중일전쟁기 일본 육해군의 임시군사비 전용 문제 분석 - 제국의회에서의 논의를 중심으로 -

윤현명(Yun, Hyen-myeng) 국방부 군사편찬연구소 2021 군사 Vol.- No.119

This article aims at focusing on the matter of diverting use of the Extraordinary War Expenditure by Japanese Army and Navy during the Second Sino-Japanese War and analyzing it. When the Second Sino-Japanese War broke out in July, 1937, the Japanese Government decided to run the Extraordinary War Expenditure for the war. Therefore, drafts for special accounting laws and expenses of the Extraordinary War Expenditure were submitted to the Imperial Diet in September in the same year. But the Diet members were concerned about the prolonged and extra use of the Extraordinary War Expenditure, because there were various problems caused by the dispatch of troops in Siberia resulting in the prolongation of the World War I in the past. However, the government said that the Extraordinary War Expenditure would be short-term means and they were used for the Second Sino-Japanese War only. Therefore, the members of the Imperial Diet raised the questions about the Extraordinary War Expenditure during the Second Sino-Japanese War. The government emphasized that the Extraordinary War Expenditure were justly used for the Second Sino-Japanse War. but the government"s reply was not a fact. The Japanese Army and Navy diverted large amount of the Extraordinary War Expenditure for expansion of armament for the the Soviet Union and USA, respectively. It could be confirmed by internal documents from the Navy and the Ministry of Finance, and the testimonies by the parties concerned. In conclusion, the Japanese Government(especially, the Army and Navy) diverted large sum of the Extraordinary War Expenditure, which could not be used with any other purpose. Then, what is the noteworthy matters of diverting use of the Extraordinary War Expenditure by the Japanese Army and Navy? There are broadly two points as follows: First, it was the deterioration in control of military expenses by the Imperial Diet. Second, it was collaboration between the Ministry of Finance and the Army and Navy. Therefore, the matter of diverting use of the Extraordinary War Expenditure in the Japanese Army and Navy shows that How much did the Imperial Diet control military expenses and How was relationship between the Ministry of Finance and the military authorities.

