1930년대 재만 조선혁명군의 항일무장투쟁과 한ㆍ중연합작전의 동향 - 국내언론의 보도 내용과 경향을 중심으로 -

황민호 한국민족운동사학회 2016 한국민족운동사연구 Vol.0 No.87

This paper aimed to grasp specific contents of Korea-China combined operations and anti-Japanese armed struggle of Chosun Revolutionary Army in Manchuria after the Manchuria Incident. Through this study, we could find out the followings. Firstly, the Korea press at that time grasped concretely the trends of Chosun Revolutionary Army, and in the case of fact relation it reported in full about the army. Secondly, the Chosun Revolutionary Army steadily developed the combined operation with the various of anti-Japanese party in China after the Manchuria Incident, and it obtained good results to some extent. Moreover, we could find out that the fighting power of Chosun Revolutionary Army was in a different class from another anti-Japanese party in China. And given the massive offensive of Japan against Chosun Revolutionary Army, the anti-Japanese movement of Chosun Revolutionary Army achieved success in their movement. Thirdly, the anti-Japanese movement of Chosun Revolutionary Army developed in many different form such as punishment of Japanese police and pro-Japanese group, destruction of railroad, attack on mail coach, hit- and-run raids against moving Japanese military and police, small battle in a border area. and by the late of 1930’s combined with the Communist camp actively. Fourthly, the anti-Japanese movement of Chosun Revolutionary Army was reported in Korea press after the late of 1920’s, and it influenced to the anti-Japanese consciousness of Korean nation. 이 논문은 만주사변 이후 재만 조선혁명군이 전개한 한ㆍ중연합작전과 항일무장투쟁의 구체적인 내용을 당시 국내언론에 보도된 내용을 중심으로 파악하고자 하였으며, 이를 통해 궁국적으로 조선혁명군의 항일무장투쟁에 대한 기존의 연구성과를 또 다른 측면에서 보완하고자 하는 목적으로 연구되었다. 이 논문에 밝혀진 내용을 구체적으로 정리해 보면 다음과 같다. 첫째 당시 국내 언론에서는 조선혁명군의 동향에 대해 적어도 일정부분에서는 상당히 구체적으로 파악하고 있었던 것으로 보이며, 사실관계에 있어서도 그 보도 내용에 충실한 면이 있었던 것으로 파악된다고 하겠다. 둘째 조선혁명군은 만주사변 이후 중국의 다양한 항일세력과의 연합작전을 꾸준히 전개하고 있었으며, 어느 정도 성과를 거두고 있었던 것으로 보인다. 그런데 조선혁명군의 이 같은 성과는 조선혁명군의 전투력이 중국의 항일세력에 비해 상대적으로 월등한 측면이 있었음을 보여주는 것이라고 할 것이다. 또한 만주사변 초기 일제가 조선혁명군에 대해 대대적인 공세를 취하고 있었던 것도 조선혁명군의 항일독립운동이 상당한 성과를 거두고 있었음을 보여주는 것이라 할 수 있을 것이다. 셋째, 조선혁명군의 항일무장투쟁은 일제 경찰과 친일파에 대한 처단, 철도의 파괴, 우편마차의 습격 및 이동 중인 일본군경에 대한 기습작전의 전개, 국경지역에서의 소규모 전투, 항일선전 활동 등 다양한 형태로 진행되었으며, 1930년대 후반에 이르면 공산진영과의 연합 등과 적극적으로 이루어진 것으로 보인다. 넷째, 조선혁명군의 항일무장투쟁은 1920년대 후반 이후 국내언론을 통해 꾸준히 보도되고 있었으며, 이는 국내의 대중들의 항일의식 고취에 일정하게 영향을 끼쳤을 가능성이 높다고 하겠으며, 이 같은 내용은 추후에 새로운 연구를 통해 확인할 필요가 있을 것으로 생각된다.

