각된다. 이에 필자는 흉노 고분에서 출토된 칠이배의 용도를 고찰하는 과정을 통해, 연구자들의 동의를 구하고자 노력하였다. 특히, 필자는 흉노인들이 한나라에 요구하였거나 사여 받은조공품에는 한나라 술을 비롯하여 누룩, 고두밥 등 술을 빚는 재료들이 포함되었던 사실에 주목하였다. 결론적으로 흉노 상층 계급인들은 한나라 곡주를 좋아하였으며, 그 결과 한나라 술잔이었던이배도 함께 요구하였던 것으로 추론하였다. 또한 실생활에서 주기 혹은 식기로 사용된 칠이배는사후에는 칠반 혹은 칠안과 함께 흉노 고분에 부장되게 된 것으로 판단하였다. 다시 말해 흉노 고분에 매장된 칠이배는 한나라에서 수입된 칠기와 술이 유목민족의 매장의례 중 일부분으로 녹아들었을 가능성이 있는 것으로 추정하였다.남월지역에서 발견된 한나라 칠이배는 사천지역 촉군서공과 광한군공 생산품이 장안 고공 제품보다더욱 우위를 차지하는 것과는 다른 내용으로 판단하였다. 또한 옻나무의 서식지와 모방제품 유무를기준으로 판단하여도 흉노 칠이배는 자체 생산은 힘들었을 것으로 추정하였다. 이러한 흉노의 양상은낙랑, 남월지역 칠이배가 수입품 이외에 자체 생산품도 존재하였던 내용과는 다른 것으로 판단하였다. 흉노 고분 출토 칠이배의 생산지를 고찰하는 과정에서 이배의 제작 시기가 B.C. 1세기에 집중되어있는 사실에 주목하게 되었으며, 그 원인에 대해 추적해 보았다. 그 결과 B.C. 1세기 한 무제가 집정한 이후 흉노 선우와 왕자, 귀족들이 빈번하게 장안을 방문 혹은 입조하였던 역사기록에 주목하게 되었다. 또한 입조 당시 흉노인들은 한나라로부터 공식적으로 물품을 사여 받은 것 이외에 장안 상림원에 위치한 건장궁, 포도궁 등에 거주하면서 각종 한나라 문물을 직접 체험하였을 것으로 추정하였다. 결국 B.C. 1세기에는 앞 시기와는 달리 흉노 상층 계급인들에 의해 한나라 문물이 전래되게 되었으며, 그 문물 속에는 한나라 고분과 매장의례도 포함되었을 가능성이 있는 것으로 조심스럽게 추정해 보았다. 칠이배라는 단독 유물을 통해, 한나라 고분문화의 흉노 전래라는 필자의 가설은 다소 위험한 발상으로 생각된다. 이에 필자는 흉노 고분에서 출토된 칠이배의 용도를 고찰하는 과정을 통해, 연구자들의 동의를 구하고자 노력하였다. 특히, 필자는 흉노인들이 한나라에 요구하였거나 사여 받은조공품에는 한나라 술을 비롯하여 누룩, 고두밥 등 술을 빚는 재료들이 포함되었던 사실에 주목하였다. This study was initiated based on the conclusion that the lacquer ear cups of the Xiongnu were not produced by the Xiongnu people themselves but by craftsmen of the Chinese Han Dynasty. Therefore, the areas of study were not limited to the territory of the Xiongnu but also included the Han Dynasty and the areas of Lelang, Nanyue and Hexi in China. In addition, this study on the production, distribution and utilization of lacquer ear cups departs from existing research which focused mainly on the origins and development of the cups and their inscriptions. Before mentioning the details of the study, the conclusions for the three keywords of this studyare as follows: first, most lacquer ear cups with the inscription ‘Xiongnu’ were produced by craftsmen from Chang an (present-day Xi an) in Han China and mainly dare from the first century B.C.; second, the distribution of the cups was estimated based on the fact that the Chanyu (supreme ruler) and nobles of the Xiongnu visited Chang an in the first century B.C.; third, lacquer ear cups were mainly used to contain Chinese foods or alcohols; and fourth, it is estimated that the cups were buried in Xiongnu tombs due to the influence of the burial rituals of the Han Dynasty. In order to identify the production areas of the cups, their well-preserved features and inscriptions were the main criteria for this study. As a result, it was found that among the lacquer ear cups excavated from Xiongnu tombs, relatively more of them were made by craftsmen based in Chang an, the capital of the Han Dynasty, than in Sichuan. Such a finding shows the difference in the fact that the lacquer ear cups discovered in the central area of China and the Lelang and Nanyue areas were mostly made by craftsmen in Shu Han and Guanghan in Sichuan, not in Chang an. Moreover, judging from the fact that no imitation products have ever been found, and no lacquer trees grew in the territory of the Xiongnu, it is assumed that it was difficult to produce lacquer ear cups in Xiongnu - regardless of the actual inscriptions on the cups. Research on the production of lacquer ear cups excavated from the ancient tombs of the Xiongnu showed that they were mainly produced in the late first century B.C., which led to a further examination to determine the reason, the result of which shows that diplomatic relations between the Xiongnu and the Han Dynasty changed significantly after the regime of Emperor Wu of Han in the first century B.C., when Chanyus, princes, and nobles of Xiongnu frequented Chang an. It is also assumed that the people of Xiongnu received official gifts from the Han Dynasty when they attended the royal court, and that they also came into contact with the culture and products of the Han, including their clothes, cuisine, and housing, while they were staying at the royal palaces (Jianzhang Palace, Putao Palace, etc.) in Shangliyuan, Chang an. Therefore, it seems evident that the culture and products of the Han Dynasty were directly circulated by the Xiongnu elite in the late first century B.C., unlike in the previous periods, and this would have included the tomb and burial practices of the Han. Such assumptions are supported by research on the utilization of lacquer ear cups excavated from Xiongnu tombs, attempting to be agreed by other researchers. In particular, it was noted that alcohol and ingredients for making alcoholic drinks were included in the list of tributary goods which the Xiongnu were required to give to the Han Dynasty, or which the latter gave to the Xiongnu. In conclusion, it is conjectured that the upper-class Xiongnu enjoyed the grain-based wines of the Han, and that Chinese ear cups were used to serve alcohol accordingly. It is also assumed that the type of lacquer ear cups used to contain alcohol or food in daily life were also buried together with other lacquerwares in Xiongnu tombs.