중일전쟁과 요시야 노부코(吉屋信子) -『여교실(女の敎室)』을 중심으로-

오성숙 ( Sung Sook Oh ) 한일군사문화학회 2015 한일군사문화연구 Vol.19 No.-

본 논문은 소설가로서 최절정기를 누리던 요시야 노부코가 1937년 주부의 벗사(主婦の友社)의 황군위문특파원, 펜부대로 본격적으로 중일전쟁에 뛰어들었던 행적에 주목하여, ‘전쟁’을 다룬 그녀의 첫 작품 『여교실(女の敎室)』(1939.1.1.∼8.2)의 ‘전쟁 편’을 다룸으로써, 중일전쟁 안에서 문학의 역할, 기능과 함께 요시야 문학에서의 전쟁협력의 양상을 살펴본 것이다. 요시야가 ‘전쟁’과 관련된 일련의 활동을 가능하게 했던 것은 다수의 견고한 여성 독자층이 이미 형성되어 있었기 때문이다. 『여교실』의 ‘전쟁 편’에서 흥미로운 점은 ‘전사’ ‘자살’을 비롯하여 ‘이별’ ‘출정’ 등으로 남성의 ‘부재’가 여의사들의 ‘자립’ ‘갱생’의 길로 이끌었다는 것이다. 총후 일본은 여성들만의 공동체, 나라가 되어 간다. 전시 하의 남성들의 ‘죽음’ ‘부재’로 말미암아 여의사들은 ‘국가의 보건위생’ ‘건민정책’의 국책 수행자라는 아이덴티티를 부여받으면서 ‘개인’을 넘어 ‘국민’으로 거듭나고 있었다. 여기에는 ‘연애’ ‘결혼’이라는 여성의 욕망이 말살, 은폐되는 기제로서 ‘정조’가 이용되며, 국가를 위한 희생, 헌신을 강요하면서 ‘자립’ ‘갱생’의 삶이 ‘일본 여성의 길’로서 제시되고 있다. 결과적으로 요시야 문학은 전시 하에서 ‘전쟁’을 긍정하는 시선을 제공하고 여의사들을 이상적인 ‘총후 여성’으로 거듭남을 보여줌으로써, ‘지성’을 갖춘 잉여적 중산계급층 독자들의 전쟁협력을 부추기는 역할을 다하고 있었다고 할 수 있다. This paper is to give attention to the past of Nobuco Yoshiya who was at the crest of a novelist at that time, plunged into the Second Sino-Japanese war in earnest as a consoling Japanese army correspondent of SHUFUNOTOMO and a member of pen corps in 1937, and to examine the aspects of war collaboration in Yoshiya``s literature together with the role and function of literature in the Second Sino-Japanese war by dealing with ``War Story`` which was her first work covering ``war`` in 『women``s classroom』(1939.1.1.∼8.2). The reason Yoshiya was able to do a series of activities related to ``war``, was because there were already a lot of women readers for Yoshiya``s works. The interesting point in ``War Story`` of 『women``s classroom』 is that the ``absence`` of men due to ``death on the battlefield``, ``suicide``, ``parting``, ``going to war`` and so on, led women doctors into the way of ``self-reliance`` and ``rehabilitation``. The rear Japan, off the front lines, was becoming a country of women, that is, a community of women only. As women doctors were assigned to the state policy performers of ``national health hygiene`` and ``healthy people policy`` due to the ‘death’ and ``absence`` of men in war time, they were reborn as ``people`` beyond ``individuals``. As they were forced to sacrifice for and dedicate themselves to the country, wiping off and covering up the women``s desires such as ``dating``, ``fidelity`` and ``marriage``, here they were led into the way of ``self-reliance`` and ``rehabilitation``. As a result, Yoshiya``s literature provided positive eye view for the ``war`` in war time and presented the rebirth of women doctors as ideal ``women in rear Japan``, consequently it can be said that her literature was playing its role completely to lure the war collaboration of redundant middle-class readers with intelligence.

중일전쟁시기(中日戰爭時期) 중국내(中國內) 한인무장조직(韓人武裝組織)의 항일전략(抗日戰略)과 전후구상(戰後構想) -언논동향(言論動向)을 중심으로-

李在鈴 ( Lee Jae Ryoung ) 중국사학회 2019 中國史硏究 Vol.0 No.123

The Korean armed-force capability during the Second Sino-Japanese War period formed the Korean Volunteer Corps (朝鮮義勇隊), the Korea Liberation Front Youths Mission Corps(韓國光復陣線靑年工作隊), the Korean Youths War Zone Guerrilla(韓國靑年戰地工作隊), and the Korean Liberation Army(韓國光復軍) one by one in China, and performed anti-Japanese propagations and recruits through their bulletins. This research, focussing on their bulletins such as the Korean Volunteer Corps Newsletter(『朝鮮義勇隊』), the Korean Youth(『韓國靑年』), and the Liberation(『光復』), grasps Korean media’s situational understandings and responses during the Second Sino-Japanese War. The commonality among those journals was to promote Korean- Chinese anti-Japanese alliance depending on consolidation among Korean armed-force groups. Regarding the contents, the Korean Volunteer Corps Newsletter, as the corps actively participated in the anti-Japanese war, did its best for strengthening real battle capacity, for Korean-Chinese alliance, and for revolutionary struggles for the liberations of oppressed East Asian nations. The Korean Youth focussed on harassing the enemy’s rear and on culture and art activities such as recruiting and propagation. The Liberation dealt with the missions and affairs of Korean Liberation Army, the analyses of Korean independence movement, the theories, strategies, and tactics of independence movement, the accounts and analyses of China’s anti-Japanese resistances, the comprehension of Japanese empire’s situations, the disclosure of the essential cause of Japanese empire’s defeat, the postwar conception, and so on. The differences among those journals were caused by the characters and goals of each group publishing each journal, but all the journals coincided with the facts that they targeted Chinese readers, and that they tried to maximize the necessities and effects of Korean-Chinese anti-Japanese alliance. Especially, the Korean Volunteer Corps Newsletter emphasized the corps’s status as the model of Korean-Chinese anti-Japanese alliance; and the Liberation showed the Korean Liberation Army’s pride as the Provisional Government of the Republic of Korea’s only direct-controlling armed-force and as a participant of the Allied Forces. Korean medias in China thought that the longer the war lasted, the weaker Japan’s capability became, that the international aids for China made Japan’s situation more disastrous, and that Korean independence movement could get better chances if Japan propelled southern expedition in order to resolve the situation. Since the outbreak of the Pacific War, Korean medias’ interests shifted to securing the status of Provisional Government of the Republic of Korea among the Allies and to the matter of the initiative to construct an independent country. For the reason, Korean medias concentrated their propagation capabilities on the Allies’ approval for Korean Liberation Army as an official belligerent. The concrete plan was to have China approve the Korean Provisional Government first, and then to make the UK, the US, and the USSR follow China’s approval. Regarding the postwar political conception, they advocated one-party rule, in which the Provisional Government ruled by the Korea Independence Party (韓國獨立黨) should become the principal agent to construct an independent country.