김홍일의 중국 국민혁명군 경험과 '국방개론' 저술

김지훈 국방부군사편찬연구소 2019 군사 Vol.- No.112

이 글은 1948년 8월 한국군이 창설된 시기 김홍일의 군사경험과 국방이론에 주목한다. 그리고 김홍일의 중국 국민혁명군 경험을 살펴보고 그의 국방론이 형성되는 과정을 추적했다. 선행연구에서 국방 문제는 주로 일제시기 또는 박정희정부시기로 양분⋅집중되어 있었다. 양 시기의 논리를 연속적으로 파악하고 한국군의 군사 사상에 대해 탐구하기 위해서는 한국군이 창설될 1948년 전후의 시기에 주목해야한다. 국방의 건설이라는 담론은 제1차 세계대전 이후, 전훈을 바탕으로 본격화된 논의이다. 국방은 총력전을 대비하기 위해 평시부터 전시를 준비하는 것이다. 국가 중심의 강력한 통제경제하에 군사를 중심으로 경제와 정치를 통합하는 방식이다. 이 과정에서 폭력성을 수반한다. 국방을 건설하는 논의의 기원은 독일이며, 루덴도르프가 가장 유명한 일례이다. 동아시아에서는 1920년대 이래 일본이 수용⋅발전시켰다. 일본에서는 일군의 ‘총력전장교’들이 추동하였다. 중국에서는 국민당이 1930년대 이래 이들을 참고하며 국방 건설을 목표했다. 김홍일은 중국 국민혁명군에서 복무했다. 군벌에 대한 북벌전쟁, 공산당에 대한 초공작전 그리고 일본군에 대한 항일전쟁에 모두 참여했다. 여기서 그는 주로 군수참모로 복무했다. 일선의 장교부터 시작하여 중일전쟁이 끝날 때는 국민혁명군 소장이 되었다. 이 글에서 주목하는 김홍일의 이력은 그가 국민정부 군사위원회 산하 군정부 기관에서 군수참모로 복무한 점이다. 또한 장개석 정부가 총력전 관료를 여산훈련단, 군사엘리트코스인 육군대학교의 수학배경 역시 연구하였다. 그가 체득한 국방 이론은 중국 국민혁명군의 영향을 강하게 받은 것이었다. 또한 이의 계보적 연원은 궁극적으로 독일과 일본의 국방 이론에 맞닿아 있는 것이다. 1948년 한국 정부 수립과 한국군 창설 이후 김홍일은 귀국했다. 그는 한국군에 창설 과정에 일부 참여했고, 육군사관학교 교장이 되었다. 이 시기 김홍일은 『국방개론』을 작성했다. 이것은 사관학교 생도들을 위한 책이었는데, 대중에게 판매되었다. 이 책을 중심으로 김홍일의 국방 이론을 파악해 볼 수 있다. 김홍일의 국방이론은 신행 한국군을 위한 것이었다. 그는 한국이 국방을 건설하기 위해 국가가 주도하여, 강력한 통제경제 정책을 주장했다. 그리고 군사를 중심으로 사회의 모든 분야가 조직되어야한다고 주장했다. 그리고 최고국방위원회의 운영을 주장했다. 김홍일의 계획은 현실적으로 불가능했다. 시작부터 모순을 가지고 있엇다. 김홍일은 한국이 국방을 건설하기 위해 미국의 ECA 원조를 사용하자고 주장했다. 그러나 ECA는 동아시아 지역에서 반공주의와 봉쇄전략을 위한 것이었다. 미국의 원조는 소련, 중화인민공화국, 북한에 이데올로기적, 심리적 압박 수단이었다. 결국 김홍일의 국방론은 채택되기 어려웠다. 미국의 관점에서 김홍일의 논리는 수용하기 힘든 것이었다. 김홍일 이후에도 한국 사회에서 국방 이론은 단절되었다고만 볼 수는 없다. 자립경제의 달성, 사회의 군사화, 극도의 효율성 추구라는 국방의 테제는 한국 현대사의 주요 쟁점이다. 보편적으로 국방 이론은 제1차 세계대전과 대공황 이후 수정자본주의의 한 방법으로 이해된다. 이 길은 후발 자본주의 국가의 급진적인 발전 전략이다. 또한 중국과 한국처럼 탈식민지 국가에서 국민국가를 건설하는 지름길로 생각되었다. This article throws light on the military experience and national defense theory of Kim Hong-il by examining the formation of his defense theory during his career in the National Revolutionary Army of the Republic of China. While previous research on national defense has focused either on the Japanese occupation or the Park Chung-hee government era, this paper directs attention to the period around August 1948, when the Republic of Korea Armed Forces were established. This approach is expected to bridge the two separate time periods and facilitate the understanding of Korean military ideology as a continuous theoretical development. The discourse on building national defense, or Wehrstaat, emerged from the lessons of war in the aftermath of World War I. In the era of total war, it meant making preparations for war in peacetime. It required the integration of state-controlled economy with politics for military ends, the process of which involved violence. The theory of Wehrstaat was put forth by German theorists, most notably by Erich Ludendorff. In East Asia, Japan adopted and expanded on it from the 1920s, a change urged on by a group of “total war officers.” From the 1930s, the Nationalist Party of China (KMT) drew from these sources in its attempt to build its own national defense. During his service with the KMT Revolutionary Army, Kim Hong-il took part in the Northern Expedition against regional warlords, Encirclement Campaigns against the Communist Party of China, and the Second Sino-Japanese War against the Imperial Japanese Army. He started out as an officer on the front, gradually rising to the rank of brigadier-general. It is noteworthy that throughout his military career with KMT, his responsibility was in supply and logistics. He served as quartermaster for a subsidiary organization to the Ministry of Defense within the Military Commission. Kim Hong-il mastered national defense theory at Lushan summer training camp, and later at the Military University in Chongqing. The KMT version of national defense he was taught could be traced back to Japanese and German Wehrstaat theory. Kim Hong-il returned to Korea in August 1948, shortly after the establishment of the Republic of Korea and the Armed Forces. He participated in the early organization of the army and was appointed principal of Korea Military Academy. Around this period, he wrote Introduction to National Defense as a textbook for the cadets, but it was also available for purchase to the general public. Kim Hong-il’s national defense theory had been formulated for the newly-created Korean army. He argued for a strong state-controlled economy in order to build national defense. It was his belief that every sector of society should be re-organized around the military. He advocated the installation of a Supreme Commission of National Defense to oversee this process. Unfortunately, Kim Hong-il’s scheme was impractical from the beginning. He wanted to use US assistance via Economic Cooperation Administration (ECA) to implement his plans. However, ECA aid in East Asia in the 1950s operated on the level of enhancing agricultural productivity in underdeveloped countries. It was unlikely that Kim Hong-il’s proposal could be adopted, since the underlying logic of his scheme would have been unacceptable to US authorities. Nevertheless, it cannot be said that the theoretical tradition of national defense was lost in Korea after Kim Hong-il. The national defense ideals of militarization, economic independence and maximum efficiency are some of the most contentious topics in modern Korean history. In general, national defense theory can be understood as the military aspect of revised capitalism after World War I and the Great Depression. It was a radical development strategy deployed by latecomer capitalist countries, as well as an effective shortcut to nation-state building in postcolonial countries like China and Korea.

