우크라이나의 유로 마이단 운동과 지역주의 요인

박정호(Joung Ho Park) 한국외국어대학교 동유럽발칸연구소 2014 동유럽발칸연구 Vol.38 No.5

우크라이나의 정치과정에서 유로 마이단 운동은 중대한 역사적 사건이었다. 표면적으로 우크라이나의 반정부 시위 사태는 2013년 11월 21일 야누코비치 정부의 전격적인 유럽행 중단과 러시아로의 궤도 수정에서 시작되었다. 하지만, 야누코비치 정부의 독단적인 국정운영과 사회 전체에 만연한 부정부패에 대한 총체적 불만의 목소리가 바로 유로 마이단 운동으로 표출된 것이었다. 결과적으로 2014년 유로 마이단 운동과정에서 정치권력의 교체 현상이 발생할 수 있었다. 우크라이나의 유로 마이단 운동과정에서도 지역주의 요인이 작동하고 있었다. 우크라이나의 지역적 분할구도는 주요한 정치적 사안들마다 매번 확인되고 있었다. 이 가운데 ‘친 유럽 및 민족주의 성향’이 바로 서부 지역주의의 대표적인 특징이라고 하겠다. 그런 이유로 유로 마이단 운동과정에서 서부 지역에 거점을 두고 있었던 극우 성향의 민족주의 정치세력들이 핵심적인 역할을 담당했던 것이다. 결국 마이단 운동의 발화와 확산에 있어서 지역주의 요인이 핵심 변수로서 작용했다고 정의 할 수 있겠다. Euro Maidan was a very important political event in the contemporary Ukrainian history. It was began on 21 november 2013 with Yanukovych’s declaration of stopping ‘pro-European policy.’ At the same time he decided to return to the Russian orbit. It was possible that Russian government has promised financial support to Yanukovych. We can may define that this was the result of a strategic deal between Yanukovych and Putin. However, Yanukovych’s decision has sparked protests of the masses inside the Ukrainian society. Public protests in Maidan Nezalezhnosti in Kiev, demanding closer European integration, were a sign of discontent with the president. Ukrainian citizens had a great complaint against the regime of Yanukovych. Even though the government's continued repression of public demonstrations, Euro Maidan did not stop. As a result, political regime has been changed in the process of Euro Maidan. Regionalism was an important factor in the development process of Euro Maidan. Regional division in Ukraine have appeared in every major political issue. Especially western regionalism has played main role in dynamics of Euro Maidan. It is possible to define that the characteristics of the western regionalism in Ukraine is ‘pro-European and nationalist orientation’. That is why right-wing nationalist parties took part in Euro Maidan. This is because their base was in the western region. Finally it can be defined that regional factor served as a key variable factors in the process of development of Euro Maidan.