추상과 과잉-중일전쟁기 제국/식민지의 사상연쇄와 담론정치학

차승기 상허학회 2007 상허학보 Vol.21 No.-

In the second Sino-Japanese War, Japan presented the de-nationalistic, de-modem vision to Chinese in order to pass over the wall of anti-Japanese nationalism of Chinese. In other side, Japan assumed a course which make the colonial-Korea as a supply base for the War. The conflicts and gaps of the heterogeneous powers of violence, mobilization, and revolution surrounding Japan, China, and Korea, brought forth a unique site of discourse. Korean converted intellectuals participated in this site of discourse, while forecasting the transition and result of the Sino-Japanese War in the one hand, and expecting the effect of close adhesion of imperial-colonial relationship. In the first place, Korean converted intellectuals ought to have kept the distance to the future project of Japan (for example, 'the Community of the East-Asia'), because the visions of Japan was presented in face with the resisting China, with the consequence that the vision lacked of the colony problem. A theoretical position which had risen from this characteristic of the site of discourse, was strongly impressed on the strategy of 'abstraction'(徐寅植, 朴致祐). In the other side, the relation of the imperial-colony was stuck to closer in the process of the war. This change stimulated the desires to overcome the colonial discrimination, and these desires turned up the strategy of 'excess' which misread the hegemonical discourse from Japan, against the grain(印貞植, 金明植). The both were inscribed the historic-geopolitical topology of the colony in the position of utterance, and at the same time, were the practical strategies of discourse for changing the imperial/colonial relationship. 중일전쟁기는 일본이 중국의 강력한 항일민족주의의 벽에 부딪침으로써 동아시아에서 다민족공동체를 구성하기 위한 탈민족주의적탈근대적 비전을 제시하는 한편, 식민지를 병참기지로 배치하면서 제국/식민지 사이의 거리를 억압적으로 밀착시켜가는 시기였다. 일본, 중국, 조선의 상호관계 속에서 이루어진 폭력과 동원과 변혁의 이질적 힘들의 충돌 및 간극은 중일전쟁기 특유의 담론공간을 생성하게 되었다. 특히 조선의 경우 일본의 식민지로서 중국과 일본의 충돌을 경험하고 있었기 때문에 한편으로는 전쟁의 추이와 결과를 예측하고 다른 한편으로는 강화되어가는 제국/식민지 관계의 효과를 예상하는, 상대적으로 비결정적인 담론공간이 생성되고 있었다. 저항하는 중국의 내셔널리즘을 의식하면서 제기된 ‘동아신질서’ 구상 및 ‘동아협동체’론에는 식민지가 결여되어 있었기 때문에 조선에서는 그 미래기획 담론의 현실성으로부터 거리를 두지 않을 수 없었고, 그 거리가 담론실천에서 ‘추상화’ 전략의 형태로 나타나게 되었다. 또한 일본이 전쟁을 수행하기 위해 식민지 동원을 강화해감으로써 제국/식민지 관계가 보다 억압적으로 밀착되었는데, 이 밀착이 오히려 식민지를 식민지로서 위치지었던 조건의 변화를 초래하게 되었다. 이러한 변화가 식민지 차별의 극복이라는 욕망을 촉발하였고 그 욕망은 일본에서 발화된 헤게모니 담론을 넘겨짚어 오독하는 ‘과잉’ 전략의 형태로 나타나게 되었다. ‘추상화’ 전략과 ‘과잉’ 전략은 각각 제국/식민지 관계의 불균등성과 차별성, 그리고 식민지의 역사-지정학적위상을 발화의 입장에 각인한 채, 중일전쟁기에 개시된 담론공간에서 제국/식민지의 관계를 변화시키고자 수행된 담론의 실천전략으로 특징지을 수 있을 것이다. 이러한 실천을 통해 ‘추상화’ 전략은 일본의 ‘동아신질서’ 구상의 근본적 한계를 비판하는 데까지 나아갈 수 있었고, ‘과잉’ 전략은 일본의 헤게모니 담론을 내부로부터 거슬러 읽음으로써 그 기만성과 허위성을 드러낼 수 있었지만, ‘대동아공영권’이라는 보다 분명한 제국주의적 비전이 제시되면서 중일전쟁기의 상대적으로 유동적인 가능성의 공간은 닫히게 된다.

