袁世凱와 朝鮮의 甲申政變

李陽子 中韓人文科學硏究會 2001 한중인문학연구 Vol.7 No.-

袁世凱是淸末民國初中國從兩千年來的帝國體帝轉變到共和政體時期的關鍵人物. 中日甲午戰后, 他在制談新. 雌變淡. 義約幽運動. 崙求新淡煦.與立憲瀅動. 革命雌禁輿復排帝制等一系列約凌治變業中發撑諦콘麥約作用.緋以, 欲了解當時的中國治發辰就應該首先了解袁世凱. 這濡流文述的是袁世凱在1884年烈鮮發生甲申政變中的敎治添動及影響,以及當時的脚際雌系和淪政府對劍嫦擺行約凌策. 雅締10年 (1884, 高宗21年, 甲申) 初, 淸軸煦法鬪閼越南問題而戰雲密布. 以總理衙門大臣恭親王奕訴擺吻業却派在主戰的淸流端約頻頻攻擊下在政界洞漸光勢, 同李鴻求淪外索救策也受到鑛烈約批判 端准備與澁鬪消戰爭,駐制淪也從削卵分移駐. 這不儀使依端于淸制勢力的剿鮮在政履上端人拉亂, 送爲機而動的所瑞琪情來了鬧淡漏動的機常. 泳乖亂發生, 情制刻辨, 約亂, 積機地脚朝鮮約政治. 外交. 軍事進行領, 引逃本洶渤, 于試測使朝辯擺脫淸朝的控制. 災崙感率制洶崙從, 中淡戰爭進人織烈的階段, 勝負難定,淪端木臨一端雌峻洧挑戰. 而剿鮮, 由于淸覃橫行覇道, 加上新翡約, 錢情通, 物价騎殺造成了極遊締財淡鬪難, 使得人民對淸洶怨似門倂. 脚凉機, 日本約援助下驅遯事大黨. 于是犬熊 (脚淸跳) 粒獨1'f:澔 (烈H媒) 之刊約衝突表函化, 持激化到彼沈不能見懲容洶地, 因此在1884年 (甲申) 10月l7日, 脚鎖利則新違郵政局擧行諒成儀式之機, 以側脚洶一析壞于旅火潟號發動雌變. 他們先刺傷了參加落成儀式的鬧泳端, 然淪人將幽王移御于影密, 繼死了營使尹泰駿. 韓業種.李淵, 判繃泳秘, 非贊成暇台鎬, 判譜趙寧更. 努日 (18日) , 以洪美端淺政. 以林泳爲前冷營使. 以徐業範爲左恣營使. 以金玉均爲戶勞參判. 以徐栽剡滯替麥判, 獨辯烈違了新敎府. 在沒有樹到淸廷允許的情況下, 袁世凱決定通過駐朝淸琴對沈進行積槿的軍奈干預. 所以他密令部下軍隊要的戰時一樣進行准補以催描時可以有所行動. 同時他還命令閔泳翊. 尹泰駿. 韓業種. 李經淵等刻鮮軍努童人讓其屬下軍隊高度警戒. 由于沒有朝鮮國王的請求, 擔心與日軍發生沖突, 闖而吳兆奇 雌樹棠等人在聽聞政變消息后, 仍猶辯豫豫, 按兵不動. 但業世凱判張派系, 幷說腦吳. 陳兩人對政變要斷然銳麗. 袁逃凱一邊使右議雌沈辯渫淪求淸端淡兵援助, 從而爲出兵提供了位据, 鬧時災謙人告訴日本點淵公使, 淸兵入當譏衛是爲了保護朝鮮國王的安全. 同月 l9日, 1500名士按叢略分爲雨隊,一隊由袁凱率領從暠德官門, 一隊治吳兆有率領宣仁一越發動進竣幷與軍交火. 時由業世凱訓練的執鮮右營辛蛇時也參加了戰斗. 到日落時, 戰斗便崙結東, 幷淵鈴尋挑幽王下落. 發璵脚至已油깎英植尋人陪閒來刻北廟, 便分派淸保譏鬪遂畜. 翌日 (20日) , 爲情逃鐵立媒再超將國王移袁世的營帳. 彼辯擊逑約 判獨媒人雌隨 木公使逃往仁川, 然房亡命. 這樣, 脚鎖發動的淡持鬪조的淡變, 淡于淸乖的武力干涉而變成反有編的短測. 因潟他們淡有排出周詳約計, 幷胤淡得到民叢的支持, 所以他約政變變成了拔晳約 '三日天下' 以上是對袁世凱在淡變中活動的略述. 甲申雌變約這一結嶪謫点重螢的意義. 第一, 標志崙以脚王爲音的獨立默反浩運動約結柬. 瑞二, 童凱滯蛇硫立了自己在剿鮮的勢力影響. 這樣, 誨한凱在午. 雌變中逃過街植的活動, 麗制了 聞求在刻勢力, 굻使淸劍烈熱獲챠政治洶優勢. 憂時1885年, 李鴻章將雌樹棠解職, 將求凱以駐補刻點總理喪涉通商逃, 蹟剿鮮, 監貌其內淡. 外來幷試瀏毓犬辯刻在剡鮮約經濟利鎧. 崙峙, 童凱的年齡僅27歲, 此后10半順, '監鬪大' 他成功地撚行淸.剡對刻政策勞有效地情止朝鮮列强發生聯系而擺纖淸制的澔緋. 而炎烈辨約勢力速礎而加强崙轉從崩幽系逞基于以下수條件. 第一, 于剿騈約淡治混亂和强之問的勢 力均衡, 比較容易積植維行淸對朝鮮政策. 第二, 袁迷凱具有天賦的才能和機智, 能迅速應付事態的發展.