우크라이나 유로마이단의 문화적 해석

홍석우(Sog u Hong) 한국외국어대학교 외국학종합연구센터 동유럽발칸연구소 2015 동유럽발칸연구 Vol.39 No.1

유로마이단'은 지난 2004년에 발생한 오렌지혁명을 잇는 새로운 저항운동으로서, 2013년 11월 21일 우크라이나 정부가 유럽연합과의 자유무역협정(Free Trade Agreement) 체결을 연기하는 법안을 의회에서 통과시키자, 이를 반대하는 시민들의 시위로 시작되었고 2014년 2월 18-23일 혁명으로 발전되어 기존 야누코비치 정부를 무너뜨리고 새로운 임시정부를 성립시켰다. 본 연구는 문화적 측면에서 우크라이나의 유로마이단을 분석하고, 대립과 갈등의 이면에 존재하는 긍정적이며 창의적인 측면을 찾아 볼 것이다. 유로마이단은 '갈등'과 '대립' 이면에 '소통과 축제' 및 '창작'의 공간으로서의 역할도 해왔다는 사실을 밝힐 것이다. 페이스북, 트위터, 블로그 등 소셜 네트워크를 통해 수집된 포스터, 슬로건, 동영상 등의 자료는 본 소고의 중요한 논거가 되고 있다. A Ukrainian word "Maidan" means "square" or "plaza." A wave of demonstrations and protests took place in "Maidan Nezalezhnosti" (Independece Square), which is a central plaza of Kyiv. EuroMaidan started on the night of 21 November 2013 for closer European integration. The number of protesters on the EuroMaidan became larger than the "Orange Revolution" of 2004, reaching to nearly a million by December 8. Many Ukrainians desired to join the community of European nations and wanted a corruption-free democracy in Ukraine. The Euromaidan protests embodied their desire and made it possible to break the legacy of Soviet Union. This study aims to examine the EuroMaidan from the cultural perspective, regarding it as a communicative, festival and creative space. Based on the video, picture, slogan, posters and other materials from Social Media, this study discusses that the EuroMaidan is the space not only where Ukrainians get information on the protests, but also where they motivate people and frame their protest claims. Also the EuroMaidan is the festival space where we can find carnivalesque worldview among people. At such times people become aware of the possibility of freedom from official power, and participate in the temporary illusion of complete liberty and celebration, equality and brotherhood. People in this space become so creative that they express their political opinions by using the form of folklore, popular culture and arts. Throughout this study, we can understand the dynamic cultural process in Ukraine during this revolutionary period.

우크라이나에서의 신조어 발생에 관한 연구

김상현(Kim Sang Hyeon),이주만(Lee Joo Man) 한국노어노문학회 2017 노어노문학 Vol.29 No.2

본 연구는 오렌지 혁명 후 유로마이단를 거치며 우크라이나와 러시아간 무력충돌발생까지 악화된 양국의 관계가 우크라이나에서 동-서간 지역감정에 기반한 언어사용을 통해 어떻게 나타났는가를 조명해보는 것을 목적으로 한다. 우크라이나 내 동-서간 지역감정은 긴 역사적 흐름 속에서 주기를 타며 강약을 반복해 왔다. 소련 붕괴 후 우크라이나가 독립국가의 지휘를 획득하고 난 후 국내 정치적 변화에 따라 러시아계 사람들이 많이 거주하는 동쪽 지역과 우크라이나계 사람들이 다수 거주하는 서우크라이나의 감정적 대립은 재차 고조되기 시작했다. 유로마이단에 뒤이은 러시아와의 무력충돌은 동-서 지역감정의 골을 깊게 만들었다. 우크라이나 내 이러한 특수상황은 신조어들의 등장을 통한 언어사용에서도 극명하게 나타난다. 본 글은 양 지역간 대립을 역사적, 정치적 관점을 베이스로 하여 신조어들의 생성 배경과 사용 실태를 살펴보고, 아울러 그들이 가지는 뉘앙스를 분석하여 우크라이나 동-서 지역간 감정대립의 현황을 규명한다. The purpose of this study is to examine how the relations between the two countries deteriorated to the occurrence of armed conflict between Ukraine and Russia after the Orange Revolution, and the language changes based on the hostility between the Eastern and Western regions of Ukraine. In Ukraine, the tension between the East and West has revealed its keystones in a cycle of long history. After the collapse of the Soviet Union, Ukraine gained the command of an independent state. Because of the political changes, the emotional confrontation between the West Ukraine, where a large number of Ukrainians residents live, and the Eastern part, where a large number of Russian people reside, began to rise again. After the Euro-Maidan, Russian armed intervention worsened the East-West relationships in Ukraine. This special situation in Ukraine also appears in language use through the emergence of neologisms. This paper examines the backgrounds and uses of the neologisms based on the political perspectives, and analyzes the nuances they have, and identifies the current state of emotional confrontation between the East and West of Ukraine.

