이집트 무슬림 형제단의 정치적 활동과 기독교 선교 전망

장훈태 ( Hun Tae Chang ) 한국개혁신학회 2012 한국개혁신학 Vol.34 No.-

본 논문은 무슬림형제단에 대하여 초점을 두고 있다. 무슬림 형제단은 이집트 무슬림공동체 안에서 정치, 경제, 종교적 활동, 문화, 사회에 변화를 가져왔다. 본 논문은 민주화의 혁명, 무슬림형제단의 모습, 그리고 이집트 안에서 무슬림형제단의 정치적인 역할을 강조하였고, 이러한 상황에서 기독교 선교의 전망을 시도하였다. 무슬림형제단의 생활은 이슬람문화, 정치적인 힘, 전통, 그리고 고대 이집트의 영적인 본성으로부터 나오는 이슬람 세계관에 기반을 두고있다. 오늘날 우리는 무슬림형제단의 발전과 기원, 그리고 그들의 활동을 알 때, 우리는 수니 이슬람을 이해할 수 있다. 무슬림형제단의 삶과 원리는 중동지역의 기독교선교에 영향을 준다. 무슬림형제단은 그들의 구조시스템, 이데올로기의 확신, 그룹의 힘의 동기가 탁월하게 활동으로 나타난다. 필자는 본 논문에서 이집트 안에 있는 무슬림 형제단을 향하여 기독교선교의 가능성을 다음과 같이 제안하고자 한다. 첫째, 선교사들은 이슬람형제단을 향하여 예수그리스도의 복음을 통하여 하나님 나라의 확장과 통치에 대한 강한 책임감을 가져야 한다. 둘째, 기독교선교사는 현지에서 오래 살면서, 현지인들과 좋은 신뢰 관계를 맺어야 한다. 셋째, 이집트 안에서의 민주주의에 대한 갈망은 선교의 기회이며, 믿지 않는 자들을 향한 다양한 선교의 전략을 가지고 접근해야 한다. 넷째, 기독교선교사는 생활에서 본을 보여주는 전도를 해야 하며, 현지인들과 동일화작업을 끊임없이 해야 한다. 다섯째는 현재 우리는 디지털 문화 안에서 살아가고 있기에, 디지털 문화의 도구와 기기를 활용하여 복음전도를 시도해야 한다. 마지막으로 선교사들은 현지인을 향한 강한 기도를 통하여 선교사역을 감당해야 한다. This article is to focus on the Muslim Brothers. They have changed politics, economics, religion activity, culture, and society in Egypt Muslim community. This study focuses on democratization revolution, the appearance of Muslim Brothers, and political role of Muslim Brothers in Egypt, and then it can be attempt to perspectives of Christian Mission in this situation. Life of Muslim Brothers based on culture of Islam, political power, tradition, and Islam worldview from spiritual nature of ancient Egypt. Today, we can understand Sunni Islam, when we have know origin and development process of Muslim Brothers, and their activity. The principle and life of Muslim Brothers influences on Christian mission in Middle East area. Muslim Brothers should be appear remarkable activity with their structure system, ideology conviction, and power of group mobilize. I want to suggest possibility of Christian mission toward Muslim Brothers in Egypt. First, missionaries have strong responsibility reaching out reign and extend of Kingdom of God through gospel of Jesus Christ. Second, Christian missionary live long time in native mission field, so they have good relationship with native peoples. Third, spring of democratization in Egypt can be open the opportunity of mission, so that mission strategies try to various method and experience toward unreached peoples. Fourth, Christian missionary should be show frank life style, and they get identification with life of native people. Fifth, we live in digital era and culture, so we attempt to propagate through digital equipment and tool, such as Socal Network Service. Finally, missionary can do strong prayer for mission work and native people toward God.

