조선키네마 주식회사의 설립 배경과 몇 가지 논쟁점에 대한 고찰

문관규(Mun, Gwan Gyu) 한국영화학회 2013 영화연구 Vol.0 No.58

The foundation of Cho-sun Kinema Company was based on the commercial success of Cho-sun films that started from the hit of 〈The Story of Chu-hyang〉. In the early history of Korean films, the foundation of Cho-sun Kinema Company built a coexisting system between Seoul and Busan. According to historical records, the foundation capital and the confirmed address have been proved to be as follows; ‘a film production established on July 11<SUP>th</SUP> 1924 at 19 beon-ji, 5 jeong-mok, Busan bon-jeong with the capital of 75,000won and the money due of 18,750.’ Based on my own investigation and an old map, Cho-sun Kinema Company was possibly established at the current address of 19 beon-ji, 5 ga, Jung-gu, Dong-gwang-do, which was known as 5-19, Yeong-ju-dong earlier. The building belonged to Russian consulate that had moved in 1912. Later, the building was used for Russian consulate, Cho-sun Kinema Company, Korea-America club before it was totally estructed during the fire occurred at the train station nearby on November 27<SUP>th</SUP>1953. The reasons why Yoon Baek-nam’s party withdrew from the institute was firstly because they took the responsibility for the box-office failure of films. The second theory is related to conflicts between Cho-sun movie filmmakers and inlanders. The conflicts were made due to habitual sexual harassments of Takasa Ganjou, the manager of Cho-sun Kinema Company, on Korean actresses. The third reason was the passion for Cho-sun’s films. Oral testimonies and related documents show that, on the surface, the reason why Cho-sun’s filmmakers left for Seoul was the responsibility about the failure of film 〈Woon-yeong jeon; The Story of Woon-yeong〉. But the true reason was the desire that Yoon Baek-nam’s party had about producing Cho-sun’s own films. Therefore, the direct cause of the withdrawal was emotional conflicts between inlanders and Cho-sun people. The reason for the slack and collapse of Cho-sun Kinema Company was the lack of working crew caused by the Cho-sun people’s relocation to Seoul. The next reason was financial difficulties imposed by box-office failures. Thirdly, the company failed to overcome the poor distribution environment. Cho-sun Kinema Company has a historical significance because it was a symbolic incident showing the movement of cinematic power from Busan to Seoul, and it also represented the poor environment of the early Korean film industry.

고려 명종대 조위총의 난과 금의 대응

김명진 동북아역사재단 2014 東北亞歷史論叢 Vol.- No.46

As mayor of Seogyeong, Cho Wi-chong(hereinafter referred to as “Cho”), based in Seogyeong (now Pyeongyang), took up arms against the central government of Goryeo in September 1174 (the fourth year of King Myeongjong’s reign). He was a military officer who rose from the ranks to the posts of Mayor of Seogyeong and also Byeongbusangseo (the equivalent of the present-day Defense Minister). He gained the favor of King Uijong with his outstanding ability. The rationale behind Cho’s rebellion was based on the failed attempt by Kim Bo-dang to restore the deposed King Uijong to the throne and King Uijong’s tragic death as a result thereof. When Cho rose up in revolt against the government, local