중세 동아시아 해상교역의 재구성 - 김영제, 『고려상인과 동아시아 무역사』, 푸른역사, 2019 -

김한신(Kim, Hanshin) 동양사학회 2019 東洋史學硏究 Vol.149 No.-

The East Asian maritime trade between 11th century and 14th century is represented by the remarkable activities of the maritime merchants. Private enterprise, rather than state regulation, played the salient role in the emergence and expansion of maritime trade in East Asia. Although the amazing performances of the East Asian merchants such as Koryo merchants, Song merchants, and Hakata merchants had caught the eyes of historians, the previous researches on them had been mainly carried out from national historical perspective. The book, Koryo Merchants and the History of East Asian Maritime Trade, however, challenges the existing common ideas about the medieval East Asian maritime trade with the transnational perspective. In terms of the nationality of the maritime merchants, the author of the book argues that the China-born merchants who settled down in Koryo or Japan owned the Peaked-bottom-ship (尖底船) and led the trade between China and Koryo or Japan. In addition, according to his research, the traders were not largely constrained by the seasonal wind on the East Asian seas. The author of this book shows several typical East Asian maritime merchants who was born in China but later on settled down in Koryo and married Korean women. They did not only carry out the trade between Koryo and Song but played the significant diplomatic roles. Their trading goods, however, included cheap household goods besides luxury items. Since the household goods had price competitiveness, the traders could export them overseas. Due to his devoted studies, many aspects of the East Asian maritime trade during the Medieval period could be restored. As the author mentioned in this book, however, there are still in many aspects open to future further researches, which will be carried out with the transnational perspective, in the true sense of word.

조선전기 조일간의 교역품을 통하여 본 복식문화(Ⅱ)

이자연(Lee Ja Yeon) 한국복식학회 2003 服飾 Vol.53 No.7

This study is to research the changing trends in the trading goods and the cause of the change in the early Chosun dynasty and to find out the influence that the export goods had on the Chosun society. This research demonstrated the costume culture of the early Chosun was affected by the trading trends. The export items of Chosun showed differences in chronological order. They changed from hemp cloth to cotton cloth. The cause of such change in the export items was due to the change in the amount of demand and supply. to products of Chosun. and to social factors. Looking at the amount and items of the export goods to Japan, the amount was huge and the number of trade was a lot. There were several influences that the exporting cotton cloth to Japan had on Chosun`s costume culture. First, the export caused the growth of cotton industry through the reinforcement policy. Next. it made the amount of national deposit of cotton cloth exhausted as a result of the increase in the amount of the exporting cotton. It also made worse the dual distribution structure of cotton cloth and the leaning toward bad cotton cloth. And in consequence of the connection between rich merchants and politicians, these social phenomena became worse and worse. And these facts demonstrate that the costume culture of the early Chosun dynasty was affected by the trade between Chosun and Japan. Therefore, to better understand the costume culture of the early Chosun dynasty, I propose to consider the consequences resulted from the trade with Japan.

朝鮮의 使節과 日本使臣 間의 交易品을 통하여 본 朝鮮 前期의 織物文化

이자연 服飾文化學會 2003 服飾文化硏究 Vol.11 No.6

This research is to reveal an aspect of costume culture and a phase of the cloths in the relationship of the Chosun dynasty, by considering the exported goods from the Chosun dynasty of the trading goods derived by the trade diplomacy between the two countries in the Chosun dynasty-Japan relationship in the 15th and 16th. The research findings, by analyzing various literatures and related documents, follow. The research results are as follow. The exchange was the form of presenting a return present in return for a tribute to the Chosun dynasty from the Japanese envoy, which has a polycentric characteristic. Pusanpo, Naipo, and Yumpo were designated as the open ports, which played a pivotal γole in the Korea-Japan exchange. The imported goods were somok, peppers, drug-stuffs, gold, bronze, sulfur, etc. The exported goods were books and cloths, such as hemp cloths, cotton cloths, silk, etc. The majority of exported goods was cloths, particularly cotton cloths. Meanwhile, in the 15th and the 16th century, with expanding of active trade towards Japan, the amount of export increased rapidly. As a result of the increase of exporting cotton cloths, the raw cottons production was increased and cotton cloth manufacturing was developed. However, it also expanded a dual structure of cotton cloths between the cotton cloths for exports and the cotton cloths for domestic markets. This dual structure of cotton cloth was lead to the deterioration of cotton cloths and had an effect on the price increases of domestic markets.