일제 강점기 한국과 일본에서의 『삼국지연의』연재의 의미

이은봉(Lee, Eun-bong) 인천대학교 인문학연구소 2014 인문학연구 Vol.21 No.-

Among the serialized versions of Romance of the Three Kingdoms (hereafter, Romance) published during the Japanese colonial era, Eiji Yoshikawa’s version displayed the most alteration, which was done to promote the understanding of China and the war against China in the period of Second Sino-Japanese War. When the Second Sino-Japanese War broke out, Yoshikawa visited China as a war correspondent and, afterwards, started serializing Romance in Jugaisyokyo Sinpo. This novel was simultaneously published in Kyungsung Ilbo, which was the government gazette of the Government General of Korea during the Japanese occupation. During this period, various translations of Romance appeared in Japan, and this raises the suspicion that there was some other motivation to this phenomenon other than providing simple reading pleasure to the readers. In fact, “wartime editions” were sold in Japanese bookstores at this time, and the Chinese Classics were translated as the means of which to provide better understanding of China. Romance was a particularly popular choice, since the battle situations, place names and characters often overlapped with the reality. Yoshikawa even created new scenes by inserting phrases or conversations that did not appear in the original text. The beginning part where Liu Bei got his precious tea, which he was bringing for his mother, and noted sword robbed by the Yellow Turbans was in fact Yoshikawa’s creation. Tea, here, is the symbol of filial piety and sword the loyalty; Liu Bei’s mother tells him the origin of the sword and emphasizes to Liu Bei that he shares the royal lineage of the emperor who unified China. When this anecdote was read in the context of Second Sino-Japanese War, it seems like an encouragement to Japanese people to participate in the war. On the other hand, serialization of Romance in Korea displayed a completely different mode from its serialization in Japan. Serialization of Romance by Han Yong-un, which was contemporaneous with that by Yoshikawa, in fact, reflected Korea’s longing for a hero, along with the motivation to arouse national consciousness and the spirit of resistance. For the original text upon which he based his translations, he chose the version with the commentary by Mao Zong Gang, which underscored the legitimacy of Shu Han to arouse national consciousness in relation to Korea’s historical situation and his conscious authorship. That is, sympathetic view towards Shu Han reflected in Romance stressed the significance of legitimacy and nationalism. China’s constant suffering from the invasions of nomadic tribes expressed in Romance spoke to Koreans under colonial rule and the emphasis on the legitimacy of Shu Han provided them with consolation.