정치문화적 관점에서 본 우크라이나의 대선과 향후 정세전망

홍석우(Sogu Hong) 한국외국어대학교 동유럽발칸연구소 2014 동유럽발칸연구 Vol.38 No.4

2013년 11월 유럽연합과 우크라이나 사이 자유무역협정(FTA) 체결이 무산되면서 발생한 유로마이단의 민주주의 혁명은 많은 희생 끝에 야누코비치 정부를 전복시키고 임시정부의 수립을 가져왔다. 그러나 러시아의 크림반도 점령과 동부 우크라이나에서의 분리주의운동이라는 예상치 못한 결과를 초래했고, 러시아와 서방 사이 대립을 야기했다. 국가 최대의 위기상황에서 실시된 제 5대 우크라이나 대통령 선거는 현재 우크라이나를 위기에서 구출하고 비전을 제시할 수 있는 중요한 전환점으로 볼 수 있다. 본 논문은 정치문화적 관점에서 대통령 선거를 전후해서 우크라이나에서 발생하고 있는 정치엘리트들의 재조직과 정치문화의 재구성에 초점을 맞추어 상황을 분석하고 앞으로 우크라이나의 정치정세가 어떻게 진행될지 전망하고 있다. Ukraine is now in turmoil after many days of serious clashes between anti-government protesters and police from the last November. This wawe of demonstrations and civil unrest in Ukraine was called "Euromaidan," which began on the night of 21 November 2013 after the Ukrainian government suspended prepariations for signing an Association Agreement and a Free Trade Agreement with the European Union, to seek closer ecoomic and politicial relations with Russia. The result of Euromaidn is very crucial. While the protesters succeeded in breaking down Yanukovych power and building a new intrim governemnt, Russia took over Crimean Peninsula without a single gun shot and disturbed the Eastern Ukraine, stiring up and instigating the separatists. In this turmoil situation, presidential election was held in Ukraine on May 25, 2014, resulting in Petro Poroshenko being elected President of Ukraine. On the views of political culture, this article attempts to analyse the development of democracy and predict the political situation of Ukraine.

