관음과 준제의 문화적 상호성과 신행양상

윤소희 ( Yoon Sohee ) 세계불학원 2024 세계불학 Vol.4 No.0

페르시아의 아나히타 여신은 사막의 갈증을 풀어주므로 물과 관련한 다양한 캐릭터 전이가 있었고, 그 저변에는 고대 인류의 공통 어근과 문화적 상호성이 있다. 아나히타의 초두 발성을 공유하는 인도의 아와로끼떼스와라는 그리스의 아폴로와도 연결이 된다. 아와로끼떼스와라는 1-2세기 무렵 불교로 흡수되어 관세음보살이 되었고, 인도 브라흐마의 아내 사라스와띠 여신은 고려 수월관음도와 같은 구도를 이루고 있다. 찬디 여신을 한자로 음사한 준제보살은 쉬바의 아내인 두르가와 관련이 있다. 가톨릭의 성모마리아는 모성을 바탕으로 하는 점에서는 불모(佛母)인 준제와 상통하지만 외형은 관세음과 유사하여 인도의 아와로끼떼스와라와 찬디 여신이 결합된 양상이다. 마찬가지로 중국과 일본에는 6관음 중 하나인 준제관음이 있다. 중국과 일본은 의례를 통해서 관음·준제 신행을 하는 반면 한국은 암송이 전부다. 이는 불교신행이 공공사회화 될 수 없었던 조선조 억불의 결과로 보인다. 대만의 대비참 법회는 관세음보살 찬탄과 참회로 이루어지고, 일본은 준제법요를 다라니 신행으로 각각 분리하여 행하는데 비해, 한국은 관음과 준제가 천수경 하나에 묶여 있다. 중국(대만)은 약사불 신앙이 관음 보다 더 강하였데, 약사는 불(佛)이고, 관음은 보살이라는 위계의 차등 인식이 보였다. 수륙 외단에도 약사단은 필수이지만 관음단은 기원단(祈願壇)의 일부에 있다. 일본의 주 종단에서는 관음신행의 비중이 약한데 비해 선종(禪宗)에는 일일과송에 관음송주가 있어 한국과 상통한다. 본고를 통하여 유사한 신앙이 전 세계에 형성되어 있음을 확인하였다. 이들을 둘러싼 수많은 이적들이 있었지만 그러한 신앙 즉 상상계를 지닌 사람에게만 나타나는 형상이었다. 흩어져 있는 햇빛을 돋보기 랜즈로 점화시킬 수 있듯이 기도하는 이가 관음·불모·성모라는 돋보기를 통해 이적(異蹟)을 만들어 내었던 것이다. 21세기 과학시대에는 이러한 이적이 바로 자신의 염력에 의한 것임을 자각할 것이고, 그것이야말로 붓다가 설파한 진리에 도달하는 길이 될 것이다. The Persian goddess Anahita quenches thirst, so there are various character transitions related to water. Underlying this was the common roots and cultural interconnectedness of ancient humans’s language. Around the 1st or 2nd century, when the Mahayana Buddhist movement was taking place, India's Avarokitesvara, who shares Anahita's first vocalization, was absorbed into the practice of Bodhisattva and came to China to become Guānshìyīn púsà(觀世音菩薩) and Saraswati in India has almost the same composition as Suwol-Gwaneumdo during the Goryeo Dynasty(高麗 水月觀音圖). Junje Bodhisattva(準提菩薩), who imitates Goddess Chandi in Chinese characters, is related to Durga, Shiva's wife and motherhood. This goddess traveled to Europe via Greece became the Virgin Mary and to China became the mother of Buddha and the origin of each sutra and to Japan became the Jundeigannon(准提觀音) as the core of the teachings and thoughts of the Souji sect. While Korea's 『Cheonsugyeong(千手經)』 has two objects of faith, Bodhisattva Avalokitesvara and Bodhisattva Junje, Taiwan's the ceremoney of Goanin Fahei focuses only on Avalokitesvara, Bodhisattva Zhǔndī(准提) had a separate dharani or the original idea of each sutra. In Korea, the belief in Avalokitesvara was significant, and in China (Taiwan), the belief in Medicine Buddha was stronger. In there, They had a differential perception of hierarchy, with the Medicine Buddha being Buddha and Avalokitesvara being Bodhisattva. The Japanese practice of Kannon was even less important, in the main religious sects, it is rarely found in daily rituals but Only individuals or certain temples that worshiped Avalokitesvara. Jundei Bodhisattva had some faith as the mother of Buddha and the mother of Buddhism and sutra. In Japan, the proportion of spiritual practices that were a mixture of esoteric Buddhism and Mahayana was significant. On the other hand, in Zen temples such as the Linjai sect and the Joudou sect, the practice of Avalokitesvara, as in Korea. This appears to be a convergence of the traditional magical and superstitious esoteric mantra beliefs into Zen Buddhism's Avalokitesvara beliefs.