걸프 위기와 카타르 무슬림 형제단

남옥정(Nam, Ok-Jeong) 명지대학교 중동문제연구소 2020 중동문제연구 Vol.19 No.1

이 논문은 사우디아라비아, 아랍에미리트, 바레인, 이집트 동맹 4개국과 카타르 단교의 직접적 원인인 무슬림 형제단 문제를 통해 걸프위기의 본질을 고찰하고자 한다. 사우디아라비아와 그 동맹국들은 무슬림 형제단처럼 대중화된 정치운동조직을 정권의 위협으로 간주하는 반면, 카타르는 무슬림 형제단과 같은 이슬람주의 운동을 지지함으로써 알 싸니 체제를 강화해왔다. 카타르와 무슬림 형제단은 상호보완적인 관계로 그 연대는 쉽게 파기되기 어렵고, 다른 걸프국가들은 양측의 관계를 외교적 위협의 우선순위로 판단하기 때문에 이의 해결이 선행되지 않는다면 GCC의 블록화는 멈출 수 없을 것이다. This paper aims to explore the essence of the Qatar crisis with the Quartet through the issue of the Muslim Brotherhood. Saudi Arabia, UAE, Bahrain, and Egypt regard popular political movements like the Muslim Brotherhood as a threat to the regime, while Qatar has strengthened Al Thani governance by supporting Islamist movement like the Muslim Brotherhood. The relationship between Qatar and the Muslim Brotherhood is complementary, the solidarity cannot be easily destroyed, and other Gulf States recognize that the relationship poses a serious diplomatic threat to them. So, if this problem is not resolved, the GCC crisis will not end.

요르단의 종교 엘리트와 부족주의 - 하심왕가와 무슬림 형제단을 중심으로 : 요르단의 종교 엘리트와 부족주의

홍미정(Hong Mi-Jung) 한국중동학회 2007 韓國 中東 學會 論叢 Vol.28 No.1

Tribalism and tradition have lent legitimacy to Hashimite rule. The legitimacy of tradition, considered almost synonymous with beduin or tribal culture, has been defended as part of the near sacrosanct foundations of the state and as central to cultural heritage. Thus, the role of tribes and tribalism, although transformed, remains a fundamental pillar of both society and political culture even if numerically few Jordanians live the traditional life of the nomadic beduin. In 1998 King Hussein said that “the tribes of Jordan have always been at the centre of our confidence, a source of our pride and a target of our attention since the very beginning. The tribes of Jordan are our kinsmen who have served the Kingdom under the most adverse conditions and circumstances, always performing their duty to the nation. Nevertheless, the tribes lived only in King Hussein"s rhetoric lively. At present his son, AbdullahⅡ also is using the tribes, Jordanians from East Bank for strengthening his religious and political power against Palestinian-Jordanians, Muslim Brotherhood who are against his policies. In this process the tribalism which strengthens the solidarity of Jordanians from East Bank has been more and more active. Especially in the elections since 1990s the prominent role of tribalism is to have reconstructed the identity in a modern Jordanian State against Muslim Brotherhood who Palestinian-Jordanians have been supporting.

이집트 민주화운동과 무슬림형제단의 역할 -정치정당 창당까지를 중심으로-

황병하 ( Byung Ha Hwang ) 한국이슬람학회 2011 한국이슬람학회논총 Vol.21 No.3

This study is designed to understand the process of the Egyptian revolution and the role of Muslim Brotherhood(MB) in this democratic movement till the formation of the political party, Freedom and Justice Party(FJP). For this purpose, this paper described four topics. They were the MB as an origin of Egypt`s civil movements, the role of the MB in the history of Egypt`s democratic movements, the achievement of Egypt`s democratic revolution, and the prospects on the change-possibility of the MB`s future. The MB in Egypt was founded by Hassan al-Banna in 1928. It has influenced Islamist movements around the world with its model of political activism. At first, this movement aimed simply to spread Islamic morals and good works in hospitals, schools, banks, community centers, and facilities for disabled all over the country. But it became involved in politics, particularly the fight to get rid of British colonial control from Egypt. Its political activities have been banned by the ruling NDP during more than 60 years, but till now it leads public opposition movement in Egypt. During Egypt`s democratic movements, the MB has kept its moderate path, and tried to do something akin to the Christian Egyptians. This is a kind of important changes of the MB. This is the reason why we consider the MB`s political future will be bright and optimistic through the FJP.

