18세기 풍암 취우의 부휴계 법맥과 교학 계보

김용태 ( Kim Yong-tae ) 한국불교사연구소 2017 한국불교사연구 Vol.12 No.-

본 논문은 학계에 거의 알려져 있지 않던 풍암 취우(楓巖取愚: 1695-1766)의 행적과 그가 속한 부휴계의 법맥 및 교학 계보를 다룬 것이다. 취우는 만년에 남양주 봉인사(奉印寺)에 주석하다가 입적하였고 그의 비가 현재까지 전하고 있다. 봉인사는 진신사리가 봉안된 광해군대 왕실 원찰이었고 부휴계의 조사 부휴 선수(浮休善修)와도 인연이 있는 사찰이다. 본고에서는 먼저 봉인사의 역사와 그에 얽힌 취우의 자취를 소개하였다. 이어 선수와 그의 적전인 남한산성 팔도도총섭 벽암 각성(碧巖覺性)의 활동, 취우의 스승이자 부휴계 교학의 대표자인 회암 정혜(晦庵定慧)의 사상을 검토하였다. 취우는 선, 교, 염불의 삼문을 그대로 실천하였고 임제태고법통(臨濟太古法統)과 정혜의 교학적 정통성을 계승하려 한 인물이었다. This paper explores the life of Pungam Chwiu 楓巖取愚 (1695-1766) who has hardly received scholarly attention thus far, along with his Buhyu dharma-lineage and scholastic genealogy. In his later years, Chwiu retreated to Temple Bonginsa in Namyangju, Gyeonggi Province, where his epitaph has survived, and stayed there until his death. Temple Bonginsa, known for enshrining the Buddha’s remains, used to be a royal votive temple during the reign of King Gwanghae. The temple was also associated with Buhyu Seongsu 浮休善修, the founder of the Buhyu dharma-lineage. This paper first introduces the history of the temple and the life of Chwiu in relation to the temple. Then, it investigates the life of Byeogam Gakseong 碧巖覺性, Pungam’s direct lineage ancestor and the leader of all monk-soldiers in the eight provinces of Korea (paldo dochongseop) at Namhansan fortress. The paper also examines Buddhist thought of Hoeam Jeonghye 晦庵定慧, Chwiu’s master who represented Puhyu lineage’s scholasticism. Chwiu practiced the three gates of Seon meditation, Gyeo doctrinal studies, and Yeombul recitation of the Buddha’s name and inherited the Linji-Taego dharma-line and scholastic legitimacy of jeonghye (calmness and wisdom).