宋代 中國과 高麗 사이의 海上 交易品

김영제(Kim Young jae)(金榮濟) 한국외국어대학교 역사문화연구소 2016 역사문화연구 Vol.60 No.-

이 시대 유럽, 印度, 나아가 中國과 東南아시아, 그리고 中國과 高麗 사이에는 공통적으로 사치품뿐만이 아니라, 일상 생활용품에 이르기까지 다양한 상품들이 바다를 통해 대량으로 교역되고 있었다. 특히 1200년경 이후 동서 해상무역에서 교환되던 상품의 특징은 더 이상 사치품 위주의 무역이 아니라, 부피가 큰 일상생활품이 교환되고 있었다. 이와 마찬가지로 고려도 중국의 일반인들의 수요가 많은 상품들을 바다를 통해 남중국에 팔고 있었다. 그러므로 고려도 일정부분 해외시장을 위해 상품을 생산하고 있었다. 宋代 중국의 市場이나 商業의 발전에 대해서는 이미 잘 알려져 있다. 高麗가 수출한 상품을 본다면 高麗의 경우도 그러했을 것으로 추정해 볼 수 있다. 고려가 일상생활에서 많이 쓰이는 瓷器와 高麗布를 중국에 수출하고 있었다는 사실이나, 나아가 生絲를 수입하여 완성품 비단을 되팔고 있었다는 점에서 手工業 생산과 그와 관련된 商業을 발전을 엿볼 수 있다. 따라서 고려도 해상무역을 통한 상품경제가 발달해 있었다. 高麗는 宋代에 걸쳐 中國에 대한 주요한 銀 供給地 가운데 하나였다. 그에 따라 송대 中國에 유입된 여러 外國銀 가운데, 高麗銀도 中國 국내의 銀 가격을 낮은 수준으로 유지시키는 데 작용했으며, 그 결과 中國의 銀이 동남아시아 등지로 다시 유출될 수 있었던 것으로 해석된다. 그리고 당시 高麗는 중국과 마찬가지로 銀貨를 지불수단으로 사용하고 있었다. 그래서 상업의 발전이나 교역량의 증가로 인해 그 지불수단인 銀의 채굴이 늘어났을 것이므로, 鑛業의 발전도 미루어 짐작해 볼 수 있다. 그리고 이 같은 商業의 활황은 그 파급효과로 인해 고려의 민간 消費水準의 향상에도 기여했고, 그 결과 庶民들까지도 비단옷을 착용하는 상황이 나타났던 것으로 받아들여진다. 여기서 당시 해상무역이 일반 대중들의 생활에까지 영향을 주었던 사실을 발견할 수 있다. 宋代 이후 元代에 이르기까지 중국과 고려 사이의 해상무역은 그 사이 사이에 戰爭이나 경기하강으로 인한 침체 국면도 있었겠지만, 큰 틀에서 본다면 활황추세가 이어졌을 것으로 판단된다. In this era, between China and Southeast Asia, China and Korea, large quantity of many things from luxuries to daily commodities were traded through the sea. Especially after 1200s, the characteristic of goods traded in East-West marine trade was emergence of bulky commodities. Similarly Korea traded goods which were seen common in domestic market with South China trough the sea. Therefore Korea was no longer in the state of self-sufficiency and produced some goods for foreign market. The market and commercial development of China has already been known. If we see goods Korea exported, we can estimate that Korea would be so. We can infer the handicraft manufacturing and related commercial development of Korea in that. Korea exported china and cloth used in daily lives, imported raw silk, and sold finished silk again. Throughout Song Dynasty, Korea was one of the major sources of silver supply to China. Consequently until late Song, among foreign silver influx, Korea silver worked to maintain low price of silver in China and as a result it can be thought that China silver could outflow to Southeast Asia countries. At that time, Korea used silver ingot(銀甁) as currency like other major Southeast Asia countries. Due to commercial development and increase of trading volume working a silver mine, as a means of payment, would increase so the mining industry would develop. Active market like these contributed to higher private consumption level, so it can be accepted that even common people could wear silk clothes. Though marine trade between Song China and Korea might had have economic stagnation, in more extensive view, it can be judged that the active market continued to late Song Dynasty China.