Russia's Propaganda during the 2013-2014 Maidan Protests and the Crimean Crisis

올레나 쉐겔(Olena Shchegel) 한국외국어대학교 외국학종합연구센터 동유럽발칸연구소 2014 동유럽발칸연구 Vol.38 No.6

본 논문은 2013년에 시작된 우크라이나 반정부 시위와 2014년 3월 러시아의 크림반도 합병 전후 일어난 러 시아의 반우크라이나 정보전에 대해서 논의하고 있다. 특히 본 논문은 우크라이나 현지에서 펼쳐진 러시아의 프토파간다가 어떤 형태로 수행되었는지 소개하고, 러시아가 이 정보전 과정에서 어떤 방법과 도구를 이용했는지 분석하고 있다. 본 저자는 러시아가 대규모 무력 개입 없이 크림반도를 독립시키고, 그 후 러시아 연방에 합병시키는데 성공한 것은 사전에 엄청난 규모의 정보전과 선전을 설시했기 때문이라고 믿으며 이를 구체적인 사례를 통하여 입증하고 있다. 우크라이나 사태가 발생하는 동안 크렘린이 활용해 왔던 선전과 정보전은 소련 시기의 그것 과 유사한 점들을 가지고 있는데, 많은 전문가들의 의 견에 의하면 소련의 선전과 정보전 수준을 훨씬 초월했다고 한다. 본 논문은 현재 러시아의 언론 자유에 어떤 문제점들이 있으며 언론이 어떻게 역압을 받고 있고 어떤 방법으로 통제를 받고 있는지를 소개하고 있다. 또한 이로 인해 러시아 언론은 우크라이나 사태에 대해 크렘린의 공식적 입장 이외에 다른 의견을 보도하기가 거의 불가능하다는 사실을 밝히고 있다. 러시아의 선전은 권위에 호소하기, 선별된 진실, 적을 악마로 규정짓기, 문맥을 무시하여 인용하기 등의 기술을 활용하여 우크라이나의 반 정부 시위 를 주로 무질서주의자와 나치의 소요로 보도하여 왔다. 뿐만 아니라 러시아 국민들에게 러시아 정부가 우크라이나 사태에 개입한다는 사실을 합리화하기 위해 공포에 호소하는 기 술을 활용해 이른바 무질서 주의 자들과 나치 를 막지 못하면 이 들이 랴시아 본토로 넘어와 러시아인들을 위협하고 러시아를 혼란에 빠뜨랄 수 있다는 식으로 보도해왔다. 이와 같은 보도 방식 은 크림반도 합병 직전에 크림에서도 적극적으로 활용되었으며 대중들을 친랴시아의 방향으로 유도했다 러시아의 정보전과 선전을 분석한 결과 러시아의 프로파간다는 러시아내 반 우크라이나 분위기 를 조장하는데 큰 역할을 해왔고 크림반도의 합병에도 결정적 인 역할을 했다고 보여진다. 우크라이나 사태가 현재에도 진행되고 있는 만큼 러시아의 선전과 정보전이 지 속되 고았으며 우크라이나의 여러 지역에서 혼란이 일어나는 데에 적지 않는 영향을 미치고 았다고 본다. 크림반도 합병과 랴시아 고위인사들의 선언을 고려했을 때 러시아의 대 우크랴이나 공격이 지속될 것으로 보이며, 크림반도와 달리 무력개입 없이, 성공하기가 힘들 것으로 보인다는 것이 필자의 입장이다. This paper aims to focus on the Russia's propaganda during 2013-2014 Ukrainian crisis, also known as Euromaidan or Maidan as well as on its information warfare prior and during the annexation of the Crimean peninsula. This paper discusses what role 2nd generation information warfare with the emphasis on propaganda played in annexation of Crimea which happened basically without a single gunshot and as well as in portraying the situation during the Maidan crisis that began since November 2013. After a short introduction into the notion of propaganda and how it was used throughout history, especially in the Soviet Russia, the paper draws parallels between the Soviet and Putin's regimes and shows that both regimes often used same methods to distribute one-sided messages among the populace with the emphasis on Putin's control over media sources which allows him to transmit only messages favorable for the Kremlin. Chapter Three of this paper shows how Russia's propaganda worked during the Maidan crisis through concrete examples of Russian media using various propaganda techniques including appeal to authority, appeal to fear, selective truth, demonizing the enemy, disinformation, lying and deception, oversimplification, quotes out of context, stereotyping and others. The paper discusses how information warfare made it possible for Russia to annex the Crimea peninsula relatively peacefully and how Russia's informational, intelligence, military (though not officially admitted by Russia) and financial involvement led to proclamation of independence by Crimea and its further merge into Russian Federation. The conclusions include the diagram of the warfare Russia has been using in Ukraine as well as the author's remarks on further possible development of the situation based on the analysis of Russia's SIW we have witnessed thus far.