봉인사세존사리탑의 이주내력과 조형

손신영 ( Sohn Shin-young ) 한국불교사연구소 2019 한국불교사연구 Vol.16 No.-

봉인사는 광해군대 성릉의 능침사찰로 지정된 이래로 조선후기 내내 왕실후원이 이어졌던 곳이다. 1887년의 화재로 주요 불전이 소실된 이후 퇴락되어 그 규모와 장엄은 알 수 없게 되었지만 광해군대에 조성된 사리탑이 현전하고 있어 주목되는 곳이다. 봉인사세존사리탑은 일제강점기에 불법적으로 약탈되어, 일본으로 반출되었다가 60년 만인 1987년, 사리기·중수비 등과 함께 반환되었다. 사리탑의 약탈은 친일파 이호영이 가담한 사리기 절취로 시작되었다. 이후 사리기를 비롯한 사리탑 관련 문화재 일체가 일본인 이와다센소에게 매각되었다. 이와다센소는 1920년 봄에 사리탑을 신고·등록하지 않고 일본으로 반출하려다 법적문제에 봉착하게 되자 남산에 있던 동본원사 별원에 위탁하였다. 1937년 들어, 일본으로 반출하였으나 기증 직전까지 오사카시립미술관에 맡기고 돌보지 않았다. 조형적으로 보면, 봉인사세존사리탑은 태종대 조성된 무학대사탑과 매우 유사하지만, 옥개석과 상륜부의 비례는 조선시대 조성된 세존 사리탑을 따랐다. 난간석은 창경궁 통명전 연지의 것과 동일하므로, 17세기 당시 國工에 의해 조성된 것을 알 수 있다. 봉안장소는, 흥천사사리탑이 사리전에 조성되어 있었던 것처럼 탑법당 내부에 봉안되었던 것으로 추론하였다. 약탈과 반출, 반환을 거치며 봉인사세존사리탑은 훼손되고 원형을 잃은 부분도 있지만 일제강점기에 불법적으로 도난되었다가 관련 문화재 일체와 함께 동시에 반환된 첫 사례라는 점에서 의미가 각별하다. The Sejon Stupa of Bong-in temple was illegally looted and was taken out to Japan during the Japanese colonial period and returned to Korea, 60 years later, in 1987. The looting of the stupa began with stealing the sarira reliquary joined by the pro-Japanese Lee Ho-young. Since then, all of the cultural assets related to the stupa were sold to Japanese Iwada Senso. Although the Sejon Stupa of Bong-in temple is similar in shape to the stupa of Buddhist Monk Muhak formed during king Taejong period, the proportion of Okgaeseok(the roof stone) and the upper part follows that of Joseon Dynasty stupa. The shape of the railing stone was confirmed to be the same as the lotus shaped railing stone of Tongmyeongjeon in Changgyeonggung Palace, and it can be inferred that it was created by national artisans in the 17th century. It seems that the Sejon Stupa of Bong-in temple was enclosed inside the pagoda, just like the stupa of Heungcheonsa constructed in Sarira-jeon.