people in and around Seogyeong vigorously joined him in his fight. In the initial stages of the uprising, the regions whose residents positively responded to Cho’s cause were Seogyeong, Bukkye and Dongkye, all of which were located north of Jeolyeong (now Seoheung, Hwanghae Province). At first, the government forces from Gaegyeong were overwhelmed by Cho’s army. On the way, Yi Ui-bang, one of the most powerful men in the military regime, was assassinated. Meanwhile, in May 1175 (the fifth year of King Myeongjong’s reign), a state funeral was held for King Uijong in Gaegyeong (now Gaeseong), albeit late. That was quite a success achieved in the wake of Cho’s rebellion. Unfortunately for Cho, however, the battle dragged on way too long, which served to gradually undermine much of the strength of the rebels led by Cho Wi-Chong. There are three main factors that are deemed to have contributed to the failure of Cho’s rebellion. The first reason was due to Hyeon Deok-su, based in Yeonju Castle (now Yeongbyun, Pyeongbuk Province), who was, from first to last, a major drag on Cho. Yeonju Castle was such an almost impregnable fortress, created by nature itself, that Cho’s forces attacked it four times only to fail. The second reason was that there was a general lack of sympathy from people in Gaegyeong for the cause of Cho’s uprising against the central government. The third reason was due to food shortages arising from the prolonged battle, which caused more hardship for Cho. Finally, Cho asked King Sejong of Jurchen Jin for military assistance in exchange for paying tribute to Jurchen Jin with some 40 castles north of Jeolyeong, but that his request was refused. The reason for King Sejong’s denial of Cho’s request was fathomable through putting together the information on this case contained in “Manchu Veritable Records (Manzhou Shilu)” written in Manchu script, and the circumstances back then. In fact, King Sejong of Jurchen Jin attempted to remain neutral, refusing to take sides with either of Goryeo and Southern Song. In June 1176, Yoon In-cheom attacked and captured Seogyeong, and Cho was killed in the end. Cho Wi-chong’s rebellion greatly affected the central government of Goryeo, although it failed. 서경류수 조위총은 1174년(명종 4) 9월에 서경(평양)에서 군사를 일으켜 고려 중앙정부에 대항하였다. 그는 병졸부터 시작하여 병부상서 겸 서경류수의 지위에 오른 무신이었다. 조위총은 능력이 뛰어나 의종의 총애를 받았다. 조위총이 난을 일으킨 배경 및 이유는 의종이 폐위되고 김보당이 의종 복위를 꾀하고자 거사하였지만 실패하고 의종도 비참하게 사망하게 되자, 이에 분노하여 서경에서 군사를 일으켰다. 조위총이 난을 일으킬 적에 서경과 그 일대 지역민들도 적극 가담하였다. 난 발발 초기에 조위총에게 호응하였던 지역은 절령(황해도 서흥) 이북의 서경과 북계ㆍ동계 지역이었다. 조위총군은 처음에 개경정부군을 압도하였다. 그러는 도중에 무신정권의 최고 권력자 중의 한 명인 이의방이 암살되었다. 또한 1175년(명종 5) 5월에 늦었지만 개경(개성)에서는 의종의 국상이 거행되었다. 의종의 장례는 조위총이 거사한 뒤에 거둔 가장 큰 성공이었다. 하지만 전투가 장기화 되면서 조위총은 점차 그 세가 위축되었다. 조위총의 거사가 실패한 이유는 크게 세 가지로 정리가 가능하다. 첫째, 처음부터 끝까지 그의 발목을 잡았던 延州城(평북 영변)의 현덕수가 한 원인을 제공하였다. 천혜의 요새지인 연주성을 조위총군은 네 번에 걸쳐 공격했으나 모두 실패하였다. 두 번째 이유는 개경쪽에서 동조하는 자가 없었다는 점이다. 세 번째 실패이유는 식량난이었다. 전투가 장기화됨으로 인하여 군량미의 부족은 그에게 어려움을 가중시켰다. 이상의 이유로 몰락하기에 이르자 조위총은 마지막으로 금 세종에게 절령 이북 40여 성을 바치겠다고 하면서 군사 지원요청을 했지만 이마저도 거절당하였다. 금 세종이 거절한 이유를 만주 문자로 기록된 『만주실록』의 관련 내용과 당시 정황 등을 종합하여 알아볼 수 있었다. 세종은 금과 송, 그리고 고려라는 삼각관계 속에서 중립을 지키고자 하였던 것이다. 마침내 1176년 6월에 윤인첨이 서경을 공격해 함락시키고 조위총은 살해되었다. 조위총의 난은 비록 실패했지만 고려 중앙정부에 끼친 영향은 크다 할 것이다.