1942년 조선민족혁명당의 임시의정원 참여와 노선투쟁

이현주(Lee Hyun-ju) 독립기념관 한국독립운동연구소 2009 한국독립운동사연구 Vol.0 No.33

1942년 10월 조선민족혁명당은 보궐선거를 통해 당선된 자파의원 13명을 임시의정원 제34차 정기회의에 등원시켰다. 임정을 무시하던 조선민족혁명당이 참여로 방침을 전환한 것은 독소전쟁(1941.6.22)과 대서양 헌장(1941.8), 태평양전쟁(1941.12)으로 이어지는 국제정세의 급변 때문이었다. 특히 대서양 헌장 발표를 계기로 유럽의 망명정부들이 동맹국 들로부터 승인을 받자 민족혁명당은 한국 임정도 승인을 받을 것으로 내다봤다. 조선의용대의 북상과 중국 국공합작의 균열도 참여를 재촉하게 했다. 민족혁명당의 임정참여 논리는 빈약했다. 1941년 10월 민족혁명당이 임시의정원에 진입하려다가 실패한 사건은 한국독립당의 오만함을 드러냄과 동시에 그들로 하여금 민족혁명당의 저의를 의심하게 한 계기였다. 34회 회기 내내 민족혁명당이 임정을 빼앗으려 한다는 소문이 끊이지 않았고 이로 인해 공고한 통일전선 정부의 형성은 지연되었다. 다만 한국광복군 「9개 준승」 논쟁을 합의로 이끈 것은 성과였다. 「9개 준승」에 따르면 중국 국민당정부의 의도는 군사위원회로 하여금 광복군을 임시정부에서 분리시켜 항일전쟁 기간 동안 중국군에 종속시켜 이용하겠다는 것뿐만 아니라 종전 후 한국 내에서까지 광복군의 행동을 장악한다는 내용이 포함되었다. 결국 공통의 위기의식이 한국독립당과 민족혁명당의 합의를 도출하게 했다. 「건국강령」 토론은 신국가의 미래를 보여줄 수 있다는 점에서 중요했지만 공포의 적법성 여부를 따지는데 집중되었다. 충분히 토론되지 않았으나 토지국유화 논쟁에서 민족혁명당이 국유화에 반대하고 한국독립당이 찬성한 것도 의미심장했다. 임시약헌 수개안을 제출한 것은 의외에도 한국독립당이었다. 그러나 한국독립당의 목표는 임시약헌 가운데 회기 안에 선거법 개정만을 요구한 민족혁명당과 달리 일본의 패망, 도래할 국제정세의 변동까지 반영한 완전무결한 헌법을 만드는 것이었다. 한독당 우위의 체제하에 명실상부한 헌법을 만들어 신국가 건설의 지렛대로 삼겠다는 구상이었다. 민족혁명당은 중경의 동포들만으로 시행되는 의원선거의 대표성 문제를 집중적으로 부각하면서 선거구를 중국 전역과 미주, 노령까지 확대해야 한다고 주장했다. 임시약헌 수개를 둘러싼 논쟁은 정당정치에 의한 민주주의 발전의 가능성을 보여준다. The Chosun People’s Revolutionary Party made 13 members, who were elected in by-elections, of its own party attend the 34th regular session of the provisional legislature. The Chosun People’s Revolutionary Party ignored the Provisional Government so far, however, the reason why it decided to take part in the regular session changing its policy resulted from the rapidly changing world situation like the Russo-German War (June 22, 1941), the Atlantic Charter (August, 1941) and the Pacific War (December, 1941). In particular, as the provisional governments of several countries in Europe were recognized by the Allied Nations, the Chosun People’s Revolutionary Party foresaw that the Provisional Government of Korea would be recognized by them, too. The Chosun Volunteer Army’s moving northward and Chinese Kuomintang-Communist cooperation urged them to take part in the Provisional Government. The logic of its participation in the Provisional Government was poor. The case that the Chosun People’s Revolutionary Party failed in entering the provisional legislature disclosed the arrogant attitude of the Korea Independence Party as well as created an opportunity to make the members of the Korea Independence Party doubt the real intention of the Chosun People’s Revolutionary Party. During the 34th session there was a rumor that the Chosun People’s Revolutionary Party tried to deprive the Provisional Government of its power. Therefore the formation of the government with the firm united front was delayed. The only result was the agreement of “the 9 fixed rules” of the Korea Liberation Army. According to “the 9 fixed rules”, the intention of the Kuomintang government of China was to make its Armed Services Committee separate the Korea Liberation Army from the Provisional Government and subordinate the Korean Army to the Chinese Army for some time, and exploit it. And also it included the contents that the Kuomintang government would assume the reins of the Korea Liberation Army even in Korea after World War II. In the end, the common sense of crisis made the Korea Independence Party and the Chosun People’s Revolutionary Party reach agreement. The discussion of the program of founding a country was important in the point that it could show the people the future of a new country, however, it was focused on calling in question whether its promulgation was legal. Although the issue of the nationalization of land was not thoroughly discussed, it was meaningful that the Chosun People’s Revolutionary Party opposed nationalization, but the Korea Independence Party was in favor of it. Unexpectedly several articles of a temporary constitution were presented by the Korea Independence Party. But differing from the request of the Chosun People’s Revolutionary Party which wanted to amend election law only in session, the aim of the Korea Independence Party was to establish a perfect constitution reflecting Japan’s defeat and the change of the international situation. The Korea Independence party had a plan to establish a real constitution under its dominant system and make it a lever to build up a new nation with it. Thoroughly bring into relief the issue of the representativeness of the election of the assemblymen who were elected by Korean residents in Chungking, the Chosun People’s Revolutionary Party claimed to expand the electoral districts to all the area in China, America and Russia. The dispute on several articles of the temporary constitution showed us the possibility of democracy development by party politics.