조선 光海君代의 佛事 연구- 안동 仙刹寺 목조석가불좌상 造成發願文을 중심으로

김미경 동아대학교 석당학술원 2017 石堂論叢 Vol.0 No.67

This study presents an investigation into Buddhist services during the reign of King Gwanghaegun in Joseon with a focus on the document for praying wishes written to commemorate the wooden Buddha statue at Seonchal Buddhist Temple in Andong. The document provided important information to shed light on correlations between the Jaehoi of Cheonggye Buddhist Temple and the Buddhist services of both Jasu and Insu Buddhist Temples , which was in charge of Buddhist shrine at the royal court, in 1622. There were four Buddhist services held in 1622 to estimate an aspect of King Gwanghaegun's support for the Buddhist community: 1) Jaehoi of Cheonggye Buddhist Temple, 2) revision of entire seven volumes of Myobeopyeonhwayeong, 3) Buddhist services of both Jasu and Insu Buddhist Temples in May, and 4) Buddhist service to commemorate the repair of Janggyeongpanjeon at Haein Buddhist Temple in July. King Gwanghaegun himself got involved in the first two Buddhist services, and his wife Queen Jangyeol sponsored the last two Buddhist services. Furthermore, Byeokamgakseong's perfect attendance at those Buddhist services indicates that the king maintained his associations with the disciples of Buhyu. The reign of King Gwanghaegun is usually denounced as "Honjo," which refers to a dark and disorderly era. Once he was installed as the crown prince during the war, however, he endeavored to restore the nation's culture in the rapidly changing international situations for 16 years when he was on the throne as well as during the Bunjo period according to a new evaluation of the king. He mostly had a favorable perception of Buddhism, offering supports for the restoration of Buddhist community after the war and forming deep associations with Buddhist monks. He, in particular, maintained his associations with Zen priests like Buhyuseonsu, who led the Buddhist community during the latter half of Joseon, and his disciples including Byeokamgakseong and Gohanheeeon, enshrining his Sari at Bongin Buddhist Temple, which was his Neungchim Buddhist Temple, and holding Jaehoi at Cheonggye Buddhist Temple, which was Wonchal for his crown prince. In 1622, he personally served at the Jaehoi of Cheonggye Buddhist Temple and ordered the revision of Myobeopyeonhwayeong in March. In May, his wife Queen Jangyeol sponsored the Buddhist services at both Jasu and Insu Buddhist Temples with 11 Buddha statues and seven Buddhist paintings created and the woodblock-printed book of Beophwagyeong and Wangbiyussijeogori inserted for the occasions. In July, there was a large attendance at the Buddhist service to commemorate the repair of Janggyeongpanjeon at Haein Buddhist Temple including the queen, royal concubines, and court ladies at the royal court and Buddhist nuns, which suggests that the sponsorship of royal court continued. The present study reviewed the royal court's sponsorship for Buddhist services and support cases for the Buddhist community during the rule of King Gwanghaegun with the document for praying wishes discovered in the wooden Buddha statue at Seonchal Buddhist Temple in Andong as one of Buddhist services during his reign. The findings help to understand the context of Buddhist services by shedding light on the Jaehoi of Cheonggye Buddhist Temple with a focus on the document for praying wishes and the cases and characteristics of Buddha statues and Buddhist paintings created for the Buddhist services at Jasu and Insu Buddhist Temples in 1622. 이 논문은 조선후기 光海君代 佛事 연구의 일환으로 안동 仙刹寺 목조석가불상의 造成發願文을 중심으로 살펴본 글이다. 이 조성발원문은 1622년 淸溪寺 齋會와 왕실 內佛堂 역할을 담당했던 慈仁壽 兩寺 佛事와의 상관성을 밝힐 수 있는 중요한 정보를 제공해 주었다. 광해군의 불교계 지원의 일단을 짐작케하는 1622년의 불사는, 1) 청계사 齋會, 2) 3월의 『妙法蓮華經』 전 7권 개판, 3) 5월의 慈壽寺와 仁壽寺 兩寺의 佛事, 4) 7월에 해인사 藏經版殿 重修 佛事 등이다. 이 중 청계사 재회와 『妙法蓮華經』 개판은 광해군이 직접 관여한 불사이고, 慈壽寺와 仁壽寺 兩寺의 불사 및 해인사 장경판전의 중수 불사는 광해군비인 章烈王妃의 후원으로 진행되었다. 더욱이 이들 불사에 벽암 각성이 빠짐없이 참여하고 있어, 광해군과 부휴계 문도와의 지속적인 교유를 통한 불교계 지원의 일단을 알 수 있었다. 광해군의 재위 연간은 어둡고 문란한 시대라는 昏朝라고 매도되었지만, 전란 중에 세자로 책봉되면서 分朝 시기는 물론 재위 16년 동안 격변하는 국제 정세 속에서 전후 문화 복구사업에 힘을 기울인 것으로 재평가되기도 한다. 광해군의 불교에 대한 인식은 대체로 우호적이였으며 전후 복구지원 및 승려들과의 교유도 깊었다. 특히 조선후기 불교계를 주도한 浮休善修와 같은 禪僧과 그의 문도인 碧巖覺性․孤閑熙彦 등과 교유하면서 자신의 능침사찰인 封印寺에 사리를 봉안하고, 세자의 원찰인 淸溪寺에서 齋會를 시설하였다. 그리고 1622년 淸溪寺 齋會를 직접 설행하면서 그해 3월 『妙法蓮華經』을 開板하였고, 5월에는 광해군비인 章烈王妃가 慈壽寺와 仁壽寺 兩寺의 불사를 후원하였다. 이때 불상 11구와 불화 7점을 조성하였으며, 이 가운데 3구가 발견되었고 그중 1구가 안동 선찰사 목조석가불상이다. 이들 불상에는 3월 개판된 『법화경』과 <왕비유씨저고리>를 불복장에 넣었다. 또 7월의 해인사 藏經版殿 重修佛事에도 장열왕비의 후원 하에 왕실 비빈을 비롯한 상궁, 비구니 등의 대거 참여로 왕실의 후원은 지속되었다. 본고는 광해군 시대 佛事의 일환으로 안동 선찰사 목조석가불상에서 발견된 조성발원문을 통하여 광해군 시대 왕실의 불사 후원과 불교계 지원 사례를 검토하였다. 아울러 1622년의 조성발원문을 중심으로 淸溪寺 齋會와 慈仁壽 兩寺의 불사에서 조성된 불상과 불화 사례를 조명하였고 이를 통해 왕실 불사의 맥락을 이해하고자 하였다.

