明代 소수민족 통치의 一面

鄭哲雄(Chung, Chul-Woong) 동양사학회 2018 東洋史學硏究 Vol.143 No.-

款首와 總理 ― 淸 中・後期 淸水江 北岸의 保甲・團練과 九寨總理 劉開厚 ―

정철웅 명청사학회 2023 명청사연구 Vol.- No.59

This paper aims to examine who was the operator of the community self-defense system(baojia) and militia(tuanlian) established around the latter part of the Qing Dynasty, a considerable amount of time after the Gaituguiliu(改土歸流) policy, and what the operator's behavior was like. To this end, the process of converting the head of ethnic traditional village organization into the security group head(保長) or tithing chief(牌長) was tracked. In addition, the role of the ‘regional general representative(總理)’ in Jiuzhai(九寨) and his conduct were revealed. Finally, we examined the above two aspects in detail through the conducts of Liu Kaihou(1836-1915), a native of Shiyinzhai(石引寨) who was in charge of administration and security in the Jiuzhai area as regional general representative between the mid-to-late Qing Dynasty and the early days of the Republican era. Through these surveys, the following facts were confirmed. At that time, the society in the Guizhou province, including the Jiuzhai area on the northern part of the Qingshui River, was still unstable. The prevalence of successive revolts by ethnic minorities, chronic food shortages, women's kidnapping, gambling, bandits' rampant and looting were certainly negative aspects of the power vacuum that has existed in the region since the Gaituguiliu. Therefore, the Qing government began the installation of community self-defense system and militia under the leadership of Hu Linyi at the time of Xianfeng’s reign, and by the time of Guangxu’s reign, it was universally established in the Jiuzhai. However, the leaders of the local government-led community self-defense system and militia were dominated by influential families who exerted their own influence early in minority communities and were also the heads of traditional autonomous organizations. One of the positions of Liu Kaihou, “leader of rural militia,” is a good evidence that the community self-defense system and militia installed under the leadership of the Qing government are connected to traditional autonomous organizations in minority communities, and that the head was also a powerful person of the organizations. It was around the 13th year of Guangxu reign that Liu Kaihou appeared as a leading figure in the Jiuzhai area, which coincided with the period when he and his family actively began to cultivate Japanese cedar. This fact tells us that Liu Kaihou’s personal ability and his economic wealth were the background behind his strong political role in Jiuzhai. The Qing government appointed community self-defense system and militia management managers to overcome the chaos of the minority society in the Jiuzhai area as influential figures in local communities such as Liu Kaihou because they were still important in stabilizing the minority society after the Gaituguiliu. This, after all, means that despite the Qing government’s long-term efforts to improve the public order in ethnic minority areas, the political vacuum after the Gaituguiliu has not been effectively filled. On the other hand, Liu Kaihou also committed illegal acts in the Jiuzhai area, such as unpaid debts, deliberate land disputes, gambling, and frequent litigation. This dual behavior of Liu Kaihou is an important evidence that the Qing government has failed to efficiently replace the political vacuum that occurred after the Gaituguiliu. Therefore, he was also an alternative to fill the administrative gap of the Qing government, but his misconduct is reminiscent of the emergence of a new form of ‘ethnic chieftain’. Eventually, the Qing government carried out the Gaituguiliu in a decisive manner, but it had little room for manoeuvre, so it was forced to rely on local leaders for administration, and the Qing government's political limitations paradoxically strengthened the position of the traditional leaders in the minority society.

淸代 平略寨와 平秋寨의 界址 분쟁과 淸水江 중・상류 유역의 林業社會

정철웅 명청사학회 2022 명청사연구 Vol.- No.57

The purpose of this paper is to clarify the characteristics of the forestry society in the Qingshui River basin during the Qing Period through the dispute between Pinglue hamlet and Pingqiu hamlet in Jingping district. To shed light on this problem, a judgment document(Documents of Linzingzhai, 5-1-4-088~091) on the lawsuit between the two hamlets in the 『Documents of the Qingshui River』 was used. The lawsuit lasted for about 200 years from the 10th year of Emperor Yongzheng to the 6th year of the Republican period, and the related document contains changes in sales and shares of tree-planter between litigants, as well as changes in society and the administrative authorities in charge of litigation. Private documents in the Qingshui River basin during the Qing period, where forestry was developed, are common in this type of document dealing with lawsuits by individuals or villages, but we can see the following from the document containing 200 years of border disputes. First, the period from ligation to its resolution has been prolonged, and the regions of origin of the people involved in the litigation have diversified, which means that the interests of minority regions and society, which were relatively simple during the rule of tusi(土司), have become more complex over time. Based on the changes in the stake of the litigants appearing in the judgment document, the time when such changes began was the reign of the Jiaqing~Daoguang period. The important reasons for this change are the influx of immigrants from outside and the increase in timber sales. Therefore, in order to cope with these social changes, the Qing government resolved this kind of lawsuit through the formal bureaucrats, instead of the chief’s office(長官司) which remained until the year of the Daoguang reign. Second, as in other parts of the Qingshui River basin, a specific clan represented by Peng family purchased most of the property in Pinglue hamlet. However, toward the latter part of the Qing dynasty, they invested a lot of money in purchas of woods and shares of arborists in addition to real estate such as paddy and mountains. Through the judgment document, we can confirm that the defendants actively purchased the shares of arbiters. Of course, this phenomenon did not result in the interests of the arbiter, but it ultimately means that the stake of the arbiter or arbiter itself became more important as it went down to the second half of the Qing Dynasty than the mountains in the southeastern part of the Guizhou province. Finally, a person like Long Zhaode, who virtually does not exist in the Linxingzhai Documents, accused Peng Renbin or Peng Renpan, who has great economic power, and the relevant ruling ends with a mention that there is no stake owned by Ou Rongben who is neither the defendant nor the plaintiff. The answer to this situation can explain not only the meaning of the dispute between the two hamlets, but also social changes in southeastern Guizhou province after the middles of the Qing dynasty. Due to such social changes, unknown people such as Long Zhaode were able to challenge the Peng family, who were the influential people of Pinglue hamlet, and fierce competition also occurred among the influential people. It was an extension of such competition that other people in Pinglue hamlet tried to illegally purchase Peng Renbin’s property, or Peng Renbin, a leading family member of Pinglue hamlet, appeared as a defendant in a lawsuit related the land boundary. The reason why Ou Rongben sued the economically influential people of Pinglue hamlet under the pretext of passing through Pingqiu hamlet after ignoring the logging was to secure wood or tp advantage the ownership of shares under the pretext of land boundary. This is evidence that tensions in the southeastern part of Guizhou province have risen over the sale of wood. And the existence of such competition, conversely, may be one of the important factors that kept the for...