이집트 무슬림 형제단의 제도권 진입과 미래

송경근 ( Kyung Keun Song ) 한국이슬람학회 2011 한국이슬람학회논총 Vol.21 No.2

The MB emerged as a new political force in Egypt since 1928. The MB was believed to have had about a half-million members and the equal number of sympathizer at its apogee in the period between 1948 and 1949. Its secret wing`s attempt to kill Gamal Abud al-Nasser, the leader of Egypt in November 1954, led to its suppression. Therefore, the MB was ousted from Egyptian politics. However, its organization roots remained intact. The MB revived after Anwar al-Sadat came into power. It soon gained control of the street and became a critical element in Sadat`s efforts to crush the leftists. Since Sadat visited Jerusalem in 1977, the relationship between the MB and the Sadat government became soured. As a result, the MB became suppressed again. Although the MB has stressed its peaceful characters, it has been also restrained by the Hosni Mubarak government. During the election of December 2005, those backed by the MB won a stunning victory with taking 88 seats in the People`s Assembly. To prevent the MB`s further gains in politics, the Mubarak regime repeated clampdowns, especially targeting the key figures of the MB. It is, however, in both side`s interests to reach a compromise. Therefore, the MB gave up its main role during the revolution of January 25, 2011 and Wael Ghonim and his followers played it. The MB regularly makes statements that contradict its stated goals. Hence, they are criticised on the grounds of ambiguity and vagueness. However, the very abstractness provides it with a plasticity that makes it possible to unite disparate social groups. Eventually, it will officially enter into the mainstream politics of Egypt in the forseeable future.

사우디아라비아의 무슬림형제단 - 정치개혁을 요구하는 알 사흐와 -

홍미정 명지대학교(서울캠퍼스) 중동문제연구소 2018 중동문제연구 Vol.17 No.4

This article analyzes the formation and development of the Saudi Muslim Brotherhood, which has emerged as the most threatening opposition to the Saudi government, and the changes of the relations between the Muslim Brotherhood and the Saudi government from the 1950s to the present. The first section, ‘The Rising of Muslim Brotherhood as an Important Actor,’ covers the Muslim Brotherhood becoming the core actor of the Islamic Bloc led by Saudi Arabia to counter Nasser’s Pan-Arab Socialist Bloc in 1950s-1960s. The second section, ‘The Muslim Brotherhood Leading Education,’ analyzes the activities of the Muslim Brotherhood in playing an important role in the educational system, including universities, since the 1960s. The third section, ‘The Muslim Brotherhood, Al-Sahwa, calling for the Political Reform,’ analyzes the political reform movements which Al-Sahwa has done since Iraq’s invasion of Saudi Arabia in the 1990s. Finally, ‘The Crackdown of Saudi Government on Muslim Brotherhood, Al-Sahwa,’ analyzes the Saudi anti-terrorism law which brands the Muslim Brotherhood as a terrorist organization.

이집트 무슬림형제단(MB)의 미래에 대한 고찰

황병하(Hwang, Byung-Ha) 한국중동학회 2015 韓國 中東 學會 論叢 Vol.36 No.2

To investigate the current social strife, polarization, and violence in Egypt, it is necessary to explore on the confrontation between the Military-based secularism and Muslim Brotherhood(MB)-based Islamism. It means the potential for Islamist integration and the regime's ability to achieve political stability greatly depends on the MB's current situation and its future. The MB has been in crisis after the ouster of Mursi on July 3, 2013, regime's bloody crackdown in Raba'a, and regime's designation the MB as a terrorist organization. To overcome this crisis, the MB has changed its structure, ideology, and leadership. In the process of its changes, there happened internal conflicts between old generation and new generation. Youth members are now assuming a more active role in the MB, calling for revolutionary action against the regime. It means the internal conflicts between them are on the use of violence against the regime. The moderates and old leadership are worrying about youth members' joining radical groups like the Islamic State(IS), and hoping to use peaceful non-violent method. The youth members including members of Raba'a Islamist Youth and new leadership are calling for revolutionary action using violence against regime's bloody crackdown. Under these circumstances, the MB's future will be one of three possibilities. They are reconciliation with the regime, fragmentation into factions, and eradication by the regime. In spite of Mursi's overthrow, the MB remains an important role in Egypt. So it is needed the MB must recognize the failures of current protest, change the structure, withdraw from politics, and rethink its future for the future of Egypt's Islam and political Islam.