조선 광해군대(光海君代)의 불사(佛事) 연구 - 안동 仙刹寺 목조석가불좌상 조성발원문(造成發願文)을 중심으로

김미경 ( Kim Mi-kyuong ) 東亞大學校附設 石堂傳統文化硏究院 2017 石堂論叢 Vol.0 No.67

이 논문은 조선후기 光海君代 佛事 연구의 일환으로 안동 仙刹寺목조석가불상의 造成發願文을 중심으로 살펴본 글이다. 이 조성발원문은 1622년 淸溪寺 齋會와 왕실 內佛堂 역할을 담당했던 慈仁壽 兩寺 佛事와의 상관성을 밝힐 수 있는 중요한 정보를 제공해 주었다. 광해군의 불교계 지원의 일단을 짐작케하는 1622년의 불사는, 1) 청계사齋會, 2) 3월의 『妙法蓮華經』 전 7권 개판, 3) 5월의 慈壽寺와 仁壽寺兩寺의 佛事, 4) 7월에 해인사 藏經版殿 重修 佛事 등이다. 이 중 청계사 재회와 『妙法蓮華經』 개판은 광해군이 직접 관여한 불사이고, 慈壽寺와 仁壽寺 兩寺의 불사 및 해인사 장경판전의 중수 불사는 광해군비인 章烈王妃의 후원으로 진행되었다. 더욱이 이들 불사에 벽암 각성이 빠짐없이 참여하고 있어, 광해군과 부휴계 문도와의 지속적인 교유를 통한 불교계 지원의 일단을 알 수 있었다. 광해군의 재위 연간은 어둡고 문란한 시대라는 昏朝라고 매도되었지만, 전란 중에 세자로 책봉되면서 分朝 시기는 물론 재위 16년 동안격변하는 국제 정세 속에서 전후 문화 복구사업에 힘을 기울인 것으로 재평가되기도 한다. 광해군의 불교에 대한 인식은 대체로 우호적이였으며 전후 복구지원 및 승려들과의 교유도 깊었다. 특히 조선후기 불교계를 주도한 浮休善修와 같은 禪僧과 그의 문도인 碧巖覺性·孤閑熙彦 등과 교유하면서 자신의 능침사찰인 封印寺에 사리를 봉안하고, 세자의 원찰인 淸溪寺에서 齋會를 시설하였다. 그리고 1622년 淸溪寺 齋會를 직접 설행하면서 그해 3월 『妙法蓮華經』을 開板하였고, 5월에는 광해군비인 章烈王妃가 慈壽寺와 仁壽寺 兩寺의 불사를 후원하였다. 이때 불상 11구와 불화 7점을 조성하였으며, 이 가운데 3구가 발견되었고 그중 1구가 안동 선찰사 목조석가불상이다. 이들 불상에는 3월 개판된 『법화경』과 <왕비유씨저고리>를 불복장에 넣었다. 또 7월의 해인사 藏經版殿 重修佛事에도 장열왕비의 후원 하에 왕실 비빈을 비롯한 상궁, 비구니 등의 대거 참여로 왕실의 후원은 지속되었다. 본고는 광해군 시대 佛事의 일환으로 안동 선찰사 목조석가불상에서 발견된 조성발원문을 통하여 광해군 시대 왕실의 불사 후원과 불교계 지원 사례를 검토하였다. 아울러 1622년의 조성발원문을 중심으로 淸溪寺 齋會와 慈仁壽 兩寺의 불사에서 조성된 불상과 불화 사례를 조명하였고 이를 통해 왕실 불사의 맥락을 이해하고자 하였다. This study presents an investigation into Buddhist services during the reign of King Gwanghaegun in Joseon with a focus on the document for praying wishes written to commemorate the wooden Buddha statue at Seonchal Buddhist Temple in Andong. The document provided important information to shed light on correlations between the Jaehoi of Cheonggye Buddhist Temple and the Buddhist services of both Jasu and Insu Buddhist Temples , which was in charge of Buddhist shrine at the royal court, in 1622. There were four Buddhist services held in 1622 to estimate an aspect of King Gwanghaegun`s support for the Buddhist community: 1) Jaehoi of Cheonggye Buddhist Temple, 2) revision of entire seven volumes of Myobeopyeonhwayeong, 3) Buddhist services of both Jasu and Insu Buddhist Temples in May, and 4) Buddhist service to commemorate the repair of Janggyeongpanjeon at Haein Buddhist Temple in July. King Gwanghaegun himself got involved in the first two Buddhist services, and his wife Queen Jangyeol sponsored the last two Buddhist services. Furthermore, Byeokamgakseong`s perfect