청일전쟁(淸日戰爭) 이전(以前) 중국기선(中國汽船)의 한강운항(漢江運航)과 통혜윤선공사(通惠輪船公司)의 경영실태(經營實態)

金希信 중국사학회 2018 中國史硏究 Vol.116 No.-

通惠輪船公司是以通過漢江運輸仁川-漢城之間的客貨爲目的, 在中國政府的監督和支援下成立的朝淸合資的輪船公司. 這項硏究的起点是, 在朝鮮政府禁止外國船只運營的情況下, 在朝鮮的華商如何能勾建立和運營一個擁有漢江航運權的輪船公司. 首先, 通惠公司發行了股票募集資本, 發行了詳細記載出資人股東信息的股分票. 這與當時在朝鮮華僑商店(企業)以中國的傳統商業組織‘合股’的共同投資形式成立的情況明顯不同. 當然, 與合股企業一樣, 不管有沒有營業利潤,都會發現向出資的資本金優先每年支付約定利息的傳統中國商業慣例. 而且,與現在的股分公司一樣, 也不能說它充分具備了現代企業的特征,如股東權利平等和自由轉讓權. 但是, 至少與傳統的中國合股企業匿名投資的慣例不同. 通過記載股東姓名,發行詳細記載股東信息的股分票, 確保了其擁有的透明性. 此外, 公司通過將其管理方法轉換爲‘有限公司’來確保投資穩定性. 該公司僅負責虧損的股權. 這是有意義的, 因爲西方企業文化可以移植到中國社會, 幷刺激中國企業的結構. 第二, 通惠公司的初期運營狀況未能達到當初的計劃和期待. 但是,幷不是因爲漢陽號的處分而放棄了漢江航運權. 通惠公司暴露了管理中的各種問題. 例如,接運官米的缺乏, 制作過大的船舶, 頻繁的觸礁事故, 雇用外國船員, 以廣東商人爲主的經營方式, 各華商參與經營不善, 與外國汽船公司的競爭等. 在這種危机狀況下, 他果斷地處理了漢陽輪船, 回收處理了通惠公司的現有股分. 另一方面, 從各幇華商重新籌措資本, 小輪船重新購入, 讓運航漢江各地. 由此,通惠公司不再因赤字運營而經歷困難, 也可以維持漢江航運事業權. 在事業的危机狀況下, 他仍然沒有放棄漢江航運事業, 而是通過‘有限責任’這一新的企業經營方式鼓勵華商各幇的資本參與. 爲了在市場競爭中存活下來, 通惠公司雖然提倡了“這是各幇共同的華商企業, 也是華商公共的船舶”, 但爲防止經營損失, 認爲比起民營企業, 官的徹底監督和管理是不可避免的. 第三, 爲了方便仁川-漢城之間的華商貿易, 通惠公司計劃獲得漢江航運權. 但是因爲通惠公司的設立目的在于通過客貨運輸謀取利益, 所以不僅維持漢江航運事業, 將來還具有通過利潤的再投資將事業擴張到其他“河或沿海航運”的意圖. 例如, 漢陽號被賣給處分朝鮮轉運衙門時, 加入了“赎回權”條款. 另外,「惠輪船有限公司章程」規定, 如果將來有追加購買輪船的計劃, 就可以保存利益, 用資本充當. 事實上, 漢江航運事業是爲了擴大仁川-漢城之間的華商貿易和便利, 由中國駐朝鮮使館袁世凱主導, 由華商參與的項目. 駐朝鮮使館的作用中最重要的就是保護進入朝鮮的華商, 通過商業支援擴大朝鮮內的淸國或華商勢力. 袁世凱計劃的漢江航運事業也正是這種目的的連續線上, 通惠輪船公司就是其産物. 因爲漢江航運事業與物流直接相關, 所以作爲通惠公司的設立而開放的漢江水路與輪船超商局的上海-仁川航線相連, 成爲加强在朝鮮市場華商的競爭力的重要因素. 但是, 由于日淸戰爭爆發等原因, 通惠輪船公司孕育的‘內河航運事業’的可能性和派生界限等都喪失了驗證條件. 從中長期的視野來看, 對朝鮮華商貿易活動産生的影響和意義只能成爲需要解決的課題.