요르단 무슬림 형제단의 정치적 성공과 위기요인 분석

송상현 ( Sang Hyun Song ) 부산외국어대학교 지중해연구소 2015 지중해지역연구 Vol.17 No.3

Unlike the Muslim Brotherhood in Egypt, the movement in Jordan has successively promoted its agenda and message in the Jordanian society. At the beginning of the movement, its conservative Islamic ideals were well matched with the political needs of the Hashemites to check potentially political opponents. As the Muslim Brotherhood effectively provided support for the sovereignty of the monarchy whenever the regime encountered political challenges, it could benefit from the limited political system by acquiring the privilege to operate various organizations, which could provide a wide range of support for local people. Under the circumstances of mutual benefits between the regime and the Muslim Brotherhood, it effectively expanded its power in the Jordanian society. However, the deterioration of relations between Jordan regime and the Muslim Brotherhood, self-inflicted wounds, and the changing dynamic of local Islamist politics in recent years has caused its erosion of political influence over the local peopl.

이집트 무슬림 형제단의 성장, 투쟁, 사회적 역할 및 제도권 진입에 관한 연구

송경근 ( Kyung Keun Song ) 한국이슬람학회 2009 한국이슬람학회논총 Vol.19 No.1

The Society of Muslim Brothers had been founded in Ismailia, 1928 by Hasan al-Banna with the intent of establishing an Islamic government in Egypt. Its leaders rejected secularism as fervently as they rejected the British colonial influence. The Muslim Brothers emerged as a new Egyptian political force among the people by establishing a pseudo-welfare system during the difficult years of the 1930s. It moved to Cairo in 1932, especially strong in Egypt between 1936 and 1954 and later revived during Anwar al-Sadat`s presidency. Many Egyptians, especially lower- and middle-class city dwellers, joined the Society, which is believed to have had about 500 thousand members and an equal number of sympathizer at its apogee in 1948-49. It determined to establish one based on Islamic law, some members of the Muslim Brothers turned to violence. They formed a wing known as al-Jihaz al-Sirr, which was often accused of using terrorist methods against its enemies and of assassinating political leaders such as Prime Minister Mahmoud Fahmi Nuqrashi in 1948. The following year, the founder of the Society of Muslim Brothers, Hassan al Banna, was himself assassinated by government agent. Hasan al-Hudaybi was chosen to succeed him as supreme guide. Some Free Officers had ties with the Muslim Brothers, but its support for Muhammad Najib in 1954 estranged it from Gamal Abd al-Naser. Its secret wing`s attempt to kill him in November 1954 led to its suppression. Six of its members were executed, and thousands more were imprisoned. Naser drove the Muslim Brothers into hiding, but its organization roots remained intact. Sayyid Qutub was one of the Muslim Brothers` leading intellectuals and he was put to death by Naser, but his writings would provide the philosophical foundation for the jihadist movement that emerged in the 1970`s. The Muslim Brothers revived after Sadat turned against Arab socialism. It soon gained control of the street and became a critical element in Sadat`s effort to crush the left. Led by Umar al-Tilmisani, it was able to resume publishing its weekly journal, al-Da`wah, and to contest student elections in the national universities. Suppression resumed, however, when Sadat arrested his political opponents in September 1981. Although the Muslim Brothers has stressed its peaceful character, it has been also restrained by Hosni Mubarak` government. It ran candidates for 1984 elections to the Popular Assembly in conjunction with the New Wafd. More recently, the Muslim Brothers has simply incorporated the Socialist Labor Party and to inspire an Islamic political party. The most recent attempt came during the December 2005 polls and those backed by the Society of Muslim Brothers won a stunning 86 seats in the People`s Assembly. In consolidating their presence in the five-year legislative assembly, the Muslim Brothers also cemented their reputation, at home and abroad, as the largest, best-organized, and most disciplined opposition force in Egypt. They help the poor with food, medical care, and community problems the regime neglects. Government efforts to tame the Muslim Brothers have been a dismal failure. Although they are still censured by government, many Egyptians see them as the only hope for change.

세미나 10 : 이집트 무슬림형제단과 3대 지파(支派)의 조직 및 성격에 관한 연구

정규영 ( Kyu Young Jung ) 국제지역학회 2007 국제지역학회 춘계학술대회 Vol.2007 No.-