중일전쟁기의 『조선시보』 -‘가정’ ‘여성’ ‘아이’ 그리고 ‘전쟁’ 담론을 중심으로-

오성숙 ( Oh Sungsook ) 한일군사문화학회 2018 한일군사문화연구 Vol.26 No.-

본 논문은 중일전쟁기를 계기로 변화하는 『조선시보』의 담론을 ‘가정’ ‘여성’ ‘아이’ 그리고 ‘전쟁’이라는 키워드를 중심으로 살펴본 것이다. 먼저, 1936년부터 본격적으로 경성, 부산을 중심으로 신문, 잡지미디어에서 ‘여성’ 독자를 상정한 담론이 형성되어 ‘여성’의 역할이 강조되기 시작한다. 이러한 움직임 가운데 『조선시보』의 4면 「가정과 부인」은 일본여성들의 계몽과 자각을 촉구하는 가운데 미디어를 통한 식민지 지배와 제국주의를 확장하려는 움직임의 일환이었다. 『조선시보』는 내지 일본의 미디어와 외지 경성의 미디어와의 담론을 공유하면서, 제국과 식민지 정책에 보조를 맞추고 있음을 확인할 수 있었다. 이와 연계하여, 총후지킴이로서의 ‘총후부인’, 제2국민이자 총후의 소시민으로 불린 ‘총후아이들’에 대한 담론 편성은 중일전쟁기 식민지의 일본여성과 아이들의 인식을 변화시키는 작용하고 있었다. 내지 제국 일본과 외지 식민지의 일본여성들은 전쟁에 참전에 준하는 명칭 ‘총후부인’으로 명명되면서 남편이 부재한 ‘가정’과 ‘아이’의 교육을 전적으로 책임지며 전쟁을 지탱하는 동력을 제공하고 있었음을 알 수 있었다. This study investigated discourses in Chosunsibo changing after the Second Sino-Japanese war period, focusing on the key words, “family,” “women,” “children” and “war.” Discourses presuming “women” readers began being formed in the media such as newspapers and magazines in Gyeongseong and Busan in earnest since 1936. “Family and Housewife” on Page 4 of Chosunsibo was part of the movement to expand colonial rule and imperialism through the media while encouraging the enlightenment and awareness of Japanese women. It was found out that Chosunsibo kept pace with the policies between the empire and the colonies, sharing discourses of the media in the inland area Japan and the media of the overseas territory, Gyeongseong. In connection to this, the formation of discourses on “women at the home front” as the guards of the home front” and “children at the home front,” called the second-class people and the petit bourgeois at the home front worked for changing the perceptions of Japanese women and children in the colony during the Sino-Japanese war period. It was noted that as Japanese women in the inland area imperial Japan and the overseas territories, colonies were named “women at the home front,” a name applied to a person taking part in a war, they provided the power to support the war, exclusively responsible for “children” education and “family” where the husband was absent.