통일신라의 대일교역과 애장왕대 ‘交聘結好’

朴南守(Park Nam-Soo) 한국사학회 2007 史學硏究 Vol.- No.88

통일신라의 대일관계 연구는 『삼국사기』 일본측 사서의 차이점을 비교 검토하기보다는, 논자 상호간에 어느 한쪽의 자료만을 취함으로써 상반된 논리만을 되풀이하여 왔다. 본고는 이에 주목하여 양측 기록의 차이점과 그 의미를 살피고, 이를 바탕으로 신라와 일본간에 전개된 교역의 변천양상을 재구성하고자 하였다. 첫째, 8세기 신라와 일본을 왕래한 이른바 ‘신라사신’은 國書의 미지참, 사적으로 교역물품을 준비했다는 점, 그 자신이나 일본측 관리가 모두 조공사로 인정하지 않았다는 점 등으로 미루어 국가간 공식 사절로 인정하기 어려운 점이 있었다. 둘째, 일본에 가져간 통일신라의 교역물품은 730년을 획기로 하여 큰 변화가 있었다. 곧 이전 시기에는 일본왕실에 소용되는 것으로서 신라 궁중수공업장에서 생산된 물품이었지만, 730년 이후 8세기 동안은 주로 신라 6두품이나 일반귀족이 사용하는 물품으로서 일본 귀족층을 대상으로 신라 진골귀족의 수공업장이나 민간수공업장에서 생산된 물품이었다. 이러한 물품의 성격 차이는 신라와 일본간의 교역이 국가간 공무역에서 신라 진골귀족 주도의 사무역으로 옮겨가는 과정을 보여주는 것으로 풀이되었다. 셋째, 애장왕 4년(803) 신라와 일본간의 ‘交聘結好’는 貞觀年間 중 당나라 사신을 送使하던 그러한 정신을 이어 신라와 일본간에 태정관과 집사성이 상호 牒을 주고 받으며 협조관계를 맺은 것이었다. 그 내용은 ‘일본이 견당사를 보내면서 일본 太政官이 신라 執事省에 통고한다’, 그리고 ‘견당사 배가 표착하면 물자를 주어 돌려보내든지 아니면 당나라에 가도록 도와준다’, ‘만일 표착하지 않은 실종된 배의 경우 신라가 사신을 당나라에 파견하여 그 소식을 물어 일본에 알려준다’는 것이었다. 이러한 양국간의 ‘交聘結好’의 배경에는 일본의 지속적인 당문물 수용에 대한 욕구와 신라 진골귀족들의 대일교역에 대한 욕구를 충족시키고자 하는 정책적인 측면이 있었다. The aim of this paper is to look over the difference and its meaning between related materials of Korea and Japan, and to reconstruct the aspects of the trade transformation between Silla and Japan. First, The features of Silla envoys to Japan could be summarized like this. They did not carry state letter of Silla and prepared trade items privately. So it is difficult for us to regard them as official envoys of Silla because they did not think themselves as official envoys and they were also not treated as such by Japan. Second, there was considerable difference of trade goods between Silla and Japan during the mid-late 7th century and 8th century. While the main export items made in Silla were produced by court handcraft office during the former period and produced by private handcraft shop during the latter period, most of which were made for the Head-rank six and Japanese nobility as well. Such change of trade goods reveals that the trade between Silla and Japan was shifting from official to private one by the nobility of true bone rank. Third, 'the agreement concerning interchange between Silla and Japan' derived from the custom that Executive Council for Government Affairs (Jipsaseong) and Executive Council for Government Affairs of Japan(Taejeonggwan) exchanged official documents each other and kept cooperation between them in 803 during the reign of King Aejang. Their contents shows that if Japan sent Japanese envoys to Dang of China, Taejeonggwan notified it to Jipsaseong and when the ship loading Taejeonggwan landed in Silla, Jipsaseong returned them to Japan by giving them goods and materials as gift or help him to go to Dang. If a ship of Japan disappeared, Silla sent her envoys to Dang and tried to get information on it and reported it to Japan. Behind 'Agreement concerning interchange between Silla and Japan', it reflects the will of Japan to accept the culture of Dang through Silla and the nobility of true bone rank of Silla to fulfill their desire for foreign trade with Japan as well.