1885년 주찰조선총리교섭통상사의(駐紮朝鮮總理交涉通商事宜) 원세개(袁世凱)의 조선 파견과 지위 문제

유바다 ( Yoo Bada ) 고려대학교 역사연구소(구 역사학연구회) 2017 사총 Vol.92 No.-

甲申政變 이후 1885년 淸이 파견한 駐紮朝鮮總理交涉通商事宜 袁世凱의 지위는 대체로 “監國”으로 이해되었다. 그러나 監國은 식민 지배초입에 등장하는 保護國의 統監을 전망하는 점을 미루어 볼 때 쉽게 납득할 수 없다. 원세개가 조선 감국이었다면 淸이 조선을 保護國으로 삼았다는 것을 뜻한다. 그러나 이 때 淸은 조선을 조약에 근거를 둔 보호국으로 삼지는 않았다. 1882년 체결된 朝中商民水陸貿易章程은 조선의 屬邦 지위를 규정하였지만 保護國을 명시하지는 않았다. 원세개 파견의 법적 근거가 되는 朝中商民水陸貿易章程에서 규정한 원세개의 지위는 商務委員에 한정되어 있었다. 원세개를 조선에 파견한 淸 北洋大臣 李鴻章은 오히려 조선에 대한 監國論을 부인하였다. 원세개 본인 또한 스스로를 “Resident”라고 표현하여 “統監(Resident General)”과는 구분하였다. 기존 연구에서는 “Resident(駐箚官)” 직함이 식민지 總督(Governor General)을 연상케 한다고 하였으나 뚜렷한 근거는 없다. 이 글에서는 고종이 두 차례의 朝露密約 사건을 일으키면서 러시아에 대한 조선 保護를 요청한 사실을 주목하였다. 이에 대응하여 淸 이홍장은 원세개를 조선으로 파견하여 러시아의 조선 보호국화를 저지하고자 하였다. 이때 이홍장은 『萬國公法』에 입각하여 淸의 藩屬과 서양의 保護之邦을 구분 짓고 외교적인 주권을 보유한 조선이 淸의 봉건적 종주권 하의 번속 내지 封臣國임을 재확인하였다. 그렇다면 원세개의 법적지위는 “監國”이나 “統監”일 수 없었다. The position of Yuan Shi-kai(袁世凱) of Negotiation Trader to Joseon(駐紮朝鮮總理交涉通商事宜) sent by Qing(淸) in 1885 after the Gabsin Coup was generally understood as "Kamguk(監國)". However, Kamguk cannot be easily grasped, given that it allows the Protectorate(保護國)`s Resident General(統監) to appear at the beginning of the colonial period. If Yuan Shi-kai was Joseon Kamguk, it means that Qing made Joseon Protectorate. At this time, however, Qing did not regard Joseon as a treaty-based Protectorate. The Regulations for Maritime and Overland Trade between Joseon and Qing Merchants in 1882 stipulated Joseon`s Dependent State status but did not specify it as a Protectorate. The status of Yuan Shi-kai as defined the Regulations for Maritime and Overland Trade between Joseon and Qing Merchants as the legal basis for dispatch of Yuan Shi-kai was limited to the Commercial Commissioner(商務委員). The Qing minister, Li Hung-chang(李鴻章), who sent Yuan Shi-kai to Joseon, rather denied the Kamguk theory on Joseon. Yuan Shi-kai also distinguished himself from "Resident General" by expressing himself as "Resident(駐箚官)". In previous studies, the title "Resident" was reminded of the Colonial Governor General(總督), but there is no clear evidence. In this article, it is noted that Gojong(高宗) requested Joseon protection for Russia while raising two Joseon-Russia allegiances. In response, Qing Li Hung-chang sent Yuan Shi-kai to Joseon to prevent Russia from making Joseon Protectorate. Li Hung-chang distinguished the concept of Qing`s Vassal State(藩屬) from that of Western Protectorate(保護之邦) based on The International Law, and reaffirmed that Joseon, who holds diplomatic sovereignty, is Beonsok(藩屬) or Vassal State(封臣國) under Qing`s Feudal Suzerainty. So the legal status of Yuan Shi-kai could not be "Kamguk" or "Resident General".