1940년대 초 인천지역 화교사회의 동향

배성수(Bae Sung-soo) 인천대학교 인천학연구원 2016 인천학연구 Vol.24 No.-

1937년 시작된 중일전쟁이 1941년 세계대전으로 확대되면서 일본 본토는 물론 조선 전역이 전시체제에 돌입하였고, 식민지 조선은 전쟁 수행에 희생을 강요당했다. 일제는 물자의 수급을 조절하기 위해 엄격한 통제 정책을 시행하였는데 특히 경제 분야에 대한 통제는 조선인뿐 아니라 조선에 거주하고 있던 화교사회에도 큰 영향을 미쳤다. 전쟁 지원을 위해 시작된 일제의 경제통제 정책은 모든 물자 유통의 통제로 이어졌고, 화교들의 주식이라 할 수 있는 소맥분에 대한 가격과 배급통제도 실시되었다. 인천 화교사회의 소맥분 배급은 인천화상상회에서 주관하였으며, 사전에 수요를 파악하여 세대별로 할당량을 정하는 보다 강력한 배급방식을 취하고 있었다. 화상상회가 사전 조사를 통해 세대별 배급량을 정하고 각 세대에 배급증을 교부하면, 화교 세대는 그에 따라 지정된 판매업자로부터 소맥분을 구입할 수 있었다. 엄격한 배급통제 구조속에서도 일부 화교세대는 배급증을 이중으로 교부받아 소맥분을 부당하게 취득하는 사례도 발견할 수 있었다. 이러한 양상은 당시 화교사회의 소맥분 배급이 원활하지 않았다는 것을 알려준다. 이 글에서는 전쟁이 한창이던 1942년 4월 생산된 「華僑領取小麥粉詳細表」와 이보다 4~5개월 뒤에 작성된 「仁川華僑世代別名簿」자료를 분석하여 1940년대 초 인천 화교들의 생활상을 살펴보았다. 두 자료를 통해 파악한 1942년 인천 화교사회의 모습은 그간의 연구에서 밝혀진 바와 큰 차이를 발견할 수 없었다. 산동성 출신의 화교가 93%를 차지하고 있었고, 가족단위로 구성된 세대가 많아 정주성이 강한 인천화교의 특징을 나타내고 있었다. 인천의 화교상권은 업종에 따라 지역편중 현상을 보이고 있는데 잡화상, 금포상 등은 번화가에 위치한 반면, 음식점은 인천 전역에 고르게 분포하고 있음을 알 수 있었다. 당시 화교인구의 절반가량이 무직으로 파악되었는데 아동과 여성이 주를 이루고 있어 가족으로 구성된 세대가 많은 인천 화교의 특징을 재차 확인해 준다. 두 자료에서 공통적으로 나타나는 사항은 1935년 당시 450명이 넘는 직업분포를 보이던 화교 농업세대가 누락되어 있다는 점이다. 두 자료 모두 인천화교 전체인구의 65~75% 정도만을 기재하고 있는데 여기에 華農 세대를 포함한다면 당시 인천 화교사회의 완전한 모습을 복원할 수 있었을 것이라는 아쉬움이 남는다. 그 외에도 여러 가지로 부족한 부분이 많지만 이 글에서는 인천광역시립박물관이 소장하고 있는 화교자료를 학계에 소개하는 것에 의의를 두고자 한다. Following the Sino-Japanese war that broke out in 1937, for which the Joseon dynasty as a whole was mobilized into the state of war, it was proliferated into the World War in 1941 that forced then-colonized Joseon to sacrifice for the warfare. The imperialist Japan implemented a strict control policy especially for economic sectors in order to control supply and demand of commodities that widely affected lives of the Chinese expats in Joseon. This thesis examined the life style of the Chinese expats living in Incheon in the early 1940s through analysis of 「華僑領取小麥粉詳細表」 published in April, 1942 in the midst of the war and 「仁川華僑世代別名簿」published 4 to 5 months after the publication of the former. Above all, analysis of these two materials haven’t identified much difference from what had been revealed through prior researches over the life of the Chinese expats in Incheon in 1942. The Chinese from Shandong province accounted for 93% and it showed its unique sedentary characteristic as most of the Chinese residents formed family units. The Chinese commercial districts tended to be concentrated in certain regions depending on their business types. While general merchandisers and silk fabric vendors were populated in downtown, restaurants were located relatively widely across the whole areas of Incheon. At that time, almost half of the Chinese expats in Incheon were identified as being out of job but most of them consisted of women and children, reconfirming the characteristic of the Chinese population in Incheon who are formed as family units. What was found in common from the two materials was that more than 450 Chinese expats who had jobs in the agricultural sector in 1935 weren"t counted into the total population. Both of the materials reflect only 65~75% of the total Chinese population in Incheon. It is regretful that the chinese expat community in Incheon at that time could have been restored in such a complete format if those Chinese agricultural households were to be included. Besides, this thesis aims to introduce materials related to the Chinese population in Incheon which is now archived in Incheon Metropolitan City Museum to the academic circle although they have certain properties lacking in many ways.