attendance at those Buddhist services indicates that the king maintained his associations with the disciples of Buhyu. The reign of King Gwanghaegun is usually denounced as "Honjo," which refers to a dark and disorderly era. Once he was installed as the crown prince during the war, however, he endeavored to restore the nation`s culture in the rapidly changing international situations for 16 years when he was on the throne as well as during the Bunjo period according to a new evaluation of the king. He mostly had a favorable perception of Buddhism, offering supports for the restoration of Buddhist community after the war and forming deep associations with Buddhist monks. He, in particular, maintained his associations with Zen priests like Buhyuseonsu, who led the Buddhist community during the latter half of Joseon, and his disciples including Byeokamgakseong and Gohanheeeon, enshrining his Sari at Bongin Buddhist Temple, which was his Neungchim Buddhist Temple, and holding Jaehoi at Cheonggye Buddhist Temple, which was Wonchal for his crown prince. In 1622, he personally served at the Jaehoi of Cheonggye Buddhist Temple and ordered the revision of Myobeopyeonhwayeong in March. In May, his wife Queen Jangyeol sponsored the Buddhist services at both Jasu and Insu Buddhist Temples with 11 Buddha statues and seven Buddhist paintings created and the woodblock-printed book of Beophwagyeong and Wangbiyussijeogori inserted for the occasions. In July, there was a large attendance at the Buddhist service to commemorate the repair of Janggyeongpanjeon at Haein Buddhist Temple including the queen, royal concubines, and court ladies at the royal court and Buddhist nuns, which suggests that the sponsorship of royal court continued. The present study reviewed the royal court`s sponsorship for Buddhist services and support cases for the Buddhist community during the rule of King Gwanghaegun with the document for praying wishes discovered in the wooden Buddha statue at Seonchal Buddhist Temple in Andong as one of Buddhist services during his reign. The findings help to understand the context of Buddhist services by shedding light on the Jaehoi of Cheonggye Buddhist Temple with a focus on the document for praying wishes and the cases and characteristics of Buddha statues and Buddhist paintings created for the Buddhist services at Jasu and Insu Buddhist Temples in 1622.