만주사변 이후 재만 한인의 항일무장투쟁과 국내언론

황민호 한국민족운동사학회 2011 한국민족운동사연구 Vol.0 No.68

This paper aimed to analyze the reports of Korean press that reported the activities of power of anti-Japanese armed struggle in the period of Manchuria incident in 1930s, particularly associated with Korean society in Manchuria struggled against Japanese imperialism. From this analysis, this paper tried to present the aspects of anti-Japanese armed struggle, both Kookmin-bu in national party and Korean communists. It is as in the following Firstly, Kookmin-bu, which successfully conducted the struggle against Korean Hangyodonghyanghoe before Manchuria incident, concentrated on retribution for pro-Japanese groups. After Mauchuria incident, throughout Sinbinhyeon, Kookmin-bu it achieved complete success in punishment for Min-Hoe and Korean pro-Japanese groups. Secondly, in the period of Manchuria incident, Kookmin-bu immediately started the combined operations between Korea and China, at that time Korean press reported that Kookmin-bu developed the varied combined operations. And we found that after mid of 1930s, Kookmin-bu developed the wider combined operations, allying with Communist party in China. Moreover, the Korean press quite grasped these activities of Kookmin-bu detailedly. Thirdly, Kookmin-bu dispatched the members to the interior to secure the campaign funds and the communication networks. The activities of the members of Kookmin-bu, such as Lee Seon Yong, Byeon Rak Gyu, Seo won Jun, encouraged the sense of anti-Japan imperialism of Korean populations. Finally, accoding to the reports of Korean press in 1930s, there were two person played an active part in a border area as Korean communist, Lee Hong Gil, Kim Il Sung, whose activities were to deal a death-blow to boundary order of Japanese imperialism. Moreover, we might find that there were a wide variety of activities of Korean communist, which should extensively be seized through the wider reports of press. 이 논문은 1930년대 만주사변을 전후하여 국내언론에 보도되었던 만주지역 항일세력의 활동 내용 가운데 특히 재만 한인의 항일무장투쟁과 관련된 부분을 분석해 보고자 하였다. 그리고 이러한 분석을 통해 민족진영의 국민부와 한인공산주의자들의 항일무장투쟁의 일면을 확인하고자 노력하였다. 그 내용을 요약하면 다음과 같다. 첫째 국민부는 친일세력에 대한 응징에 주력했는데 만주사변 이전에는 한교동향회와의 투쟁에서 커다란 성과를 거두고 있었다. 또한 만주사변 이후에는 신빈현 일대에서 民會와 조선인 친일세력에 대한 처단에 성공하는 등의 성과를 거두었다. 둘째, 만주사변이 발발하자 국민부에서는 곧바로 한ㆍ중 연합작전에 돌입하였으며, 당시 언론에서는 국민부가 다양한 연합작전을 전개했던 것으로 보도하고 있었다. 그리고 1930년대 중반 이후에는 국민부가 만주지역 공산진영과도 연합하는 등 보다 광범위한 항일투쟁 전선을 형성했던 것으로 파악된다고 하겠다. 그리고 국내 언론의 이러한 보도는 당시 국민부의 활동을 비교적 소상하게 파악하고 있었음을 보여주는 것이라고 하겠다. 세째, 국민부에서는 대원들을 국내로 파견하여 군자금의 모집과 국내 연결망의 확보를 위한 활동을 전개하였다. 그런데 이선룡, 변락규, 서원준 등의 활동으로 대표되는 국민부 파견대원의 활동은 국내 민중들의 항일의식 고취에 크게 기여했을 것으로 판단된다. 이밖에 국민부는 일제의 국경치안 상황을 조사하거나 국내로 들어와 군자금 모집활동을 전개하는 한편, 일제의 밀정을 처단하거나 일제나 만주군경과의 교전을 전개하는 등 다양한 활동을 전개한 것으로 보도되고 있었다. 넷째, 1930년대의 언론보도에 따르면 국경지대에서 활동했던 대표적인 한인공산주의자로는 이홍광과 김일성의 활동이 나타나고 있는데 이들의 활동을 일제의 국경치안에 일정하게 타격을 가했을 것으로 보인다. 뿐만 아니라 한인공산주의자들의 다양한 활동이 있었을 것으로 보이는데 이에 대해서는 보다 많은 언론자료에 대한 검토를 통해 보다 광범위하게 파악해 볼 필요가 있을 것이다.