조용필의 노래와 맹자적 전통

홍호표 한국일본사상사학회 2009 일본사상 Vol.0 No.17

Korean Superstar Cho Yong Pil is a ‘singer of meta-genre’ from the viewpoint of various music genres which he writes and sings. We may also say that he is a ‘singer of the Supreme Ultimate(t'ai-chi)’ in the sense of ‘non-chi being t'ai-chi’(無極而太極). He has not only inherited the tradition of Korean music, but also absorbed the popular elements of western music and created his own unique style mixing and melting all the elements. This research is an inquiry into the musical backgrounds and philosophical roots of the songs by Cho by analysing his lyrics in light of Mencius' thought. Korean people have cherished the thought of Mencius for long time and invested it with their heartstrings and emotions. Mencius' main idea is that human nature endowed by ‘Heaven’ is good and as pure as the heart of infants is. It is called the theory of ‘the original goodness of human nature’. Everyone has to cultivate his mind continuously by reducing and overcoming selfishness and greed and to rehabilitate ‘human nature’ if lost. Then every human being takes root in ‘Heaven’(or God) and is connected each other to be ‘one’ through the root. The idea is called ‘the union of Heaven and humanity’. The point is that every individual is not separated from each other, but has one root shared with all other individuals. Understanding this, we can recover our original nature. Seeking lost mind and ‘serving Heaven’ leads to the real world paradise where all the people enjoy everything together and be happy as harmonious as an excellent orchestra. That is the key to the throne of the righteous government with ‘the rule of right’ instead of ‘the rule of might’, according to Mencius. Ideal is reality in Confucius-Mencius tradition. Then the ‘ideal-real’ world ruled by itself could be real as it has been. But men make mistake of understanding that the Nature is not real precisely because his(her) own greed functions as something like a wall between the Nature and himself(herself). Mencius emphasized that the practice of love(humanity) must start with the family and expand it to the world. Cho covers various kinds of themes such as dream, the world of children's heart, friendship and nature including love and separation. This analysis tells that most of the songs come from ‘pure heart’, not from ‘selfishness’. This means that humanity and heaven are not separated in his songs and the songs seek to be at the stage at least. For example, Cho's dream songs represent the dreams which exist in real world and should be real, premised on the thought that every human being is infinite. His songs on the world of children's heart lead us to some ‘infantalizing experience’. He excludes themes such as flirting, passion, temptation and wooing which are to appeal directly to five senses in oder to seek interests. The crucial point, his creativity aside, is that Cho as a longrun outstanding superstar always stays in ‘centrality’ and has shown it to the people timely whatever genre and theme he sings, acclimatizing himself to new surroundings as the times change. ‘Centrality’ is more important than ‘commonality’ in the tradition. Even if his ideas were well in advance of the age, he would try to read and represent ‘the people's mind’ staying in ‘centrality’ while not simply to play to the gallery. This means his songs are the expression of the people. Cho says “Music is the expression of something in my mind”. The most important in Mencius tradition is the challenge that the singer restores the human nature of compassion and righteousness by ‘enveloping his or her mind to the utmost’. Cho is “the only Korean singer whose songs are sung and heard with equal enthusiasm in the elementary schools as well as in the senior citizens centers.” This shows why he is ‘the national superstar’ with the widest possible range of popularity. In this mundane world of putt... Korean Superstar Cho Yong Pil is a ‘singer of meta-genre’ from the viewpoint of various music genres which he writes and sings. We may also say that he is a ‘singer of the Supreme Ultimate(t'ai-chi)’ in the sense of ‘non-chi being t'ai-chi’(無極而太極). He has not only inherited the tradition of Korean music, but also absorbed the popular elements of western music and created his own unique style mixing and melting all the elements. This research is an inquiry into the musical backgrounds and philosophical roots of the songs by Cho by analysing his lyrics in light of Mencius' thought. Korean people have cherished the thought of Mencius for long time and invested it with their heartstrings and emotions. Mencius' main idea is that human nature endowed by ‘Heaven’ is good and as pure as the heart of infants is. It is called the theory of ‘the original goodness of human nature’. Everyone has to cultivate his mind continuously by reducing and overcoming selfishness and greed and to rehabilitate ‘human nature’ if lost. Then every human being takes root in ‘Heaven’(or God) and is connected each other to be ‘one’ through the root. The idea is called ‘the union of Heaven and humanity’. The point is that every individual is not separated from each other, but has one root shared with all other individuals. Understanding this, we can recover our original nature. Seeking lost mind and ‘serving Heaven’ leads to the real world paradise where all the people enjoy everything together and be happy as harmonious as an excellent orchestra. That is the key to the throne of the righteous government with ‘the rule of right’ instead of ‘the rule of might’, according to Mencius. Ideal is reality in Confucius-Mencius tradition. Then the ‘ideal-real’ world ruled by itself could be real as it has been. But men make mistake of understanding that the Nature is not real precisely because his(her) own greed functions as something like a wall between the Nature and himself(herself). Mencius emphasized that the practice of love(humanity) must start with the family and expand it to the world. Cho covers various kinds of themes such as dream, the world of children's heart, friendship and nature including love and separation. This analysis tells that most of the songs come from ‘pure heart’, not from ‘selfishness’. This means that humanity and heaven are not separated in his songs and the songs seek to be at the stage at least. For example, Cho's dream songs represent the dreams which exist in real world and should be real, premised on the thought that every human being is infinite. His songs on the world of children's heart lead us to some ‘infantalizing experience’. He excludes themes such as flirting, passion, temptation and wooing which are to appeal directly to five senses in oder to seek interests. The crucial point, his creativity aside, is that Cho as a longrun outstanding superstar always stays in ‘centrality’ and has shown it to the people timely whatever genre and theme he sings, acclimatizing himself to new surroundings as the times change. ‘Centrality’ is more important than ‘commonality’ in the tradition. Even if his ideas were well in advance of the age, he would try to read and represent ‘the people's mind’ staying in ‘centrality’ while not simply to play to the gallery. This means his songs are the expression of the people. Cho says “Music is the expression of something in my mind”. The most important in Mencius tradition is the challenge that the singer restores the human nature of compassion and righteousness by ‘enveloping his or her mind to the utmost’. Cho is “the only Korean singer whose songs are sung and heard with equal enthusiasm in the elementary schools as well as in the senior citizens centers.” This shows why he is ‘the national superstar’ with the widest possible range of popularity. In this mundane world of putting int...

일본조선연구소의 연대(連帶)의 공명(共鳴) 방식과 일그러진 조선관 -1960년대 일본조선연구소의 연속 심포지엄과 『심포지엄 일본과 조선』을 중심으로-