김윤식과 원세개 · 이홍장 · 주복의 교류(1881~1887)

박은숙(Park, Eun-Sook) 고려사학회 2015 한국사학보 Vol.- No.61

김윤식은 한국 근대사에 있어서 개화와 자주를 논할 때 빼놓을 수 없는 인물 중 하나이다. 그는 유교적 가치를 지키면서 서구의 기술을 수용하려는 동도서기론자로 평가되고 있지만, 더욱 주목되는 것은 그가 중국통 외교가로서 근대 이행기 한중관계 재편에 깊숙이 관여했다는 점이다. 김윤식은 영선사로 청에 파견되었던 1881년 말부터 청의 이홍장-주복-원세개 라인과 교류하였다. 김윤식과 청인들의 인적 관계망은 장정체제를 구축하고, 조선의 정치 · 경제 · 외교에 막대한 영향력을 행사하여 조선의 자주적 근대화를 가로막고 청의 요구를 관철시키는 통로로 작동했다. 김윤식은 1882년 7월초 조선으로 출병하는 배 안에서 진압군 원세개와 처음 만났다. 24세의 나이차에도 불구하고 두 사람은 밤낮으로 어울려 조선 문제와 양국 관계를 모의했다. 두 사람은 청국식 근대화를 추동하고, 청선구류사건 · 이범진사건 등에 개입하여 장정체제의 구축과 청의 요구를 관철시키는데 결정적 역할을 했다. 갑신정변 후 조선의 외교 수장과 청의 파견총리로서 재회한 두 사람은 조러밀약과 조불조약, 거문도사건 · 백두산정계비 등 조선의 정치 · 외교와 통상 및 국경 문제 등을 협의 · 조율했다. 그러나 대부분 사안이 청의 의도대로 진행되었고, 김윤식은 매사를 원세개의 명령에 따르는 ‘袁黨’으로 지목되었다. 두 사람의 결탁은 조선의 주권과 이권 상실, 청의 제국주의적 침략과 이권 실현의 도구로 작동했다. 조선의 외교관 김윤식과 청의 대조선정책 라인 원세개 · 주복 · 이홍장과의 교류는 외교라는 공적 업무를 매개로 형성된 관계였다. 따라서 그들은 기본적으로 자국의 입장을 대변하면서 자신의 출세와 영달을 꾀하였다. 그러나 상하 관계를 천명한 상국과 속방의 외교관의 교제는 불평등했으며, 친청노선을 고수했던 김윤식은 더욱더 종속적이었다. 그들의 교류는 조선의 자주권과 이권 상실로 이어졌고, 장정체제 구축과 종속의 기제로 작동했다. 결국 반청자주를 꿈꾸던 고종과 중국의 권력자 사이에서 줄타기 했던 김윤식은 토사구팽 당하여 8년여를 유폐되어 값비싼 대가를 치렀다. Kim Yun-Shik is regarded as a very important person in modern Korean history. He was a Sinologist and pro-Chinese collaborators in diplomacy. He played an important role in reorganizing the relationship between Joseon and China. Kim Yun-Shik was on intimate terms with Yuan shì-Kai who was sent from the Chinese government to supervise the Joseon. Kim Yun-Shik and Yuan shì-Kai met frequently, and discussed politics, diplomacy and trade sectors of Joseon. But their consultations had established the agreement system(章程體制) that pursueed China"s diplomatic and economic interests. Their close relationship was used as a tool of China"s imperialistic aggression and economic interests. Kim Yun-Shik also contacted with Li Hong-Zhang and Zhou Fu who were Chinese officials. Their relationship became passage to deliver Chinese pressure and Joseon"s request. The relationship of Kim Yun-Shik and chinese officials was unequal and subordinate. Kim Yun-Shik was hated by king who hoped for Joseon"s independence. He was dismissed from the Minister of Foreign Affairs and was exiled in 1887.