Russia's Propaganda during the 2013-2014 Maidan Protests and the Crimean Crisis

shchegelolena 한국외국어대학교(글로벌캠퍼스) 동유럽발칸연구소 2014 동유럽발칸연구 Vol.38 No.6

This paper aims to focus on the Russia’s propaganda during 2013-2014 Ukrainian crisis, also known as Euromaidan or Maidan as well as on its information warfare prior and during the annexation of the Crimean peninsula. This paper discusses what role 2nd generation information warfare with the emphasis on propaganda played in annexation of Crimea which happened basically without a single gunshot and as well as in portraying the situation during the Maidan crisis that began since November 2013. After a short introduction into the notion of propaganda and how it was used throughout history, especially in the Soviet Russia, the paper draws parallels between the Soviet and Putin’s regimes and shows that both regimes often used same methods to distribute one-sided messages among the populace with the emphasis on Putin’s control over media sources which allows him to transmit only messages favorable for the Kremlin. Chapter Three of this paper shows how Russia’s propaganda worked during the Maidan crisis through concrete examples of Russian media using various propaganda techniques including appeal to authority, appeal to fear, selective truth, demonizing the enemy, disinformation, lying and deception, oversimplification, quotes out of context, stereotyping and others. The paper discusses how information warfare made it possible for Russia to annex the Crimea peninsula relatively peacefully and how Russia’s informational, intelligence, military (though not officially admitted by Russia) and financial involvement led to proclamation of independence by Crimea and its further merge into Russian Federation. The conclusions include the diagram of the warfare Russia has been using in Ukraine as well as the author’s remarks on further possible development of the situation based on the analysis of Russia’s SIW we have witnessed thus far.

유로마이단 이후 러시아에 등장한 우크라이나 관련 신조어 연구

김상현(Kim Sang Hyeon) 한국슬라브유라시아학회 2016 슬라브학보 Vol.31 No.4

The relationship between Russia and Ukraine after the end of Euro-Maidan was rapidly cooled. In particular, Russia"s military intervention in the course of the merging of Crimea in Russia in 2014 will lead to hostile relations between the two countries. Disputes that could not mobilize official military power with the attention of nearby powerful forces have been expanded to an information war between the two countries. Due to the development of the Internet, non-traditional warfare has been quite effective and a large number of people are affected. A large number of bilateral reactioners have used social networks to engage in online slander and there have been a lot of humiliating slang while the process. In this study, we are looking at the Ukrainian created words in the languages used by the Russian nationalists. Many of these words stemming from the socio-political internecine atmosphere are mostly slang of negative nuances. I will study the process of creating slang for Russian in Ukrainian and its meanings.

문제적 관계의 우크라이나 언어와 정체성

홍석우 한국외국어대학교(글로벌캠퍼스) 동유럽발칸연구소 2022 동유럽발칸연구 Vol.46 No.1

Language has been understood as an important element and symbol that determines the identity of a nation and state beyond a means of communication. However, since the collapse of Kyivan Rus’ in the 13th century, Ukrainian people has been forced to assimilate language, culture, and identity under the rule of other nations, and it has been difficult to preserve the Ukrainian language and identity. Therefore, language and identity have been placed in a very complex and problematic relationship in Ukraine and have been a factor causing socio-political problems. Therefore, in this paper, how the relationship between language and identity has deepened into a problematic relationship in Ukraine and its impact on Ukrainian society are investigated. In particular, this study examines how the relationship between language and identity in Ukraine has changed and progressed as the Euromaidan revolution intensified and Russia intervened in the Crimean Peninsula and Donbass issue, and discusses its impact on Ukraine. 언어는 의사소통의 수단을 넘어 한 민족과 국가의 정체성을 결정짓는 중요한 요소와 상징으로 이해되어왔다. 그런데 우크라이나는 13세기 키예프루스의 붕괴 이후부터 최근까지 타민족의 지배아래 언어와 문화, 정체성의 동화를 강요받아 오면서 우크라이나어와 정체성 보존에 어려움을 겪어왔다. 따라서 우크라이나에서 언어와 정체성은 매우 복잡하고 문제적인 관계에 놓이게 되었고 사회-정치적 문제를 일으키는 요인이 되어왔다. 따라서 본고에서는 언어와 정체성의 관계가 우크라이나에서 어떻게 문제적 관계로 심화되어 왔는지 파악하고 우크라이나 사회에 미친 영향에 대해 알아보았다. 특히 본 연구는 유로마이단 혁명이 격화되고 러시아가 크림반도와 돈바스 문제에 개입하게 되면서 우크라이나의 언어와 정체성 사이의 관계가 어떻게 변화되고 진행되어 갔는지 점검하고 그 영향에 대해 논의한다.