주미애 연세대학교 국학연구원 2022 동방학지 Vol.199 No.-

The purpose of this paper is to examine Nihon Chōsen Kenkyūjo’s resonance of solidarity and its distorted view of Chōsen. Established during the Korea-Japan Treaty negotiations and used as a theoretical basis for the movement against reforming forces in Japan, Nihon Chōsen Kenkyūjo envisioned solidarity as a counter to "Japan, Taiwan, and Korea." Such is an example of strategic thinking that reflects the conflict structures of the Cold War. This concept of solidarity can also be seen in the way Nihon Chosen Kenkȳjo adopted literature. This paper thus compares the editing of publications such as the “Monthly Report on the Study of Chōsen” and “Symposium Japan and Chōsen” to examine such intent. Further, the Nihon Chōsen Kenkyūjo aimed to promote a renewed Chōsen Studies, based on a reflection of problematic and distorted views on Chōsen within the Japanese. Another purpose of this paper is to examine such aspects. This study will thus aim to discover the limitations of the Nihon Chōsen Kenkyūjo and explore the "desirable" relationship between Korea and Japan that is not one based on the past, but one that looks to the present and also tomorrow. More than ever, it is a time in which we must find practical solutions to the conflicts and contradictions formed between the two countries, looking beyond the history of each country. Ultimately, such an attempt to compare and contrast aspects of Joseon studies carried out in postwar Japan with that of today can contribute to the ‘proper’ establishment of Korean studies and Japanese studies. 본고는 일본조선연구소의 연대(連帶)의 공명(共鳴) 방식과 일본인의 조선관에 대한 고찰을 목적한다. 한일회담 시기에 설립되어 반대운동의 이론적 기반으로서 일본 내 혁신 세력에게 존재감을 드러낸 조연은 ‘일・대만・한’에 대(対)한 ‘일・조・중’이라는 대항 방식으로서 연대를 구상해왔다. 이는 냉전의 대립구조를 둘러싼 전략적 사고가 반영된 사례라고 볼 수 있으며, 이러한 인식은 조연이 문학을 채용하는 방식에서도 표출된다. 그리하여 본고에서는 기관지 『조선연구(월보)』와 단행본 『심포지엄 일본과 조선』 간의 이례적인 편집 사례를 들어 그 양상을 관찰하고자 한다. 그에 이어 기성의 조선 연구에 대한 문제의식과 기성 연구자들의 ‘조선관’에 대한 반성적 태도를 촉구하며, ‘일본인에 의한’, ‘새로운’ 조선 연구를 지향한 조연이 그들 내부에서 직접 마주하게 되는 ‘일그러진 조선관’의 배태된 한계를 검토한다. 이는 1960년대라는 당대 현상(現状)에 대한 분석의 일환일 뿐만 아니라, 양국 간 여전한 간두지세(竿頭之勢)의 형국을 해결하기 위한 실천적 방법 모색에 있어서도 필수적인 과정이라 할 수 있다. 나아가 전후 일본에서 이행된 조선 연구의 일면을 오늘날의 형세와 비교・대조해 보려는 이 같은 시도는 현재 그리고 향후 한국학・일본학의 ‘올바른’ 정립을 위해서도 유의미하다고 여긴다.

The Worldview Matters: A Reflection of Yonggi Cho’s Thought and Ministry

김만태 한세대학교 영산신학연구소 2012 영산신학저널 Vol.25 No.-

The purpose of this article is to gain a deeper understanding of Yonggi Cho’s thought and ministry by exploring his worldview. Over the course of fifty years, Yonggi Cho achieved extraordinary church growth, ultimately forming the world’s largest church. This study articulates that Yonggi Cho’s unique worldview anchors his theology, message, teaching, and ministry. The author notes that Cho’s worldview was formed by the interaction between his life circumstances, his reading of the Bible, and his experiences. The two major characteristics of his worldview, known as “the fourth-dimensional worldview,” point to supernaturalism and holism. Yonggi Cho’s contemporaries in Korea were notably responsive to his worldview and consequent ministry to make meaningful sense of their lives. This article first discusses the concept of worldview and then explores Yonggi Cho’s unique worldview, tenets, and ministry practice. Finally, it draws from Yonggi Cho’s worldview noteworthy implications for the Christian faith and ministries. In analyzing Cho’s thought and ministry from the perspective of worldview, the author uses a model of the three levels of culture defined as worldview, tenets, and practice. The author refers to Yonggi Cho’s books, biographical writings, a Korean daily newspaper’s interview with Cho, and other scholars’ studies to undertake this research. The purpose of this article is to gain a deeper understanding of Yonggi Cho’s thought and ministry by exploring his worldview. Over the course of fifty years, Yonggi Cho achieved extraordinary church growth, ultimately forming the world’s largest church. This study articulates that Yonggi Cho’s unique worldview anchors his theology, message, teaching, and ministry. The author notes that Cho’s worldview was formed by the interaction between his life circumstances, his reading of the Bible, and his experiences. The two major characteristics of his worldview, known as “the fourth-dimensional worldview,” point to supernaturalism and holism. Yonggi Cho’s contemporaries in Korea were notably responsive to his worldview and consequent ministry to make meaningful sense of their lives. This article first discusses the concept of worldview and then explores Yonggi Cho’s unique worldview, tenets, and ministry practice. Finally, it draws from Yonggi Cho’s worldview noteworthy implications for the Christian faith and ministries. In analyzing Cho’s thought and ministry from the perspective of worldview, the author uses a model of the three levels of culture defined as worldview, tenets, and practice. The author refers to Yonggi Cho’s books, biographical writings, a Korean daily newspaper’s interview with Cho, and other scholars’ studies to undertake this research.