나폴레옹 전쟁

이용재(Yong Jae LEE) 한국프랑스사학회 2016 프랑스사연구 Vol.- No.34

프랑스혁명 전쟁(1792-1802)에서 서서히 드러나기 시작한 ‘전쟁의 변모’는 나폴레옹 전쟁(1803-1815)에서 절정에 이르렀다. 황제의 치세는 군사행위와 외교정책이 혼융된 시기였으며 전쟁이 정치를 압도한 시기였다. 후방의 물적ㆍ인적 자원이 전쟁노력에 총동원되었으며 사회저변에 만개한 전쟁문화는 전쟁을 부채질했다. 대규모 병력을 동원해적의 주력군을 섬멸하는 나폴레옹 전쟁은 엄청난 인명살상을 초래했다. 클라우제비츠의 표현을 빌자면, ‘전쟁의 신’ 나폴레옹과 더불어 이제 전쟁의 양상은 ‘절대전쟁’의 수준에 도달했다. 흔히 ‘총력전’은 한 사회의 물적·인적 자원이 총동원되어 군인이든 민간인이든 적국의 완전 파괴를 노리는 전쟁 형태를 일컫는다. 이런점에서 나폴레옹 전쟁은 프랑스혁명 전쟁의 단순한 연장선으로서보다는 현대적인 총력전 시대를 여는 서막으로서 주목할 만하다. 물론 진정한 총력전은 산업혁명의 결과인 새로운 군사 테크놀로지와 무기의 발달을 기다려야 할 것이다. 하지만 총력전을 그 정치적ㆍ문화적 측면에서 폭넓게 이해한다면 나폴레옹 시대에도 비록 맹아적 형태이긴 하지만 국가의 인적ㆍ물적 자원이 총동원된 총력전이 전개되었다고 할 수 있을 것이다. ‘The Transformation of War’, which has been made during the French Revolutionary Wars (1792-1802), reaches its culmination in the Napoleonic Wars (1803-1815). Napoleonic era was a period in which military purposes were infused into foreign policies, the politics being overwhelmed by war efforts. Human and material resources in the rear have been mobilized to the war efforts, and the culture of war in full bloom was fueling social base for war. Napoleonic Wars to annihilate the enemy’s main force has caused tremendous casualties. With Napoleon, ‘god of the war’, the warfare reached at the level of ‘absoluten Krieg’, to borrow an expression from Carl von Clausewitz. Total war is often defined as a war involving the complete mobilization of a society’s resources to achieve the absolute destruction of an enemy, without any distinction between combatants and noncombatants. In this sense, Napoleonic Wars merit attention as a beginning of modern Total War rather than as a mere succession of the French Revolutionary Wars. ‘True’ total war would have to await a new military technology and logistics resulted from Industrial Revolution. In a broad political and cultural context, however, total war avant la lettre exists in the Napoleonic Empire.