문화교류를 통한 한국 여신신앙의 변용 양상

김치완(Kim, Chi-Wan) 한국문화융합학회 2020 문화와 융합 Vol.42 No.10

동아시아 해양신앙의 교류사적 측면에서 우리나라 서남해안에 유포된 관음신앙은 인도 남해에서 중국 주산군도를 거쳐 한반도 서해안과 제주도에 이르는 해로를 연상시킨다. 이를 바탕으로 관음신앙이 선문대할망 등 우리 여신신앙의 창작에 영향을 끼쳤다는 주장이 제기되기도 한다. 한국 여신신앙이 퇴락하고 왜곡되어 원래의 모습을 찾아볼 수 없는 정도에 이르렀기 때문이다. 이 연구에서는 불교의 관음신앙과 도교의 성모신앙이 한국 여신신앙과 교류하는 과정에서 변용된 부분이 있다는 점에 주목하였다. 곧 외래 신앙의 영향으로 한국 여신신앙의 창작이 이루어진 것이 아니라, 문화교류에 의한 변용으로 보았다. 여기에서 출발하여, 인도불교의 관음 신앙과 중국도교의 서왕모 신앙, 그리고 로마 가톨릭교회의 마리아 신심이 경유지인 중국을 거쳐 우리에게 들어와서 변용된 흔적을 찾아보았다. 이들 여신신앙은 우리나라의 여신신앙과 만나면서 ‘자기희생을 정체성으로 한 모성(母性)’이 강화되는 특징을 보인다. 따라서 우리의 여신신앙은 동아시아 문화의 보편적 전개양상과 특성을 가지고 있으면서도 외래 여신격을 우리 식으로 변용시키는 기제로 작동하였다. The exchange history of East Asian ocean belief, Avalokitesvara belief, which was circulated on the southern coast of Korea, is reminiscent of the sea route from southern India through Chinese Zhoushan Archipelago to the western coast of the Korean Peninsula and the Jeju Island. Based on this, some argue that Avalokitesvara belief influenced the creation of Korean goddess faith, including Seonmun Daehalmang, because Korean goddess faith has d egenerated and been d istorted , making i t impossible to f ind its original appearance. This study notes the transformation points in the exchanges of Buddhism’s Avalokitesvara belief and Taoist Holy Mother faith with Korean goddess faith. In other words, the Korean Goddess faith was not created by the influence of foreign faith; it was created by the transformations of cultural exchanges. Thus, this study looks for the traces of Avalokitesvara belief’s transformation with Indian Buddhism, Xi Wangmu faith of Chinese Taoism, and Marian Devotion of Roman Catholicism through China after their arrival in Korea. These goddess faiths have strengthened the “motherhood with self-sacrifice” in their exchanges with Korean goddess faith. Accordingly, Korean goddess faith has a universal development aspect and characteristics of East Asian culture, and it has worked as a mechanism to t ransform t he f oreign f emale d ivinity into a u nique Korean style.