<포의교집(布衣交集)>의 ‘초옥(楚玉) 서사’ 구성 과정 연구

이주영(Lee Ju young) 한국고전연구학회 2017 한국고전연구 Vol.0 No.36

이 논문은 <포의교집>의 서사를 ‘초옥에 관한 서사’라고 규정하고, 그것이 구성되는 과정을 탐색하였다. 초옥은 적극적으로 자신의 욕망을 표출하고 실현하고자 하는 인물이다. 그녀는 진정한 선비와 포의지교(布衣之交)를 맺고 자신의 시재(詩才)를 인정받기를 열망한다. 이 열망은 역사서와 유교 경전(經典), 시집, 전기(傳奇)소설 등 한문(漢文) 교양에 의해 형성된 것이다. 궁녀로서의 이력과 허난설헌(許蘭雪軒) 같은 여성 시인에 대한 선망이 그녀의 내면에 영향을 끼치고 정체성을 형성했다. 초옥과 이생의 사귐에는 주변인들의 전언(傳言)과 풍문(風聞)이 개입한다. 이를 통해 초옥의 시재(詩才), 초옥의 언행, 초옥을 둘러싼 사건의 전말이 드러난다. 외모와 재주가 빼어난 초옥은 사람들의 시선과 말 속에서 이미지가 규정되고 구성되며, 이를 통해 ‘초옥에 관한 이야기’가 만들어진다. 그런데 전언과 풍문에는 진실과 거짓이 섞여 있으며, 이생은 초옥에 대한 거짓말을 믿어버리기도 한다. 주변인들은 주인공들이 어떤 선택을 하도록 부추기기도 하고 이들의 관계에 직접 개입하여 사건을 일으키기도 한다. 장사선(張士先)은 이 중 가장 큰 역할을 하는 인물이다. 초옥은 유부녀의 처지로 이생과는 거리낌없이 사귀었으면서도 젊고 부유한 중약의 구애는 거절하고 남편에게 항거해 자살까지 시도한다. 초옥에 대한 소문은 서울 시정(市井)에서 유명한 이야기가 된다. 이생과 초옥은 고종(高宗)과 민비(閔妃)의 가례(嘉禮)를 준비하던 예조(禮曺)의 뜰에서 재회한다. 유부녀임에도 불구하고 여령(女伶)으로 뽑혀와 정절을 빼앗길 처지에 놓인 초옥을 이생이 구해준다. 초옥은 많은 사람들 앞에서 기생들과의 문답을 통해 이생과의 만남에 대한 자신의 입장을 밝힌다. 사람들은 초옥의 외모와 재주, 태도를 칭찬하고 감화(感化)된다. 그러나 이 직후 서양 오랑캐의 침입, 즉 병인양요(丙寅洋擾)의 혼란 속에 초옥의 소식이 끊기게 된다. 이러한 특징은 1864년 6월부터 1866년 6월 사이의 서울이라는 독특한 시공간적 배경과 관련이 있다. 이 시기는 500년을 이어온 조선이 내부의 체제 정비와 서구(西歐)의 침략에 의해 변화를 겪던 시기이다. ‘초옥 서사’는 이러한 변화와 맞물려 지난 시기 조선을 지탱해오던 가치관에 균열이 생긴 것을 드러내는데, 이 작품의 창작은 ‘초옥 이야기’의 또 다른 형식으로의 전언과 풍문에 해당하는 것이다. This study defines the narration of <Po-eui-gyo-jip(布衣交集)> as that about Cho-ok(楚玉) and investigated the process to compose it. Cho-ok is the character who tries to actively expose and achieve her desire. She has been aspiring to have ‘Po-eui-ji-gyo(布衣之交)’ with a true classical scholar and hoped that her materials of poetry will be recognized. This aspiration has been formed by the Chinese classics such as histories, Confucian scriptures, collections of poems and romance novel(傳奇小說). Her envy for female poets such - for example, Heo Nan-seol-heon(許蘭雪軒) - as well as her history as a maid of honor influenced her inner world and formed her identity. The friendship between Cho-ok and Lee-Saeng(李生) is intervened by messages and rumors of surrounding people. Through this, her materials of poetry, the characters words and behaviors and whole story about Cho-ok are disclosed. The images of Cho-ok, who is outstanding for appearance and talent, are defined and composed by the perspectives and words of people. However, both the message and rumor include the truth and falsehood, and Lee-Saeng sometimes believes falsehoods about Cho-ok. The surrounding people incites the characters to make a selection, directly intervenes their relationship, and cause incidents. Jang Sa-Seon(張士先) plays the biggest role among them. Even though Cho-ok dates Lee-Saeng as a married woman, she rejects the courtship of Jung-Yak(仲約) and attempts to commit a suicide, resisting against her husband. The rumor about Cho-ok becomes a famous story in the Seoul. Lee-Saeng and Cho-ok meet again at the garden of the Ministry of Rites(禮曺) preparing for the wedding ceremony of Emperor Gojong(高宗) and Queen Min(閔). In spite of her status as a married woman, Lee-Saeng, whose standing is raised, saves Cho-ok, who is about to lose her chastity after being selected as a Yeonyeong(女伶) . In front of many people, Cho-ok makes her position clearly related to Lee-Saeng through questions and answers with giseng(妓生)s. But in the invasion of the Western barbarians , namely the chaos of Byengin Yangyo(丙寅洋擾), only unproved rumors about Cho-ok circulate. This is related to the unique spatiotemporal background of Seoul between Jun. 1864 and Jun. 1866. This period is in the changes by the Western invasion as well as the interior system maintenance of Chosŏn Dynasty with the history of 500 years. The Cho-ok narration in compliance with these changes reveals the crack of the values that supported Chosŏn Dynasty, and the creation of this work as a novel style of story about Cho-ok corresponds to messages and rumors.