高句麗와 漢의 接境空間 변화에 따른 住民集團의 잡거

여호규(Yeo, HoKyu) 한국외국어대학교 역사문화연구소 2020 역사문화연구 Vol.74 No.-

이 글은 고구려와 한의 접경공간 변천에 따른 주민집단의 잡거양상을 고찰한 것이다. 고구려와 한의 접경공간은 네 차례 변모하였고, 주민집단의 잡거양상도 달라졌다. 기원전 107년 제1현도군 설치 이후, 압록강 중상류 일대에는 土着住民과 漢人이 雜居하기 시작했지만, 漢人이 郡縣城 내부에 거주했기 때문에 ‘混在’ 양상을 띠지는 않았다. 漢의 선진문화가 토착사회에 보급되는 가운데, 교류도 활발하게 이루어졌다. 특히 通化 赤柏松古城 1호 주거지의 온돌시설에서 보듯이 漢人들이 토착문화를 수용하기도 했다. 기원전 75년경 제1현도군이 蘇子河 방면으로 쫓겨났다. 이에 따라 고구려 지역과 제2玄菟郡의 중심부가 공간적으로 분리되었지만, 前漢 말까지는 제2현도군의 屬縣이 압록강 중상류에 잔존했기 때문에 명확한 境界가 성립되지 않았다. 다만, 양자의 중심부를 잇는 桓仁 西北路에서는 太子河 상류의 梁貊이 완충지대를 이루었고, 桓仁 東北路에서는 富爾江-蘇子河 상류의 분수령 지대가 접경지대로 인식되었다. 명확한 경계는 성립되지 않았지만, 양자의 중심부를 가르는 접경공간이 점차 형성되었던 것이다. 서기 1세기 중반경 고구려가 후한의 유화책을 틈타 제2현도군의 분리통제책을 봉쇄했다. 이때 고구려는 압록강 중상류에 잔존했던 제2현도군의 속현을 점령했는데, 通化 赤柏松古城의 제2기 건물군이 미완성 상태에서 폐기된 것은 이를 잘 보여준다. 이에 후한은 고구려 지역과 접경을 이루는 ‘東界’에 ‘幘溝婁’라는 성곽을 쌓아 朝服과 衣幘 등 고구려에 사여하는 위세품을 두었다. 이에 따라 蘇子河-富爾江의 분수령 지대로 비정되는 ‘東界’가 점차 고구려와 제2현도군의 경계로 인식되었다. 서기 1세기 말경 고구려가 후한의 정세 악화를 틈타 제2현도군을 점령하고 후한과의 국경선을 遼東故塞까지 크게 물리쳤다. 永陵鎭古城 北城의 제4기 전기 문화층은 제2현도군 퇴축 이후로 편년되는데, 後漢의 전통을 계승한 대형건물지와 고구려의 온돌시설을 갖춘 소형 주거지가 동시에 확인되었다. 제2현도군 퇴축 이후 永陵鎭古城에 高句麗人과 漢人이 雜居하였던 것이다. 제2현도군의 퇴축으로 양국의 국경이 명확하게 형성되었지만, 주민집단의 잡거는 더욱 활발하게 이루어졌던 것이다. This paper examines the mixed residence aspects of residents dwellings following the transformation of Goguryeo and Han s border space. The border area between Goguryeo and Han dynasties has been changed four times, and the mixed residence aspects of residents dwellings has changed. Since the establishment of the First Hyeondo[Xuantu] commandery in 107 B.C., native people and Han Dynasty people began to live together in the upper and middle basin of the Yalu River. But it did not appear to be mixed residence patterns because the Han Dynasty people lived inside the administrative castle of commandery or prefecture. With the spread of advanced culture of Han Dynasty to the indigenous society, exchanges were also actively carried out. In particular, the ondol facilities of the first residence at the Chibaisong castle site reflect the aspect that the Han Dynasty people dispatched to the county and prefectures were embracing indigenous culture. Around 75 B.C., the First Hyeondo commandery was ousted to the direction of Suzihe River. As a result, the Goguryeo region and the center of the second Hyeondo commandery were separated each other in a spatial. However, the boundary between the two was not clearly established until the end of the Earlier Han period, as the prefectures of the Second Hyeondo commandery remained in the upper and middle basin of the Yalu River. The Yangmaek in the upper basin of Taizihe River was a buffer zone in the northwest of Huanren area, which connects the two centers, and the watershed areas of in Fuerjiang and Suzihe Rivers was recognized as a border area in the northeast Huanren area. Although the boundary between the two was not clearly established, the border space separating the two centers was gradually formed. Around the middle of the first century A.D., Goguryeo blocked the separation control of the Second Hyeondo commandery, taking advantage of the appeasement of the Later Han. At this time, Goguryeo occupied the prefectures of the Second Hyeondo commandery remained in the upper and middle basin of the Yalu River, which is well reflected by the fact that the buildings of the second period at the Chibaisong castle site was abandoned in an incomplete situation. In response, Latter Han built a fortress called Chaekguru in the area bordering the Goguryeo region, and placed a prestige item there that was enshrined in Goguryeo. As a result, the Eastern Boundary located in the watershed area of Fuerjiang and Suzihe Rivers was gradually recognized as the boundary between Goguryeo and the Second Hyeondo commandery. At the end of the first century A.D., Goguryeo occupied the Second Hyeondo commandery, under the deterioration of the situation of the Later Han Dynasty, and defeated the border with the Later Han. The 4th earlier occupation layer at the Yonglingzhen castle site was formed after the retreat of Second Hyeondo commandery was expelled, where a large building that inherited the tradition of the Later Han and a small residence with Goguryeo s ondol facilities were excavated at the same time. After the retreat of the Second Hyeondo commandery, Goguryeo people and Han Dynasty people lived together at the Yonglingzhen castle. The retreat of the Second Hyeondo commandery clearly formed the border between the two countries, but the mixed residence of residents dwellings was more active.