우크라이나 내전과 난민, 그 과제

최하영 ( Ha Young Choi ) 한국복음주의선교신학회 2016 복음과 선교 Vol.33 No.-

The Euromaidan protest movement began in Kiev in late November 2013. On 22 February 2014 protesters of the Euromaidan revolution ousted the government of Ukrainian president Viktor Yanukovych. The Ukrainian parliament voted to restore the 2004 Constitution of Ukraine and remove Yanukovych. Ukrainian territory of Crimea was annexed by the Russia on 18 March 2014. Russia has been the dominant power in Crimea, since it annexed the region in 1783. So the Crimea is a center of pro-Russian sentiment. Ukrainians made up 24% of 2.3 million people in Crimea, compared with 58% Russians and 12% Tatars. But up to now, Ukrainian President Petro Poroshenko has proceeded to drum up international support for Crimea’s eventual return. The war in Donbas is an armed conflict in the Donbas region of Ukraine. From the beginning of March 2014, demonstrations by pro-Russian and anti-government groups took place in the Donetsk and Luhansk oblasts of Ukraine (Donbas), in the aftermath of the Euromaidan revolution. So the issue of Crimea’s annexation was quickly overshadowed by the subsequent war in Donbas. Ukraine’s government military defeated in Donbas in August 2014 and January 2015. Several members of the international community have expressed grave concerns over the Russian intervention in Ukraine, including the United States, the United Kingdom, France, Germany, Italy, Poland, Canada, Japan, the Netherlands, Norway, South Korea, Georgia, Moldova, Turkey, Australia and the European Union. And the war in Donbas was occurred the massive dislocation of civilians living in Donetsk and Luhansk. These are referred to as “internally displaced people”(IDPs), or “hidden refugees”. And these are refugees who do not cross international borders. Many of these refugees are not concentrated visibly in refugee camps, but are tucked away in apartments, dormitories and sanatoriums on the outskirts of towns and cities. So less than 5% of these refugees live in officially-recognized facilities, and the remaining refugees live in the residence below the level. And then these refugees are receiving a serious stress. Up on October 2015, these refugees (internally displaced people) in Ukraine 1,505,000 people. 51% are in Luhansk and Donetsk regions, 60% are pensioners, 12% are children. Up to now 8,050 people died in the war in Donbas. Because of this war in Donbas Ukraine’s economy is falling and cannot afford to help these refugees (IDPs). It is therefore need the help of international relief agencies and civil society. That requires a more specific approach to reward and housing facilities, employment opportunities for loss and damage to their property. And it is must quickly have a new settlement program for these refugees.

소련의 해체와 ‘지연된 내전’: 우크라이나 전쟁의 역사적 기원

윤종희 국립부경대학교 글로벌지역학연구소 2024 Journal of Global and Area Studies(JGA) Vol.8 No.1

Geopolitical perspectives that view the war in Ukraine as ‘a proxy war’ between the US-EU and Russia often overlook the issues between the two warring states. Why did the once peaceful relationship between the two countries turns hostile after 2014, and was this change accidental or temporary? This study examines the evolution of the bilateral relationship on a long-term time horizon that spans the history of the USSR. When the USSR dissolved, both countries had to repartition their territories, populations, and assets. However, in order to avoid following the fate of Yugoslavia, they have addressed this issue in an economic and diplomatic manner. After the turbulent 1990s, Russia’s political and economic structure remained largely unchanged, while Ukraine went through two major political crises (most notably the 2014 Maidan political revolution) that saw the far right, which is hostile to Russia, seize power. The far right did not emerge by accident, but has long historical origins. As the nature of the government in Kiev has changed, peaceful resolution of bilateral issues is no longer possible. Moreover, active US-EU support for the government in Kiev has strengthened the power of the far right, leading to the disappearance of politics in Ukraine. Regardless of how the war ends, relations between the two countries will never return to previous state again.