근현대 동아시아에서 지성과 담론의 교류 ; 정체(政體)와 문체(文體), 대한민국임시정부의 언어정치학과 조소앙(趙素昻) -한문자(漢文字)의 맹서(盟誓), 조소앙의 선언,성명,강령 집필과 『한국문원(韓國文苑)』을 중심으로-

황호덕 ( Ho Duk Hwang ) 수선사학회 2013 史林 Vol.0 No.45

This article delves into the writings of Cho, So-Ang(趙素昻, 1887∼1958) that basically initiatesthe primary declarations, statements, and platforms of the Korean provisional government on the assumption that there is a certain inevitable relationshipbetween the political intentions of the declarations and the arrangement of sentences or the forms of writings. Cho, So-Ang, who was of noble birth in yangban family, seeks asylum in China when he accomplished his study at Seongkyunkwan and also atthe department of law in Meiji University. He is a thinker as well as an independence activist who combines the old and new learning such as Confucianism, law, the science of religion, and politics. The contention of this article is triggered by the idea of analogy between Cho, so-Ang`s form of writing and the form of government of the Korean provisional government. Cho`s literary activity is performed with the consideration for exiled readers, i.e. independence fighters and revolutionary force and his performance is based on the legitimate genealogical theory and the national genealogical theory that provokes the willfor independence into substantial action. Among the leading figures of the Korean provisional government, Cho is the most assertive one in domestic and foreign declarations and oaths because he is able to take an overall look at the matter of justification, legitimacy, and representativeness for the coming-nation-building in terms of ideology and language. Cho, So-Ang`s assertion that combines national legitimacy with universality is presented as the form of writing that articulates nationalism (the pulse of Korean spirits) with tradition (the Sinographic context.) In addition, his concern about international universality results in the principle of three equalities (Samkyunchu-i: the equality of politics, economy, and education) that seeks the basis of democracy and socialism that frames the European world within the Korean tradition. In particular, Cho`s writing of 1932, Korean Literary World (Han`gukmunwon, 韓國文苑), is a project that justifies tradition and the immortality of sovereignty by literary inheritance and imperishableness. The diplomatic official letters that Cho, as the head of foreign affairs, wrote shows that the Korean provisional government claims its representativeness, asks international recognition as a belligerent community and advocates the value of democracy in terms of European understanding. The political project of the Korean provisional government and Cho, So-Ang is discovered in Cho`s form of writing and rhetoric that appropriates the sinographic contexts and European contexts within the ``pulse of Korean spirits``. Cho, So-Ang`s writing is a modern form of oath that considers illocutionary function of language as the promise of independence. His thinking is not amodern form of unity of speech and writing that identifies speech and writing in reality, but the correspondence of speech with actions that guarantees actual practice by speech. For Cho, So-Ang, language is not only a promise but also a platform of practice.

송이도(松耳島)의 초분(草墳) 고찰

박종오(Park Jong-oh) 한국민속학회 2005 韓國民俗學 Vol.41 No.-

이중장제(二重葬制)는 시신을 바로 땅에 매장(埋葬)하지 않고, 일차장(一次葬)에서 육신을 완전히 썩혀 육탈(肉脫) 시킨 후 이차장(二次葬)에서 유골을 깨끗이 처리하여 매장하는 것을 말한다. 우리나라에서 이런 이중장제의 모습을 찾아볼 수 있는 것으로 초분이 있는데, 송이도에서 8기 정도의 초분이 있고, 초분장이 현행되고 있으며, ‘앉은 초분’이라는 색다른 초분이 발견되고 있다. 송이도의 초분은 땅을 평평하게 고르고, 관이 직접 땅에 땋지 않도록 돌을 깔아 놓는다. 이렇게 한 후 돌 위에 관을 얻고 짚으로 덮은 다음 이엉을 얹고 용마루를 만들고, 왼새끼 줄로 묶고, 돌을 달아 고정시킨다. 송이도에서 조사한 누운초분은 모두 정월에 돌아가신 분들을 모신 경우로, 정월에 땅을 다루면 아픈 사람이 생기거나, 고기가 잡히지 않는 등 마을에 좋지 않은 일이 생긴다고 한다. 앉은초분은 유골을 거두어 나무상자나 종이상자 등에 마치 가부좌를 트고 앉은 사람모양으로 뼈를 앉히고 그 위에 다시 짚으로 이엉을 덮어놓은 것을 말한다. 이 초분들은 일반 묘와 같은 것으로 간주하기 때문에 벌초도 하고, 성묘도 한다. 초분이 보통 10여 년을 놔둔 후에 매장을 하는 반면, 앉은초분은 집안사람들의 운대만 맞으면 언제든지 매장할 수 있다. 송이도의 앉은 초분은 유골을 보관하는 기능을 갖고 있다, 초분의 기능에 대해 일반적으로 육탈적 기능을 강조하고 있고 있는데, 초분은 단순한 육탈을 하기 위해 만든 것뿐만 아니라 유골을 임시로 보관하는 기능이 있음을 보여주고 있다. 또한 앉은초분을 유골보관 기능을 갖는 원뿔 모양의 것으로, 초분의 한 형태로 생각해 볼 수 있을 것이다. 누운초분이 세골을 목적으로 육탈의 기능을 수행하기 위해 관 위에 이엉을 얹은 길죽한 모양의 것이라면, 앉은초분은 구복(求福)을 목적으로 유골 보관의 기능을 갖으며, 유골보관의 편이를 위해 상자를 이엉으로 두른 원통 모양의 초분인 것이다. 따라서 앉은초분은 일반초분과는 그 목적도 다르고, 기능도 다르며 형태도 다른 것임을 알 수 있다. The double funerals are nor to bury the body into the grave directly. It means that the body is lost weight by decomposition and then the remains cleaned are buried. In Korea, it can be found in the grass-tomb, Cho-bun, There are eight Cho-buns in Song-i-do, where the Cho-bun burial rites are performed at the present and especially, ‘An-Zen-Cho-Bun’ can be found. It means ‘seated grass-tomb’ and is made shaped like cone. In the process of Cho-bun of Song-i-do, the ground is flattened and the stones are paved lest the coffin should touch the ground directly. After that, the coffin is put on the stones and covered with the straws. It is thatched them with straws and the ridge of a roof is made of. Lastly, the stone bound with straw ropes which are twisted to the left is fixed on the ridge of a roof. The people who passed away in January were buried in the Cho-bun I examined in Song-i-do. It is believed that engraving in January may bring misfortune to people like making people sick and fish not to be caught. For setting up ‘An-Zen-Cho-Bun’, people get the remains and put them in the wood or the paper box in a sitting shape of one's legs completely crossed and then thatch it with straws. Since this Cho-bun is considered as a common grave, people cut the weeds around a grave and visit there. While Cho-bun is usually changed into burial in 10 years, ‘An-Zen-Cho-Bun’ can be buried whenever family members are good fortune. The ‘An-Zen-Cho-Bun’ of Song-i-do functions as deposit of remains. Generally speaking, Cho-bun is emphasized on the role of losing weight, but the ‘An-Zen-Cho-Bun’ of Song-i-do shows that it functions not only as losing weight but also as deposit of remains temporarily. People want to get a propitious sites for a grave and be blessed, which can be expressed to its function and shape. From a this point of view, it can be considered as a kind of Cho-bun.