논문 : 명,청대 덕화요 송자관음상 고찰

방병선 ( Byung Sun Bang ) 한국불교미술사학회(한국미술사연구소) 2011 강좌미술사 Vol.37 No.-

본 논문은 명·청대 덕화요에서 제작된 송자관음상의 제작배경과 양식 분석을 통해 도상의 원류를 파악하는 것을 목적으로 하였다. 송자관음상은 관음상의 일종으로 명대부터 덕화요에서 제작되었다. 송자관음상의 도상에 대해서는 인도의 Hariti, 중국 전통의 백의관음이나 귀자모 신앙에서 비롯되었을 것이라는 견해와 명대 중국에 들어 온 예수회 선교사들이 마리아상의 도상과 유사하게 제작 의뢰를 했기 때문일 것이라는 견해가 있다. 이를 고찰하기 위해 먼저 송자관음상의 제작배경을 종교와 제작기술로 나누어 살펴보았다. 다음 현존하는 송자관음상의 형식을 분석하고 얼굴 표현을 당대 화가들의 그림과 비교하였다. 이를 토대로 덕화요 송자관음상의 양식을 3가지로 분석하였다. 첫 번째 양식은 덕화요 고유의 백의관음상 도상에 동자를 안고 있는 비교적 단순한 것으로 중국적 도상에서 기원한 것으로 추정하였다. 두 번째는 암반 의자 대좌에 다양한 지물과 장식이 추가된 것으로 서양의 마리아 도상과 유사한 부분이 있음을 파악하였다. 끝으로 실제 마리아상에 가까운 서양인의 모습을 한 세 번째 양식의 송자관음상은 괴물 대좌 위 입상이 주를 이루는 것으로 서양인들의 주문에 의해 18, 19세기에 주로 제작되어 유럽으로 수출된 것으로 보았다. 결론적으로 덕화요 송자관음상 도상의 원류는 중국의 백의관음상에서 기원하였고 이후 몇 가지의 변형이 가해져 유럽으로 수출된 것으로 파악하였다. This paper aims to explore the Dehua Songzhi Guanyin in the Ming and Ching Dynasty. Songzhi Guanyin is a so called child~giving Guanyin that was made in porcelain during the Ming and Ching dynasty from the 17th century in Dehua, Fujian. There are two presentations about the origin of icon of Dehua Songzhi Guanyin holding a baby in her arms. The one is maria origin. Because some missionaries and foreign visitors thought the Songzhi Guanyin of the Goddess of Mercy, Madonna, they asked the Dehua potters to make Songzhi Guanyin to use iconographic subjects of Madonna and sent them to European consumers. The other idea is that Indian Hariti, Chinese traditional White~robed Guanyin and the cult of Mother Yacha might have influenced the icon of Songzhi Guanyin. So the icon of Dehua Songzhi Guanyin is assumed to originate from Chinese traditional icon. To discuss that topic, I surveyed the religious texts about the origin of Songzhi Guanyin and technological backgrounds of Songzhi Guanyin production in Dehua, Fujian. And I analyzed the types and compared the facial expression of Songzhi Guanyin with contemporary paintings. I also attempted the style analysis and divided into three groups. The first style is thought to originate from the Chinese traditional white~robed Guanyin holding a baby with a hood on the rock pedestal. And the second is a decorative style. A Songzhi Guanyin with a baby holding the objects is seated on the rock chair with attendants holding some objects. The dragon and lotus were applied to the pedestal to decorate. Most of the Songzhi Guanyin in european museum could belong to the 2nd style. The third style is very similar to the style of Madonna with a child. The Songzhi Guanyin looks like Madonna standing on the head of monster pedestal. They were made by order from Europe during the 18th and the 19th century. Finally I concluded that the iconographic representation of Songzhi Guanyin originated from Chinese white~robed Guanyin. And after some variants attempted by Dehua potters, they were exported to Europe. Also Madonna style was made by order from Europe and exported to europe during the Ching dynasty.