한중 문화교류의 유형과 석릉수간의 위상

허경진 열상고전연구회 2014 열상고전연구 Vol.39 No.-

한자(漢字)가 우리나라에 수입된 뒤에, 한중 문화교류는 주로 한자를 통해서 다양한 형태로 이루어졌다. 삼국시대나 고려시대에는 유학생이나 무역상들도 자 유롭게 중국을 오갔지만, 조선시대에는 일 년에 몇 차례 사신만 국서를 가지고 오 갔다. 조선에서 중국에 가는 사신을 명나라 때에는 조천(朝天), 청나라 때에는 연 행(燕行)이라 하였는데, 이들은 시대 분위기에 따라 소극적, 또는 적극적으로 북 경(北京)에서 중국 문인들과 필담(筆談), 창화(唱和)를 통해 교류하였다. 중국 사신들이 조선에 오면 접반(接伴) 문인들과 한시를 주고받았으며, 이때 지은 작 품들은 황화집(皇華集)으로 출판되었다. 대부분의 한중 문화교류는 북경에서 두 나라 문인들 사이에 이뤄졌는데, 임오군 란(1882) 때에 오장경(吳長慶) 부대가 조선에 주둔하면서 청나라 장수(將帥)와 종군문인(從軍文人), 조선의 영접관이 문화교류의 주역이 되었다. 오장경의 막료 (幕僚) 가운데 나이가 가장 어렸던 원세개(袁世凱)가 조선에 머무는 동안 권력을 쌓아 결국 중화민국의 대총통을 거쳐 중화제국의 황제까지 올랐다. 임오군란의 영 접관 김창희(金昌熙)가 오장경의 막료 25명에게서 받은 시문(詩文) 138건을 묶은『석릉수간(石菱受柬)』에는 124편의 편지가 실려 있으며, 이 가운데 상당수는 청나라 문인들의 문집이나 서간집에 실려 있지 않다. 한양(漢陽)이라는 공간, 1880년대라는 시간, 대원군(大院君)의 실각, 138건이라는 분량, 원세개가 황제 까지 오를 수 있는 계기를 마련해준 점들로 볼 때에, 『석릉수간(石菱受柬)』은 한중 문화교류사에서 독특한 위상을 지닌다. Since Chinese characters were introduced to Korea, the letters have served as a means of cultural exchange between Korea and China. During the Three Kingdoms Period and the Goryeo Dynasty Period, a wide range of people, including students and merchants, were allowed to travel to China. During the Joseon Dynasty, however, only a small number of envoys responsible for delivering sovereign messages were permitted to cross the border. Those envoys were called Jocheon(朝 天) in the Ming Period and Yeonhang(燕行) in the Qing Period. They made contact with literary circles in Beijing, actively or cautiously depending on the social atmosphere at that time, through literary exchange(筆談) and verifying poetry(唱和). When Chinese envoys came to Joseon, they exchanged Chinese poems with reception (接伴) poets, and those poems were published in Hwanghwajib(皇華集). Sino-Korean cultural exchange most often took place in Beijing. However, when Im-O Gunran(the Military Mutiny of 1882) occurred and General Wu Changqing’s troops were stationed in Joseon, commanders and military writers from Qing and reception officers from Joseon were the key players in cultural exchange. Yuan Shikai, the youngest member of Wu Changqing’s staff, built up his political power while staying in Joseon, eventually becoming President of the Republic of China and later Emperor of the Empire of China. During Im-O Gunran, Kim Chang-Hee, a reception officer of Joseon, collected 138 poems and 124 letters from 25 members of Wu Changqing’s staff and published Seok-neung-su-gan(石菱受柬). The poems and letters in this book cannot be found in any anthologies or correspondence books from the Qing Period. Seok-neung-su-gan holds a unique and important status in the history of Sino-Korean cultural exchange given that it was published in a special space, Hanyang (the former name of Seoul), and at a special time, the year 1880, when Daewongun was ousted. It is also meaningful because of the large number of poems in the book, and Yuan Shikai was able to become an emperor on the basis of the power he amassed in Joseon.