박초월 바디 〈흥보가〉의 전승과 변모

최혜진(Choi Hyejin) 한국언어문학회 2006 한국언어문학 Vol.57 No.-

This focus of this thesis is on the Park, Cho-Wal version 〈Hungboga〉, while studying the alterations in the Pansori traditions in modern times. Specifically, the main points will be Park, Cho-Wal"s handing down relation and words of song, aspects of the song, and furthermore the words changes and characteristics of modern singers Cho, Tong-Dal and Kim, Su-Yeon, who are the active followers. Park, Cho-Wal"s 〈Hungboga〉 holds a significance in that it is a unique song in itself apart from the master"s. But seen as a part of the whole tradition of 〈Hungboga〉, it also acts as an important link in studying the history of its transfiguration. Given the fact that 〈Hungboga〉 of Kim, Jung-Moon"s version is not handed down beyond the scene of Nolbo"s opening gourd in the later parts, it can be concluded that, however incomplete it may be, Park, Cho-Wal sang 〈Hungboga〉 in its initial entirety. It also includes distinct words of song contents that are not handed down in the present, representing the traditionary state of 〈Hungboga〉 in the 20th century. Cho, Tong-Dal, a successor of Park, Cho-Wal, went on to expand the Aniri and a witty talk parts, adding a few parts that Park, Cho-Wal didn"t sing, while still being true to the Park, Cho-Wal version. All this can be seen as an act aimed towards narrative completion. These changes seem to have occurred through the addition of Dong-Pyun-Je characteristics. Kim, Su-Yeon excluded Park, Cho-Wal"s Chusuknoli part, and included 4 new part of words of song. The conclusion part was rather cut short and left incomplete. But we can say that Kim, Su-Yeon is the better successor of Park, Cho-Wal"s pansori"s aesthetics. Through these facts we were able to see the traditionary aspects of the Park, Cho-Wal version 〈Hungboga〉.