樂浪 金銀製?具의 제작과 성격

오영찬(Oh, Youngchan) 한국상고사학회 2011 한국상고사학보 Vol.72 No.-

본고는 平壞 石岩里 9호분에서 출토된 金製?具를 비롯한 樂浪古墳에서 출토된 금은제교구의 성격과 의미를 여타 지역에서 출토 및 수집된 금은제교구와의 비교를 통해 살펴보았다. 첫째, 금제교구 중 대표적인 유물인 평양 石岩里 9호분 출토 金製?具에 대한 미시적인 관찰을 통해 유물의 특징을 파악해 보았다. 金製?具는 워낙 미세한 金粒을 붙여 제작되었기 때문에 근접한 실물 관찰이 아니면 세부 상태나 제작기법을 파악하기가 어렵다. 실물 관찰을 통해 조형 구성과 제작기법에 대한 특징을 파악하였다. 둘째, 1990년대 이후 발표된 金製?具 자료인 日本 미호뮤지엄 소장품과 大連 營城子 M9호분 出土品, 雲南 羊甫頭遺蹟 採集品과, 뉴욕 개인 소장품, 그리고 미공개 자료인 貞柏里 17호분 出土 銀製?具를 검토대상에 추가하였다. 이를 통해 石岩里 9호분 출토품을 포함한 金銀?具에 대한 지견을 넓힐 수 있었다. 셋째, 中原의 工房에서 제작된 점, 邊方 지배세력에 대한 政治的 賜與品이라는 金銀製?具에 대한 기존의 해석을 재검토하고 대안의 방향을 모색하였다. 기존 연구에서는 中原에서 제작되어 邊方 지배세력에게 賜與된 물품으로 보는 것이 일반적인 견해였으나, 金銀製?具 문양적 특징이나, 馬蹄型과 嵌玉技法 등을 들어 제작지에 대한 보완적인 논증의 필요성을 제기하였다. 그리고 中原 漢 왕조에서 전형적인 中原製 物品을 사여하지 않고, 북방적 성격을 지닌 모호한 성격의 물품을 왜 政治的 目的으로 賜與하는지에 대한 의문에서 출발하여, 金銀製?具의 분포를 邊郡이나 郡縣制, 屬國 등 정치적 복속과 직접 연결시키기는 어렵다는 점도 지적하였다. 변방 지역에 대해 중원의 구심력과政治的 賜與라는 관점과 동시에, 변방의 원심력과 經濟的 交易이라는 또 다른 축들도 충분히 고려되어야 할 것이며, 동북아시아를 포괄하는 보다 거시적 시야에서 문화적 현상을 이해해야 할 것이다. 본고는 향후 金銀製?具에 대한 보다 심도 있는 연구를 위한 계기가 될 것으로 생각한다. This paper will study the nature and meaning of the gold buckle of the Seogam-ri No.9 tomb, which was excavated from one of the ancient Nangnang tombs, in Pyeongyang of the Northeastem part of the Korean Peninsula. First, micro-analysis of the gold buckle led to defining the charactelistics of this paJticular relic, the gold buckle from Seogam-ri No.9. Since this gold buckle was decorated with such fine gold granules, it is difficult to study its conditions or techniques in detail, without a close observation of the actual aJtifact. Thus, an up-close study of the actual artifact led to grasping an understanding of its moulding configuration and manufacturing techniques. Second, this study’s scope includes the several gold buckles disclosed after the 1990s. This will be inclusive of the following: the buckle in the Miho Museum collection in Japan, the buckle from Dalian Yingchengzi tomb No. M9 in Laioning province of China, the buckle collected from Yangfudou in Yunnan province, the buckle in a private collection in New York, and the silver buckle including the one found in Jeongbang-ri No.17 tomb. Third, the one of the leading views on these buckles is that they were crafted by workshops in the Han royal court and then presented as political gifts to the ruling power of the peripheral regions. This prevailing view will be reconsidered for alternative possibilities within this paper. Conventional research generally accepts that these artifacts were made in the Han royal court to be later presented as gifts to the ruling powers of the peripheral regions. However, when the buckle’s pattern, horseshoe shape and gem stones embedding techniques are examined, certain questions are raised about the possible need of supplementary evidence about the actual place of making. This paper first questions why the Han Dynasty would have decided to use an item of ambiguous identity associated with strong Northern flavors instead of resorting to the more typical Han Chinese item; furthermore, this paper points out the difficulty in directly linking the location of the buckles to political subjugation, such as peripheral commandery, commandery systems or vassal states. Meanwhile, sufficient attention must be given to exploring alternative premises such as the centrifugal force of the nearby areas and the possibility of commercial trade. Ultimately, a cultural phenomenon should be understood from a more macro perspective that encompasses the entire East Asia. In such light, this paper has been prepared with the hope of triggering further in-depth researches on these gold and silver buckles in the future.