아쿠타가와 류노스케 芥川龍之介 「흑의성모黒衣聖母」론 : 아쿠타가와의 성모마리아, 운명의 여신 마리아관음

최정아(Choi, Jeongah) 한국외국어대학교 외국문학연구소 2020 외국문학연구 Vol.- No.79

「흑의성모」에서 아쿠타가와는 인생의 진정한 의미와 가치, 즉 참된 행복은 자기실현, 존재증명에 있다는 믿음을 전제로, 인생에 주어진 고통과 슬픔의 운명은 바로 이를 위한 것이며, 따라서 진정 인간의 행복을, 인생의 구원을 뜻하는 신이 있다면 그 신은 다름 아닌 운명이고, 인간을 향한 신의 유일한 계명은 운명을 피하려 말라는 것, 이를 믿고 견디며 철저히 살아내라는 것일 터이라고 주장한다. 그리고 이러한 주장을 통해 현세 기복적 신앙과 근대 자본주의사회 물질문명의 가치체계를 전복해 보이고 있다. 「흑의성모」에서 아쿠타가와는 기독교 성경에 보이는 성모마리아의 생애를 주어진 운명을 통해 존재증명을 완수한 위대한 생으로서 긍정하고 그녀를 신격화하고 있다. 그러나 ‘운명 그 자신과 같은 신’으로 재창조된 그녀는 기독교적 신앙과는 거의 무관하다. 그녀는 단지 인생의 참된 행복은 자기실현, 존재증명에 있다는 아쿠타가와 자신의 문학적 주장을 강화해주는 신적 권위로서 설정되어 있을 뿐이다. 그런 의미에서 「흑의성모」는 아쿠타가와가 말년에 자신과 기독교의 관계에 대해 밝힌 고백, 즉 “기독교의 성인이나 복자들의 전기”에 사로잡혀 그들에게서 “심리적 혹은 희곡적 흥미를 느끼고” 그 때문에 “기독교를 사랑”했지만 “기독교적 신앙에는 철두철미 냉담했던 것이다.”라고 하는 고백을 증명하는 작품이라 할 수 있다. In “The Virgin Mary in Black”, Akutagawa says that the true meaning and value of life, namely true happiness, lies in self-realization and that the fate of pain and sorrow given in life is for this very purpose. He claims if there is God who truly means human happiness and salvation, then God is none other than destiny and God s only commandment to man is to thoroughly live his destiny. He thus overthrows the value system of modern capitalist society and religious beliefs for bring good luck to real life. In “The Virgin Mary in Black”, he confirms the life of the Virgin Mary in the Christian Bible as a great life that has completed self-realization through a given destiny. But recreated as a Goddess like destiny itself , the Virgin Mary has little to do with Christianity. She is only set up as a divine authority to strengthen Akutagawa himself s literary claims. In this sense, The Virgin Mary in Black is a work that proves Akutagawa s psychological or dramatic interest in Christian figures but shows he was completely indifferent to Christian beliefs.