순천 초연정의 문화사적 의의 고찰

김현진 순천대학교 남도문화연구소 2021 南道文化硏究 Vol.- No.43

이 논문은 순천 초연정의 문화사적 의의를 고찰한 것이다. 超然亭은 전라남도 순천과 화순의 경계에 솟은 母后山 동쪽 현 순천시 송광면 삼청리 왕대마을에 있다. 모후산 삼청동 일대는 산수가 수려하여 ‘순천 초연정 원림’이라 일컫는 문화재청 명승이다. 초연정은 趙鎭忠이 1836년 은거와 5대조 趙濟亨 제사를 위해 지은 누정이다. 초연정 이라는 이름은 조진충의 증손 趙俊燮의 주선으로 1890년 겨울 연재 송병선이 지었다. 이후 초연정은 조진충 후손들이 선조를 기리며 학문을 강론하는 곳이 되었고, 연재학파 의 동유와 강회처가 되기도 하였다. 또 근대기에 모후산 三淸洞 九曲 명명과 九曲歌가 창작되는 등 구곡문화를 갖게 되었다. 이러한 초연정과 같은 문화사를 갖춘 경우는 순천지역 여타 누정에는 없다. 이에 본고는 초연정의 문화사적 의의를 세 가지로 고찰하였다. 첫째, 옥천조씨 가문의 追遠之所이다. 애초 趙鎭忠의 초정 건립은 5대조 趙濟亨을 제사지내기 위한 報本追遠 의 실천에서 비롯되었다. 조진충의 후손들은 선조의 효성과 유업을 계승하고자 정자 이 름을 구하고 중수하였을 뿐만 아니라, 제영시를 통해 先德 계승을 다짐하거나 정자와 군자들의 자취가 서린 유묵에 대한 수호와 무궁함을 염원하는 追遠之情을 술회하였다. 이에 대해 보성 출신 항일의병장 이교문은 조진충의 후손들이 如在之誠을 지녔다고 평 가하였다. 둘째, 연재학파의 同遊와 講學이다. 1898년 초연정 동유와 강회는 연재집 연보와 행장에 수록되지 않았지만, 분명히 순천을 중심으로 보성과 화순 등지의 연재학 파 문인들 70명이 대거 모인 회합의 장이었다. 그들은 학파의 결속을 도모하고, 소학 을 강조하며 군자의 길을 지향하리라 다짐하였고, 주자의 進學之道를 본받으려 하였다. 이는 19세기 후반 호남지역 연재학파 활동의 일면이 된다. 셋째, 三淸洞 九曲文化의 형성이다. 초연정에서 조준섭, 조종덕, 조중섭, 조태승, 안창환 등이 모후산 승경이 뛰어 난 곳에 주자와 우암에 대한 존모의식을 발현하면서 일제강점기 상황에 존화양이 의식을 견지하고자 「무이도가」 압운과 화양구곡 구곡명을 차용하여 三淸洞 九曲을 형성하고 九曲歌 6편을 지었다. 작품은 선계지향의 도가적 면모나 天理體察이나 敬을 통한 心 수양 상기 등의 도학적 색채 및 자연경물을 통해 현실과 지조있는 삶 간의 괴리감 술회의 산수적 흥취를 드러낸다. 호남지역 구곡문화의 한 장을 펼친 곳이라 할 수 있다. The purpose of this study is to consider the cultural historic meaning of Choyeonjeong in Sunchon. Choyeonjeong is at the current Wangdae Village of Samchong-ri, Songgwang-myeon, Sunchon-si which is at the east of Mohu Mountain(母后山) rises at the boundary of Sunchon and Hwasun in Jeollanam-do Province. The whole area of Samchongdong(三淸洞), Mohu Mountain is a scenic beauty of the Cultural Heritage Administration called the ‘Garden of Choyeonjeong in Sunchon’. Choyeonjeong(趙濟亨)is a nu-jung built by Jin-choong Cho(趙鎭忠) in 1836 for the living in retirement and ancestral rites of Je-hyong Cho who lived five generations ago. The name, Choyeonjeong, was given by Yeonjae Byung-seon Song at the winter of 1890 by the arrangement of Jun-seop Cho who is a great-grandson of Jin-choong Cho. After that, Choyeonjeong becomes the place for academic lecturing admiring the ancestors by the future generations of Jin-choong Cho, and it also became the place to play together and for lecturing, and it had gugok culture by naming gugok in Samchongdong and creating gugok song. There is no other case of nu-jung in Sunchon area same as Choyeonjeong having cultural history. So, the three cultural historic meanings of Choyeonjeong are as follows. Firstly, memorizing the place of Okcheon Cho Clan. At first, the building of Cho-jung by Jin-choong Cho was originated by the practice of preserving and memorizing to perform ancestral rites for ancestor, Je-hyeong Cho. The descendants of Jin-choong Cho took the name of the pavilion and repaired to inherit the filial love and unfinished work of ancestor and also assured to inherit the virtue of the ancestor through the composed poem under a given theme or spoke the memorizing affection wishing the protection and infinity of the pavilion and traceable autographs of a departed wise people after repairing. However, Gyo-moon Lee evaluated that the descendants of Jin-choong Cho have the sincerity treating the devoted son as living. Secondly, it is playing together and lecturing at the Yeonjae school. Playing together and lecturing at Choyeonjeong in 1898 was not included in the annual report of Yeonjae collection and records of a deceased people's life, however, it was clearly a place of harmony that 70 writers of Yeonjae school at Bosung and Hwasoon centering Sunchon gathered. They planned the union of school, assured the way of gracious one strengthening Lesser Learning, and intended to follow the way to go forward to the learning of Chu Hsi. It became the activity on Yeonjae school at Honam area in the latter part of the 19th century. Thirdly, it is the forming of gugok culture in Samchongdong. Joon-seop Cho, Jong-deok Cho, Joong-seop Cho, Tae-seung Cho, Chang-what Ahn, etc., formed Samchongdong gugok and wrote 6 poems of gugok song borrowing the rhyme of 「Muidoga」 and gugok name of Hwayanggugok to stand respecting China and Western barbarians consciousness under Japanese colonial era situation revealing a sense of respect to Chu Hsi and Wooam at the astounding Choyeonjeong. This artwork reveals landscape pleasure to speak the separation between reality and value orientation through heaven pursuing virtuous aspect or virtuous academic color such as cultivating the heart reminded by Cheolli Chechil or scriptures and natural scenery of the season. It is able to say that it is a place opening the page of gugok culture in Honam area.