보문 : 『제사관복제(祭祀冠服制)』에 나타난 원세개(袁世凱)의 "대동(大同)"의식의 실제

최규순 ( Kyu Soon Choi ) 한국의류학회 2010 한국의류학회지 Vol.34 No.5

蓉菴 金炳始(1832~1898)의 삶과 현실인식

연갑수 조선시대사학회 2008 朝鮮時代史學報 Vol.44 No.-

Byeong-Si Kim (金炳始) was the man who was a descendant of Andong Kim clan, the most influential clan during the late Joseon dynasty, and went up to the position of the Prime Minister. He was a conservative politician who stood on the critical attitudes against the Enlightenment or Modernization policies after the opening nation to the Westerners. But he had the public reputation of strict integrity. After the success of the state examination in 1885 (the 6th year of King Cheoljong), he reached on the high ranking position of the Government in the mid 1870'. It was very fast promotion, so there must be the influence of his renowned clan and his own ability of an officer. His decisive moment which gained the confidence of King Gojong was the selection of the private meeting member of the King (Byeol-Ib-Si ; 別入侍) in 1875 (the 12nd year of King Gojong). He devoted his royalty to the King Gojong in the face of the risk of his life at the crisis of the Military Mutiny of 1882 and the Coup d'Etat of 1884. After the Military Mutiny of 1882, he also made a close relationship with the Qing dynasty's officers which began to intervene in the Joseon dynasty's domestic affairs. What is more he spoke for the situation of Qing dynasty. The reason why he played that role was his trust on the Qing dynasty as the power which maintain the traditional system of Joseon dynasty. The ideal type of political system, Kim thought, was the officials especially the Prime Minister, had the power of the Government. And the role of a king was selection of good officials and entrusting tasks to them without suspicion. But, Kim thought, actually King Gojong was allured by the western-oriented officials who were very wicked, so King Gojong regulated even minor details. Kim intended the financial affluence by the frugality of government, not by the compulsive increasing of modern industries for the national wealth and strength. He criticized the Enlightenment or Modernization policies, which were currently