중국군으로 대일항전을 전개한 김홍일

한시준 ( Han Seejun ) 단국사학회 2018 史學志 Vol.57 No.-

Kim Hong-il was a Korean, yet participated in Chinese Army for nearly 30 years. He entered Guizhou Military Academy for Army (貴州陸軍講武學校: Guizhou Lujun Jiangwu Xuexiao) in 1919 for military training; since then till he came back to Korea in 1948, he served for Chinese army. For the time, Kim Hong-il participated in the Northern Expedition as a member of National Revolutionary Army (國民革命軍: Guomingemingjun); and during the Sino-Japanese War he fought against the Japanese empire as a commanding officer of Chinese army. His rank reached Brigadier General of Army (陸軍少將), and he passed through Army College (陸軍大學) which was the highest training course in Chinese Army. Besides the period in the early 1920’s in which Kim Hong-il served for Korean National Independence Army in Siberia, most of his military career was in Chinese Army. He started his Chinese Army career in 1926 as a major (小校) in the Eastern Rout Corps (東路軍) General Headquarter of National Revolutionary Army; he, then in sequence, took the posts of the vice-commander of an independent defence regiment in Zhejiang Province, the chief of staff and manager of arsenal of Wusong (吳淞) Fortress in Shanghai, the adjutant general of Army Engineering School in Nanjing, a member of Munition Planning Committee of Chinese Military Committee, the senior staff of Southwestern Government (西南綏靖公署) in Guizhou (貴州), the chief of staff in the 102nd division, the chief of staff of the 19th corps headquarter, the commander of the 19th division under the 19th corps, the chief of staff in the 2nd Army in Guilin (桂林), and the chief of staff of the Korean Liberation Army. After Japanese Empire surrendered, he took the office of the senior staff of the Northeastern Security Headquarter (東北保安司令部) which recovered Manchu area. Kim Hong-il participated in Northern Expedition and Sino-Japanese War as a member of Chinese Army. In 1926, he joined into National Revolutionary Army in Shantou (汕頭) of Guangdong Province, and fought against Warlord Sun Chuanfang in Fujian (福建), Shanghai (上海), and Hangzhou (杭州). Especially, he defeated Sun Chuanfang’s troops in Longtan (龍潭) nearby Nanjing; for this he received a medal from Guomintang Government. Since Sino-Japanese War broke out in 1937, he as a commanding officer fought several battles against Japanese army. Among them, the Battle of Wanjialing in October of 1938 and the Battle of Shanggao in March of 1941 represents the victories of Kim Hong-il as a commander. He participated in the Battle of Wanjialing as the chief of staff of the 102nd division, and in the Battle of Shanggao as the commanding general of the 19th division. He destroyed Japanese camp by firing mortars in Wanjialing; and he lured Japanese troops into a trap and besieged them in Shanggao. Especially, the Battle of Shanggao was one of China’s great notable victories in the history of Sino-Japanese War, and is known as ‘Shanggao Huizhan (上高會戰)’. Kim Hong-il’s activities should be highlighted as important examples of Chinese-Korean Anti-Japanese Alliance. During the first half of the 20th century, Korea and China shared a common fate fighting against the Japanese Empire, Korean and Chinese peoples allied together in various ways against Japanese army throughout Manchu and Chinese continent. One of the ways is that Koreans participated in Chinese Army in order to fight against the Japanese empire, like the case of Kim Hong-il. Thus, the historical cases in which Korean and Chinese peoples allied together against the Japanese empire should be discovered and researched.