부채의 활용에 대한 민속교육적 접근

강현모(Kang Hyen-mo) 비교민속학회 2005 비교민속학 Vol.0 No.30

This study examines folklore-pedagogic access to the utilization of a fan made of paper attached to Chae(a thin strip of wood) which produce wind. To speak the history of a fan, it has been used since before the 3rd century B.C. or at least before the 4th century B.C. We can see a record of the utilization of a fan as goods for trade of a work of art in the 9th and 10th century. There are three kinds of fans: a round fan, a fold fan, and a special fan. A fan was used in daily life for a variety of uses such as avoiding the heat, preventing wind or dust, coveting the face, kindling charcoal to make a fire, etc., and used as good for trade between countries. As to poetry-ideograph-picture of a fan, a poem began to be used in the period of Tang Dynasry, but picture of a fan began to be used in the Koryo Dynasty period before the 11st century, which affected the China in the 15th century. Kim Baek-bong made a comprehensive compilation of a traditional fan dance such as a folk play, a mask dance, rope dancing, Pansori, a sijo, Gasachang and a sharman dance, and 1933 'Tune of a jade flute' by Choi Seung-hui, with a fan dance, had them regarded as as a Korean traditional folklore dance. The author divided the characteristics of fan literature into emotion representation type, emotion introduction type and subject expressionn type to for derailed examination. To verify the utilization of a fan, the detailed examination of a work of art and the clear defining of an artistic creation scope should be preceded.

조선후기 비변사의 국외정보 파악 양상

반윤홍(Ban Youn-hong) 고려사학회 2005 한국사학보 Vol.- No.20