한길로 법사의 한길사상

이성운 ( Lee Seongwoon ) 한국불교사연구소 2016 한국불교사연구 Vol.10 No.-

이 논문은 “진리를 찾아 한길로 나아가려는 구도자”였던 한길로 법사의 교화 사상을 살펴본 글이다. 한길로 법사는 1919년 충남 청양에서 태어나 1996년 경기도 남양주 봉인사 한길정진원에서 생애를 마감했다. 17세에 입산(入山)하여 수행하고 30대 초반 다시 출산(出山)하여 중생교화와 경전 번역에 평생을 바쳤다. 한길로 법사가 재가법사로서 평생을 교화와 역경의 한길로 정진할 수 있었던 것은 대승경전의 골자에 대한 탁월한 이해와 깨침으로 말미암았다고 할 수 있을 것 같다. 그것은 법신과 화신의 대한 불이(不二)관은 그로 하여금 출가와 재가의 차이조차 무화(無化)하여 평생을 재가법사의 길을 갈 수 있게 하였다. 그에 기초한 실천적 이념으로 불교의 `삼보`를 `밝게·바르게·착하게`라고 탁월하게 해석하여 `명정선(明正善)`의 가르침으로 제시하였다. `밝게·바르게·착하게` 살아가기 위해서는 우선 일어나 앉으라고 하고 있다. `앉아서 정신을 가다듬으면 곧 일어설 수 있을 것이다.`라며 평소의 끊임없는 실천을 강조한다. 이렇게 살아가는 것이 삼보로 살아가는 불자의 큰 길로서 누구나 같은 목적지에 도달할 것이라고 하는 실천적 삼보관을 보여주고 있다. `밝게·바르게·착하게` 넓고 큰 한길로 모든 중생들과 도반이 되라는 한길로 법사의 열반송으로 전하는 그의 부촉은 현재 봉인사와 한길로정진원을 통해 이어지고 있다. This writing considers the idea of the teachings of the Buddha-Dharma of the Dharma teacher, Hangilro which literally means he who has walked the path of a truth-seeker `on a main road`. He was born at Cheongyang, Chungcheognamdo Province in 1919 and passed away at Hangiljeongjinwon in Bongin temple, Namyangju in 1996. He joined a Buddhist monastery at the age of 17 and devoted his life to the instruction and deliverance of sentient beings and the translation of scriptures. we can say that his excellent understanding and realization of Mahayana Buddhism made it possible for him as a lay dharma teacher. His view of Non-duality(不二) for Dharma body and Transformed body makes no difference between the laity and the clergy, which led him to keep Dharma teacher as a laity for his lifetime. He explained the three jewels in Buddhism to `Bright·Right·Good(明正善)` and suggested it as a practical ideology. He claimed that in order to live a `bright·right·good` life, above all, we have to get up and sit up. He put emphasis on `daily practice` with saying `we can stand up as soon as we sit up and calm ourselves down`. This is the Buddhist great way we live a life as the tree jewels which leads anyone to the common destination. we can say that his idea shows the practical view of the tree jewels. His entrusting as the hymn of Nirvana, `be the bright·right·good companions of the Way with all sentient beings on a main road, broad and wide, continues through Bongin temple and Hangiljeongjinwon.