나폴레옹 전쟁수행의 전략적 평가 - 용병ㆍ군수ㆍ기술ㆍ사회적 차원을 중심으로 -

김재철 조선대학교 군사학연구소 2014 군사발전연구 Vol.8 No.2

金弘壹의 생애와 독립운동

김종문 한국근현대사학회 2014 한국 근현대사 연구 Vol.68 No.-

Kim Hong Il was an activist for Korean independence during the Japaneseoccupation of China, Manchuria, and the Maritime Province of Siberia. He joinedthe Chinese army for Korean independence after he was exiled to China andremained there until the liberation of Korea. Kim Hong Il was born on September 23rd, 1898 in Yongcheon, Pyeonganbukdo. He experienced the Russia-Japan war. He also learned the new knowledge andspirit of independence at Osan school. Since then, he took a teaching positionat Kyeongshin school in Hwanghae-do. In September 1918, Kim Hong Il exiled to China in order to participate inthe resistance against Japan after graduating from a Chinese military school. KimHong Il entered Guizhou military school and started his cooperation with Chinesearmy for Korean independence after graduation. In 1926, Kim Hong Il participated in the north expedition of Chinese NationalistParty. Kim Hong Il was appointed Major-General during this war. He wasdistinguished by his service at the battle of Yongdam and in the Jenam War. In 1937, he joined the Chinese army to fight against Japan. The battles heparticipated in such as the battles of Mangaryeong, Sango and the second battleof Jangsa were the most successful victories during the China-Japan war. Duringthis war, Kim Hong Il became Major-General which was the highest rank thatKorean activists participating in the Chinese army could achieve. He alsoparticipated in the Korean independence movement. The first was the armedresistance in Manchuria, and the Maritime Province of Siberia in 1920. He joinedthe Goryeo Volunteer Corps and the Korea Volunteer Corps re-organized aftertheir dismissal as a result of the catastrophe in Jayushi and started the fightagainst Japan until 1922. Kim Hong Il joined the Korean Patriot Organization and took an importantrole in fights with Lee Bong Chang and Yun Bong Gil. He supported a varietyof activities of the Korean Patriot Organization as a manager of Shanghai ArmoryIronworks. He was a director of the information department for the 19th regiment. The activities of Lee Bong Chang and Yun Bong Gil were made possible withthe explosives provided by Kim Hong Il. He was also involved with the ChosunNational Revolutionary Party by participating in establishing the Chosun VolunteerCorps. In May 1945, Kim Hong Il was appointed Deputy Chief of Korean Resistance. Despite the short duration of three months, he actively sought for cooperationbetween the Korean Resistance and the National Revolutionary Party. With Japan’s collapse on August 15th, 1945 Kim Hong Il headed north asSenior Deputy Chief under the North East Security Commandership. He establisheda judicial office to protect Koreans in the north as the Nationalist Party madean effort to take over the north eastern region. He also competed with the delegatesin China over the leadership in managing the Koreans in the region. His activityas an officer of the people’s Revolutionary Army proved to be meaningful whenhe protected the north eastern regions where the largest number of Koreanimmigrants lived. He became a specialist of the People’s Revolutionary Army and moved underits jurisdiction until returning to Korea on August 23rd, 1948 after more than30 years of living in exile. In summary, Kim Hong Il was active in both the Chinese army and the Koreanresistance from the beginning of his exile until its end. He participated in thebattles against Japan as a Chinese soldier and at the same time supported theKorean independence movement. By doing so the resistance was more stimulatedand the cooperation between Korean and Chinese people were enhanced. KimHong Il continued fighting against Japan as a resistance activist in China whileit was occupied by Japan and contributed to a strong bond between Korea and China.