중국, 한나라의 서한(西漢)초기 칠기 의장 연구

송진화,임승택 한국가구학회 2022 한국가구학회지 Vol.33 No.1

This study has analyzed the modeling traits of 125 lacquer ware samples unearthed from ancient tomb since early Western Han Dynasty. At present, although Han Dynasty lacquer ware has received excellent evaluation, the research on its modeling traits is very limited, which is aimed to find out the excellence of lacquer ware making technology and provide basic information for the study of lacquer ware in the Han Dynasty by studying the lacquer ware in the golden period of Chinese history. The political institution and social stability has laid a solid foundation for the development of lacquer art in the early Western Han Dynasty. In terms of culture and philosophy, it was influenced by China’s Chu culture, Taoism, Yin-yang and five elements theory. As a result of handicraft industry system, social demand and technological development in the early Western Han Dynasty, the efficiency of lacquer production was greatly improved. This background played a positive role and the lacquer art in the early Western Han Dynasty had distinct characteristics. The lacquer ware in early Western Han Dynasty was mainly of functional varieties such as boxes and plates, and most of its types were articles of daily use and bronze imitations. The lacquer body was mostly wooden. The pattern materials were natural patterns, animal patterns and geometric patterns in turn. The main patterns were cloud, dragon, phoenix and so on, and the subordinate patterns were cloud, geometry, bird and so on. The primers were red-inside and black-outside, of which the black was more. The pattern colors were red. The layout of decorative patterns took single pattern and “S” shape composition as the main pattern, two continuous pattern as the subordinate pattern. Abstract deformation technique was mainly applied in the pattern expression. The pattern of lacquer painting performance was to complete the modeling style with colored painting techniques. Above all, lacquerware with obvious traits in the early Western Han Dynasty has gone till modern times. In the future, I hope that research on the design of lacquerware of the Han Dynasty will be studied from a deeper and more diverse perspectives, and it will be a reference for similar research.