한국 근대 잡지를 통해 본 당대인들이 언급한 주요 사건들 -‘이전/이후’ 상당 어구 좌측에 등장하는 사건을 중심으로-

정상우 호남사학회 2019 역사학연구 Vol.76 No.-

사람들은 과거의 특정 사건이나 시점을 기준으로 연속된 시간을 나누고, 이를 통해 현재를 인식한다. 그런데 여러 가지 이유로 우리가 특정한 사건을 기준으로 과거를 분절할 경우, 이러한 사건은 ‘이전’, ‘이후’ 등과 같은 용어의 좌측에 위치하는 경향이 강하다. 그렇다면 특정한 사안이 ‘이전’, ‘이후’ 상당 어구의 왼쪽에 자주 등장한다면 그 사건은 당시 사람들이 중요시했던 사건이라 할 수 있을 것이다. 이 논문은 넓은 세계와 접속되지만 결국 식민지를 거쳤던 한국의 근대를 살았던 사람들에게 이러한 의미를 지닌 사건이 무엇이었는지를 알아보고자 한 것이다. 이를 위해 한국 근대에 출현한 잡지로, 국사편찬위원회의 홈페이지에서 원문을 제공하여 연구자들은 물론 일반인들도 폭넓게 활용하고 있으며, 종합 잡지로서 특정한 분야를 넘어 당시 일상생활을 위한 다양한 정보들을 담고 있는 19종의 잡지에서 ‘이전’, ‘이후’ 상당 어구의 좌측에 등장하는 사건을 추출하여 그 빈도와 주요 사건들의 용례를 검토했다. 분석 결과 1차 세계대전을 비롯하여 중일전쟁, 만주사변, 러시아혁명 등과 같이 국제적 사건이 상위를 차지하였다. 이처럼 국제적인 사건들이 시대 변화의 지표로서 빈번하게 등장한다는 것은, 적어도 개항 이후 세계와 접속된다는 ‘근대’라는 시대의 성격을 보여준다. 하지만 이러한 국제적인 사건들이 변화의 기점으로 등장하는 기사들은 국제 정세, 해외 소식을 전하는 기사들을 중심으로 문예, 국외 유명인들의 이력, 재외 동포의 동정 등을 전하는 내용이 대부분이었다. 즉 1차 세계대전을 비롯한 국제적인 사건은 높은 출현 빈도에 비해 이들 사건이 촉발한 즉자적인 변화와 관련된 부분에서만 변화의 기점으로서 언급되었다. 반면 국내적 성격이 강한 3․1운동이나 한일병합과 같은 사안은 1차 세계대전에 비해 상대적으로 출현 빈도가 적었다. 하지만 이 두 사건은 식민지 조선 사회 변화에 직결되는 각종 제도․법령의 변화를 초래했기 때문에 이들이 시대 구분의 결절점으로 등장하는 경우는 각종 법령, 언론, 출판, 교육 등과 같이 당시를 살아가던 이들의 일상에 직결되는 사안들이 많았다. 특히 3․1운동 이후 사회주의가 유입되고 운동 전선이 분화됨에 따라 조선에서의 민족․사회 운동은 새로운 양상을 띄었다. 때문에 민족․사회 운동에 대한 기사에서 3․1운동은 주요한 변곡점으로 매우 빈번하게 등장하였다. 뿐만 아니라 1930년대 들어서면 전차의 변화와 증가, 여성의 패션 변화, 자동차의 증가와 이용 등과 같은 사안에서도 3․1운동을 기점으로 당시를 설명하는 경우가 등장하였다. 3․1운동과 별다른 접점이 보이지 않는 일상의 영역에서도 현재 상황을 설명하기 위한 사회 변화의 주요한 분기점으로서 ‘기미년 이후’와 같은 표현이 관용적으로 사용되는 것이다. 이러한 의미에서 3․1운동은 운동사적 혹은 정치사적 의미를 넘어 한국의 근대를 살았던 이들의 일상의 변화에 가장 큰 흔적을 남긴 사건이었다고 할 수 있을 것이다. People look back on the past to understand the present. At that time, the past is divided based on specific events or phenomena. In other words, people divide a series of times based on a specific event or time point in the past, thereby recognizing the present. By the way, if Koreans divided and recognize the past based on a specific events, these events tend to be located on the left side of terms such as ‘before(이전)’ and ‘after(이후)’. So, if a particular event frequently appears to the left of words such as ‘before’ and ‘after’, it can be called an event that people valued at that time. The paper aims to find out what events people who lived in Korea's modern era, which connected to the world but eventually went through colonization, considered important to understand the times. To this end, from the original articles text of 19 modern magazines which was provided on the website of the National Institute of Korean History, to extract the events appearing on the left side of the phrase ‘before’ and ‘after’ and examine their frequency and examples of major events. As a result of the analysis, international events such as the World-war 1, the Sino-Japanese War, the Manchurian Incident, and the Russian Revolution have high ranks at the events-list. At least these results show the character of the 'modern era' connected with the world along with the opening of the port. However, the articles in which these international events emerged as the starting point of change were mostly related to the international situation, the news of overseas, and literature, the history of celebrities abroad, and the situation about overseas Koreans. In other words, international events, including the First World War, were frequently mentioned as the starting point for change, but only as a starting point for change only in the part related to the immediate change triggered by these events. On the other hand, events such as the March 1st Movement and the annexation of Korea, which have a strong domestic character, appeared relatively less frequently than in World War I. However, since these two events led to changes in various systems and statutes directly linked to changes in the society of the colonial Korea society, there were many cases in which they appeared as a node in the change of dailylife such as media, publishing and education. In particular, since the influx of socialism after the March 1st Movement and Korea's national and social movements showed a new aspect, the March 1st Movement appeared frequently as a major inflection point in the articles dealing with this. In addition, in the 1930s, the March 1st Movement was mentioned as the starting point of change even in the issues such as the increase of streetcars, changes in women's fashion, and the use of cars. Even in the realm of everyday life where there is no interface with the March 1st Movement, idiom such as ‘after(before) Kimi-year(기미년 이후(이전))’ were used for explaining the current situation. In this sense, we can say that beyond the national and social movements, the March 1st Movement was a event that left the biggest mark on the daily changes of those who lived in Korea's modern times.