시베리아내전기 러시아지역 한인의 군사활동 -‘한인사회당 적위군’과 ‘에호한인부대’를 중심으로-

윤상원 한국민족운동사학회 2011 한국민족운동사연구 Vol.0 No.66

The purpose of this article is to clarify the military activities of Koreans who participated in the civil war in Siberia after the Russian Revolution. In the civil war positions of Koreans were not the same. One side fought against the Whites and the Japanese army with the Soviet Red army, on the other side stood the Whites. ‘Red army of Korean Socialist Party’ was the first Korean military unit in Russia. It was organized by the Military Department of Korean Socialist Party with young Koreans who were recruited from the south Chiendao and Korean villages near Khabarovsk. When the Whites with the support of the Japanese attacked Khabarovsk, the unit at the request of the Soviet took part in the defense. However, the Soviet Red army was defeated and more than half of Koreans were killed in battle. After Khabarovsk was occupied by the Whites, the survived Koreans were forced to retreat to Blagoveshensk along the Amur River. Meanwhile there were Koreans with the Whites. They are tried to use the Whites to deploy the nationalist movement. That was the ‘Ekho Korean troop’. The Korean National Council which was led by naturalized Koreans in Russia formed Korean troop in Ekho located in southeast of Harbin under the patronage of Khorwat, commander of the Whites. Leaders of the Korean National Council planned to be armed young Koreans to carry the military experience and then to commit them to battle against Japan. However, this plan failed and troop was disbanded. As Japan was the largest political and military supporters of the Whites, from the beginning their attempt was foolhardy. ‘Red army of Korean Socialist Party’ had important implications as the first organized armed struggle of Koreans in Russian Far East against the Whites and the Imperialist intervention forces including Japan in spite of the short existence. And this army became the basis of Korean partisan troops which were organized in Amur oblast. As the result of the dissolution of ‘Ekho Korean troop’ and the failure to attempt at trying to use the Whites, the majority of Koreans in Russian Far East stood on the side of the Soviet Red Army. Hereafter the military activities of Koreans in Russia has led to the partisan struggle in conjunction with the Soviet Red Army. 이 논문의 목적은 1917년 러시아혁명 이후 시베리아에서 전개된 내전에 참가한 한인들의 군사활동을 밝히는데 있다. 내전에 임했던 한인들의 입장은 동일하지 않았다. 한편은 소비에트적군을 지지하며 빨치산부대를 조직하여 백군 및 일본군과 싸웠으며, 다른 한편은 백군이 조직한 군대에 가담하여 소비에트적군에게 총부리를 겨눴다. 시베리아내전 초기 한인들의 대응양식의 차이는 ‘한인사회당 적위군’과 ‘에호한인부대’로 나타났다. 러시아지역에서 최초로 나타난 한인부대인 ‘한인사회당 적위군’은 한인사회당 군사부의 노력으로 조직된 부대였다. 서간도에서 온 50~60명과 다반 등 하바로프스크 인근에서 모집한 한인청년 등 100여 명으로 1918년 6월 말 조직된 이 부대는 내전이 본격화되자 소비에트적군과 함께 백군 및 일본군과의 전투에 참가했다. 그해 8월 우수리 까자크 아따만 깔미꼬프가 일본군의 원조를 받아 북진하여 하바로프스크를 공격했을 때 극동소비에트정부의 요청에 따라 방어전에 참가했던 것이다. 그러나 적군은 처참히 패배했고 한인사회당 적위군도 거의 절반 이상이 전사하는 큰 피해를 입었다. 이후 하바로프스크는 백군에게 점령되었고 살아남은 한인사회당 적위군 부대원들은 아무르강을 따라 블라고베센스크로 퇴각했다. 한편 백군편에 선 한인들도 있었다. 단순히 백군편에 가담한 것 뿐 아니라 백군을 이용해 민족운동을 전개하려는 시도도 있었다. 바로 ‘에호한인부대’의 조직이었다. 일찍부터 러시아에 귀화한 한인들, 즉 원호인이 중심이 되어 조직한 대한국민의회는 중동철도 연선의 백군 사령관 호르바트의 후원을 얻어 하얼빈의 동남쪽에 위치한 에호에 한인부대를 편성했다. 대한국민의회는 여기에서 한인청년들에게 군사경험과 무장을 갖추도록 한 후 국내로 진출시켜 항일무장투쟁의 주력으로 삼고자 했다. 그러나 이 계획은 곧 실패로 돌아가고 만다. 에호한인부대가 이용하려고 했던 백군의 가장 큰 정치적, 군사적 후원자가 일본이었다는 점에서 그들의 시도는 애당초 성공할 수 없는 것이었다. 한인사회당 적위군은 2개월여의 짧은 기간 존재했지만 러시아극동지역 한인들이 백군과 일본군을 비롯한 제국주의간섭군에 맞서 싸운 최초의 조직적 투쟁이었다는 점에 큰 의의가 있다. 한인사회당 적위군은 이후 다반군대 등 아무르지역에서 조직되는 한인빨치산부대의 모태가 되었다. 에호한인부대가 해체되고 백군을 이용해 항일운동을 전개하고자 했던 시도가 실패했다는 사실의 중요한 의의는 이후 연해주의 대다수 한인들이 더 이상 백군편에 서지 않고 소비에트적군편에 서서 백군 및 일본군을 위시한 제국주의간섭군과 싸우게 되었다는데 있다. 이미 소비에트적군과 관계를 맺고 있던 한인사회당 계열은 물론이고 대한국민의회 활동가들도 이후로는 백군과 더 이상 관계를 맺지 않았다. 이후 러시아지역에서 전개된 한인들의 군사활동은 소비에트적군과 연계된 빨치산운동으로 이어졌다.

시베리아내전의 발발과 연해주 한인사회의 동향

윤상원(Yun Sang-won) 고려사학회 2010 한국사학보 Vol.- No.41

The aim of this article is to clarify the origin of the Korean armed struggle in Chien tao and Russian Far East in the early 1920s. In conclusion, I believe that the origin of Korean armed struggle is the Russian Revolution in 1917 and ensuing civil war in Siberia. In particular, Japanese forces in Siberia after the Russian Revolution made Koreans in that region to struggle with Soviet Red Army and Russian partisan troops. Japan has sent troops to Siberia in 1918 and supported White army in Russian civil war. For this reason Koreans naturally jumped into the fight against the Japanese and the Whites. And the armed struggle taken place in Siberia soon had an impact on the Korean community in Chientao. Korean patriots in Chien tao also began a battle with the Japanese. From this wide range of armed struggle has unfolded in Chientao and Russian Far East in the early 1920s. But the Koreans partisan movement in Russia also had to be affected to the presence and movements of Koreans in that Region in the previous time. Korean community in Russia also had a class problem. Some of Koreans who early imigrated to the Russian territory and acquired Russian nationality, received land distribution from the Russian government and were incorporated into the ruling class. They were called 'Won-he-in'. In contrast, there were Koreans who were not acquired Russian nationality. As there was no land for them, They had cultivated the land of Russian landlord or Won-ho-in. otherwise, became the daily agricultural workers. They were "Yo-ho-in". And of course, Won-he-in were the side of White army and Red army had the support of Yo-ho-in.