in progress, wasted the finances without the effective results. The lists which Kim criticized were the new policies, eg. the water transport by steamships, the casting of Equivalent of five cash(Dang-o-jeon ; 當五錢), the silver standard, the raise of a foreign loan from western countries, the recruitment and training of western style troops. There are some documents which revealed the facts that Kim had several conferences with Yuan Shi Kai(袁世凱), who was the head of the Qing's legation, behind the disparaging statements against the Enlightenment policies. The critical view against the Enlightenment policies, which deduced from the trust on the power and goodwill of Qing dynasty, had to be changed after the Qing's defeat of Sino-Japanese War of 1894. At the same time Kim had the close and secret relationship with King Gojong who resisted to the Japanese intervention. At last Kim proposed a new national code which collected the wisdom of the Enlightenment and the Conservative for overcoming the peril of the Joseon dynasty. 김병시(金炳始;1832~1898)는 조선후기 최고의 명문이었던 안동 김문 출신으로서 영의정까지 지냈던 인물이다. 개항기 각종 개화정책에 대하여 부정적인 견해를 펼친 보수적인 인물이었지만, 당대인들에게는 청렴하고 강직하다는 평판을 들었다. 철종대 과거에 급제한 김병시는 가문의 후광과 자신의 능력을 바탕으로 대원군 집권기에 이미 고관의 지위에 올랐다. 그가 결정적으로 고종의 신임을 얻게 된 계기는 1875년 별입시로 선발된 것이었다. 김병시 역시 1882년 임오군란, 1884년 갑신정변 등의 위기 상황에서 고종을 위하여 목숨을 걸고 헌신하였다. 그런데 김병시는 1882년 임오군란 이후 조선에서 정치적 간섭을 강화하여 나가던 청국의 관료들과도 돈독한 관계를 쌓아 나갔다. 한걸음 더 나아가서 김병시는 조선 조정에서 청국의 입장을 대변하는 역할을 수행하였다. 김병시가 청국의 입장을 대변한 것은 선왕의 법을 지켜 나갈 수 있는 지원세력으로써 청국에 대한 신뢰가 있었기 때문이었다. 김병시가 이상적으로 생각한 정치체제는 대신이 중심이 되어 의정부에서 국정을 주도하는 것이었다. 국왕의 역할은 훌륭한 대신을 선정하여 그에게 임무를 맡기되 의심하지 않는 것이었다. 그러나 현실적으로 국왕인 고종이 서양이나 서양에 경도된 간사한 신하들에게 현혹되어 국정을 전단하면서 문제가 발생하고 있다고 생각하였다. 국가의 재정에 대하여도 인위적인 부국강병정책보다는 절검을 통한 재정 지출의 축소를 지향하였다. 부국강병을 달성하기 위하여 당시 추진되었던 각종 개화정책은 실효도 없으면서 재정을 낭비하고 있다고 비판하였다. 화륜선을 이용한 조운, 당오전 발행, 은화 유통, 서양으로부터의 외채 도입, 신식 군대의 양성 등이 모두 김병시가 비판하는 대상이었다. 그런데 김병시의 이러한 개화정책 비판의 배후에는 역시 조선의 내정에 영향력을 행사하던 청국의 원세개와의 교감이 있었던 것이 확인된다. 청국의 국력과 호의에 대한 신뢰를 바탕으로 개화정책을 비판하였던 김병시의 입장은 청일전쟁에서 청국이 패퇴하게 되자 변화할 수밖에 없었다. 한편으로는 일본의 간섭이 강화되는 것에 반발하던 고종과 다시 밀접한 관계를 갖게 되었다. 다른 한편으로는 국가의 위기상황을 극복하기 위하여 개화세력과 수구세력들이 서로 지혜를 모아 새로운 국가 법전을 만들자는 주장을 펼치게 되었다.