중세 일본의 천주교 선교와 신 개념의 수용에 관한 연구

조재국(Jai-Kook Cho) 연세대학교 신과대학(연합신학대학원) 2012 신학논단 Vol.68 No.-

This article aims to analyze the characters of Jesuit Christian mission and the acceptance of the concept of deity in Japanese middle age. In particular, the history of Japanese Kirisitan indicates how to accept the concept of Christian God to Japanese in Kirisitan community and how to accommodate Christian God and Japanese religious gods. At first, we analyzed the process of introducing the concept of Christian God to Japanese people in order to understand characters of Japanese acceptance of Christianity by the relationship with Japanese traditional religions. At the latter, we revealed the characters of practice and belief in Kirisitan communities of Ikitsuki and Urakami which had molded two different characters under long religious persecution by Japanese Shogunates. After 400 years persecution, Ikitsuki community was not recognized as Christian community even if Urakami community was permitted as Christian community by Roman Catholic Church at 18 century. The first Jesuit missionaries had taken thousands of Christians in a short time through conversion of Samurais due to admiration of Japanese traditional and life cultures. Unfortunately, the their accommodative method could not adjust to the biblical education as core contents of Jesuit mission. Jesuit missionaries had to make Japanese understand the concept of monotheistic God in Christianity against their syncretic tradition of religious pluralism and polytheism. Japanese scholars insisted that God of Jesuit Christianity was appeared as a temporary appearance of Buddha by Bonjisujuk theory which means Buddha’s accommodation to local gods in various religions. However, Kirisitan members believed God in Christianity as the Creator or the Governor over the other things. Therefore, they thought to suffer martyrdom as possible as sacrifice for God. To willingly suffer martyrdom of Kirisitan members might be from the attitudes of Samurais in Japanese traditional ethic. Todays, we could seek the two different characters from the cases of Ikitsuki community and Urakami community in Nagasaki prefecture. The two communities had to pretend to be Japanese religious communities by usage of the symbols of Buddhist or the rites of Shinto shrine so that the concept of God might make an amendment to the concept of Japanese traditional gods. They pretended worship to Tea ceremony and work for district leader of members to the head of village residents. Ikitsuki community members thought those kinds of amendment as a method to keep their belief of Christianity. They handed down Geredo(Creed) very well even though they did not take Conchirisan (confession) as a condition of redemption in Christianity, which might be from Japanese traditional religions without confession. At least, the symbols and images to express the belief in Ikitsuki community as a statue of St. Mary had been amended as traditional fetishism which could be seek from holy things as possession of Anima(Spirit) during long persecution period. However, Urakami community members handed down the monotheism of Christian belief according to rituals as the baptism and the confession even to pretend traditional religious rituals in the villages. Recently, Ikitsuki community members handed down their amended Christian calendar according to lunar calendar of agricultural villages or see villages in Japan so that scholars might take argument on an indigenous theme from the cases of two different Kirisitan communities. This article aims to analyze the characters of Jesuit Christian mission and the acceptance of the concept of deity in Japanese middle age. In particular, the history of Japanese Kirisitan indicates how to accept the concept of Christian God to Japanese in Kirisitan community and how to accommodate Christian God and Japanese religious gods. At first, we analyzed the process of introducing the concept of Christian God to Japanese people in order to understand characters of Japanese acceptance of Christianity by the relationship with Japanese traditional religions. At the latter, we revealed the characters of practice and belief in Kirisitan communities of Ikitsuki and Urakami which had molded two different characters under long religious persecution by Japanese Shogunates. After 400 years persecution, Ikitsuki community was not recognized as Christian community even if Urakami community was permitted as Christian community by Roman Catholic Church at 18 century. The first Jesuit missionaries had taken thousands of Christians in a short time through conversion of Samurais due to admiration of Japanese traditional and life cultures. Unfortunately, the their accommodative method could not adjust to the biblical education as core contents of Jesuit mission. Jesuit missionaries had to make Japanese understand the concept of monotheistic God in Christianity against their syncretic tradition of religious pluralism and polytheism. Japanese scholars insisted that God of Jesuit Christianity was appeared as a temporary appearance of Buddha by Bonjisujuk theory which means Buddha’s accommodation to local gods in various religions. However, Kirisitan members believed God in Christianity as the Creator or the Governor over the other things. Therefore, they thought to suffer martyrdom as possible as sacrifice for God. To willingly suffer martyrdom of Kirisitan members might be from the attitudes of Samurais in Japanese traditional ethic. Todays, we could seek the two different characters from the cases of Ikitsuki community and Urakami community in Nagasaki prefecture. The two communities had to pretend to be Japanese religious communities by usage of the symbols of Buddhist or the rites of Shinto shrine so that the concept of God might make an amendment to the concept of Japanese traditional gods. They pretended worship to Tea ceremony and work for district leader of members to the head of village residents. Ikitsuki community members thought those kinds of amendment as a method to keep their belief of Christianity. They handed down Geredo(Creed) very well even though they did not take Conchirisan (confession) as a condition of redemption in Christianity, which might be from Japanese traditional religions without confession. At least, the symbols and images to express the belief in Ikitsuki community as a statue of St. Mary had been amended as traditional fetishism which could be seek from holy things as possession of Anima(Spirit) during long persecution period. However, Urakami community members handed down the monotheism of Christian belief according to rituals as the baptism and the confession even to pretend traditional religious rituals in the villages. Recently, Ikitsuki community members handed down their amended Christian calendar according to lunar calendar of agricultural villages or see villages in Japan so that scholars might take argument on an indigenous theme from the cases of two different Kirisitan communities.