중일·태평양전쟁기 일본의 오카쿠라 덴신(岡倉天心) 재조명

김용철 서울대학교 일본연구소 2015 일본비평 Vol.- No.13

During the Second Sino-Japanese and Pacific War, Okakura Tenshin was reevaluated in Japan. His thought served as the basis of the aggressive, militant Asianism and provided the first sentence of The Ideals of the East, hence “Asia is one” as the slogan. In this process, the Japanese translation of The Awakening of the East seems to have played a key role in The Ideals of the East and The Awakening of Japan. At first, The Awakening of the East was written during his stay in India. It reflects his sorrowful indignation and was not published in his lifetime, implying his intention to keep it unpublished. The Ideals of the East seems to be in relation to Japan’s identity and its past, The Awakening of Japan to Japan’s situation since the Meiji period, and The Awakening of the East to militant Asianism. Tenshin was reassessed and came to be revered as the pioneer during the Second Sino-Japanese War, due to the needs of the time rather than his achievement itself.

중일전쟁 시기 조선화교의 항일활동

李正熙(Yi Junghee) 동양사학회 2017 東洋史學硏究 Vol.139 No.-

This paper aims to analyse the anti-Japanese resistance activities of overseas Chinese of colonial Korea during the second Sino-Japanese War from various angles, focusing on the earlier years(1937.7-1941.12) and the later years(1942.1-1945.8). Their resistance activities were analysed, based on documents published by Japanese-Government-General of Korea. Anti-Japanese resistance activities of them appeared in the earlier years in modest forms such as the espionage activities of each Chinese consulate and spreading of anti-Japanese false information. Otherwise, there were more active forms of resistance such as espionage, arson, and other destructive activities through the establishment of anti-Japanese resistance organization such as Ziki Society(自己團), Chinese Young Society(中國靑年團), and Nitto Society(日東會) in the later years. Also in the later years, we can see that their activities against the Japanese were happening on a nationwide scale. One point of note is that many of the overseas Chinese who participate in anti-Japanese activities were closely affiliated with the Eighth Route Army, based in Shandong and Hebei Provinces of China. Shandong and Hebei Provinces were the hometown of Overseas Chinese of colonial Korea. In consideration of the discussion above, I wish to propose that their levels of anti-Japanese resistance was the highest among the East Asian overseas Chinese.