東學農民革命과 袁世凱

강문호(Kang Moon-Ho) 한국동학학회 2005 동학연구 Vol.18 No.-

천진(天津) 죄범습예소(罪犯習藝所)의 건설과 ‘근대’ 감옥의 탄생

조병식 ( Cho¸ Byungsik ) 대구사학회 2021 대구사학 Vol.144 No.-

This article analyzes and investigates the character of the Tianjin Criminal Workhouse(TCW), the first new style prison in China built in 1904. Previous studies considered the Criminal Workhouse as a transitional institution from a traditional prison to a modern prison, but in the case of Tianjin, it had the characters of a “modern” prison. To prove this point, this article borrowed three criteria for distinguishing traditional/modern prisons by Ogawa Shigejiro who was a prominent penologist at that time. The first criterion is who was detained. At the outset of the TCW, the convicted and the vagrant were imprisoned together. It was similar to the characteristic of traditional prison in that groups of different features were detained in one space. However, the Vagrant Workhouse, which accommodated only the vagrant, was established in 1906, and the TCW became a space where only the convicted were confined. The second criterion is the purpose of the prison. The TCW sought to break away from traditional prisons pursuing “retaliation for crimes” and to rehabilitate the convicted and prepare their livelihood after their release. To this end, new buildings were built with an emphasis on hygiene and crime prevention, and the positions were subdivided according to the roles of personnel. Furthermore, six factories were operated in the TCW so that inmates could learn handicraft. However, the financial problem, which is the third criterion, was not solved. In particular, the detention costs which were essential for the operation of the TCW and allocated to each counties were often unpaid. For this reason, the TCW used the inmates’ abilities to actively promote the production and sale of goods. Even though Yuan Shikai, the Zhili Governor-General, warned that the TCW would be transformed into a factory, but it was an avoidable choice for the stable operation of the TCW. In short, the TCW met two of the three criteria of Ogawa Shigejiro. The cost shortage was that the TCW could not be solved alone, and the Model Prison established under the guise of a “modern” prison also faced the same problem. Therefore, the TCW was a starting point for “modern” prison, rather than a transitional institution for “modern” prison. (Seoul National University/ pumkpie1@gmail.com)

19世紀末 在朝鮮 未開口岸의 淸商 密貿易 관련 領事裁判案件 硏究

이은자(Lee Eun-ja) 동양사학회 2010 東洋史學硏究 Vol.111 No.-

This study examined the realities of Korean?Chinese bargaining by analyzing the procedure of settling three cases of consular jurisdiction through non?open port that took place during the period of Yuan Shi?kai as the General Commissioner of Negotiation and Trade with Chosun (1885?1894) before the Sino?Japanese War. For this study, we analyzed Cheongan (Asia Research Center of Korea University), documents of Chinese diplomatic offices in Korea during the late Qing Dynasty (Modern History Research Institute Archives of Taiwan’s Academia Sinica), and governmental documents in Hwanghae?do (Gyujanggak of Seoul National University). In the first case of ‘smuggling by Qing merchant Woo Ahn?dang,’ Qing merchant Woo Ahn?dang was arrested and his cargoes were confiscated for smuggling at Taetan Port in Jangyeong, Hwanghaedo in September, 1889. In the second case of ‘smuggling by Qing merchants Hae Chung?hyeon and Ju Dong hae,’ Qing merchants Hae Chung?hyeon and Ju Dong?hae were arrested and their cargoes were confiscated for smuggling at Bi?yeon Port in Jangyeong, Hwanghae?do in October, 1890. In the third case of ‘smuggling by Qing merchants Jang Eui?seong and Seo Geuk?geun,’ Qing merchants Jang Eui?seong and Seo Geuk?geun were arrested and their cargoes were confiscated for smuggling at Sukdo Ferry in Hwanghae?do in December, 1890. In the three cases of consular jurisdiction above, Korean?Chinese bargaining was initiated as the Chosun government detected Qing merchants’ illegal acts of smuggling and requested Yuan Shi?kai to punish them and to confiscate their cargoes, but the procedure went in an unexpected direction. For the first case, Yuan Shi?kai ruled Qing merchant Woo Ahn?dang to be a smuggler but he regarded the other crew members as fishermen and, rather, rebuked the Chosun government for seizing their boat. For the second and third cases, he called to account Chosun officers’ illegal taxation (on the Qing merchants’ smuggling) rather than the smuggling acts, and demanded to punish the officers and to compensate for the confiscated cargoes. In the process that Korea and China dealt with the cases of smuggling by Qing merchants through non?open ports, there are two noteworthy points. One is that these cases show well how Korea and China invoked the Regulations for Maritime and Overland Trade between Chinese and Korean Subjects. The other is that these cases suggest what networks smuggling by Qing merchants through non?open ports. The reason that Yuan Shi?kai’s claim was accepted by Chosun government in the process of bargaining is not irrelevant to Chosun officers’ unchecked illegal taxation in coastal cities of Hwanghae?do such as Jangyeon, Haeju and Hwangju, which were non?open ports but visited frequently by Chinese fishing boats. Of course, it is needless to say that Yuan Shi?kai utilized the provisions of consular jurisdiction over Qing merchants in Korea.