봉인사 세존사리탑 사리장엄구 고찰

김순아 동악미술사학회 2015 東岳美術史學 Vol.0 No.17

보물 928호 봉인사 세존사리탑 사리장엄구는 ‘모든 문화재는 원 위치에 돌려져야 한다’는 유네스코 협약에 따라 일본으로 반출되었다가 민간 차원의 교섭에 의해 우리나라에 되돌아온 최초의 유물이다. 그러나 중요성에 비해 면밀한 연구·검토가 다소 아쉬운 실정이다. 애초의 봉안양상을 알 수 없기 때문이기도 하며 우리나라 역사에서 평가절하된 광해군의 위치나 문 헌자료의 빈약함도 연구를 어렵게 하는 요소이다. 그러나 조선 중기에 중국으로부터 들어온 사리가 왕실의 원당에 봉안된 전말과 사리장엄구에 대한 정확한 미술사적 해석이 필요하다 고 생각된다. 이를 위해 제작시기와 명문이 있는 법주사 사리장엄구(1602) 및 양양 낙산사 해수관음공중사리탑(1692)의 사리장엄구의 봉안법식 등과 함께 비교·검토를 시도하였다. 이 사례의 공통점은 다중사리기를 비단보자기로 감싸거나, 비단보자기에 발원문을 기록하 는 방식, 그리고 직물류나 실타래를 함께 납입하는 등 조상경에 의거한 불상복장물과의 유 사성을 지적하였다. 이 유사성의 의미를 유추하면 17세기에 활발하게 간행·확산되는 복장납 입 의식과의 연관성을 거론할 수 있다. 마지막으로 세 가지 채색안료로 직접 문양을 그려서 장식한 세 개의 석제사리합 - 법주사 석제사리합, 봉인사 석제사리합, 傳통도사 석제합 - 은 동 시기 제작과 동일한 발원자 계층에 의한 결과물로 해석하였으며 발원자 계층은 ‘왕실’과의 관 련성이 뚜렷하다고 판단된다. The “Stupa and Reliquaries from Bongin Temple” (Treasure Number 928) was taken to Japan and only returned home to Korea following negotiations carried out in the private sector. It is the first cultural heritage object to have been returned home among those taken to Japan. The UNESCO Convention states that all cultural heritages should be repatriated to their countries of origin. Although the stupa is an important heritage, little research has been conducted on it to date, and it is not known how and why it was produced or where it was originally kept. Another obstacle to research about this precious Buddhist heritage is the undervaluation of King Gwanghaegun (r. 1608-1623) and the lack of relevant literature. (It is presumed that King Gwanghaegun held a positive view of Buddhism, although the Joseon Dynasty adopted a policy of oppressing Buddhism in favor of Confucianism. He witnessed the valiant efforts of troops composed of Buddhist monks to defend the country during the Japanese invasion in the late 16th century.) It is necessary to study how Shakyamuni Buddha’s sarira came to be sent from China and kept at the shrine of the royal family in the mid-Joseon Dynasty. It is also necessary to interpret the sarira reliquary from the perspective of art history. This study compared it with its counterparts kept at Beopju Temple (1602) in Boeun and Naksan Temple (1692) in Yangyang, which contain inscriptions detailing when they were made, with the focus on the way they were enshrined. Among the objects found in stupas were silk wrapping cloth used to wrap the multiple- walled reliquaries, wishes written on the silk wrapping cloth, and textiles or skeins of thread. They show some similarity to the objects put inside Buddha statues based on the Josanggyeong (a Buddhist scripture about the rite to be performed when making Buddha statues and its significance). This similarity has also led scholars to assume an association with the rite of placing objects inside a Buddha statue, which became prevalent by the 17th century. The three stone sarira caskets at Beopju temple, Bongin temple, and (supposedly) Tongdo temple, which were ornamented with patterns made using three-colored paints, appear to have been made during the same period based on the wishes of people of a similar class, who are thought to have been associated in some way with the royal family.

광해군과 奉印寺

황인규(Hwang In-gyu) 역사실학회 2009 역사와실학 Vol.38 No.-

This paper observes Buddhism during the time of Kwanghaegun and Bongin-Temple of Seongleung(成陵) which is a Kwanghaegun's birth mother's tomb as a temple that guards a royal tomb. It is noticeable that activities of Buhyu- Seonsu, Byeogam-Gakseong(碧巖覺性) and Kohan-Heeun(孤閑熙彦) who were disciples of Buhyu-Seonsu, and Seongji(性智) as a monk, who has geomantic knowledge of topography, as a buddhist policy under the rule of Kwanghaegun. Especially Buhyu-Seonsu experienced a hard prison life because of the false charge that was quite common things to many monks like Hyunbin-Inyung(玄賓印英) who is a disciple of Cheongheo Hyujeong(淸虛休靜). but later than he got the Kwanghaegun‘s interest and spent 5 years as a the chief priest of a buddhist temple which was Temple Guard of Seongleung(成陵). In 1619(Kwanghaegun 11) the relic of the Buddha was brought from China and was enshrined in Bongin-Temple(奉印寺). When a religious service was practiced in Cheongye-Temple(淸溪寺) where is located in Kwangjoo, Byeogam-Gakseong and Kohan-Heeun(孤閑熙彦) who were disciples of Buhyu-Seonsu and participated as a testimonial monk. Kwanghaegun tried to regain king’s dignity by built Ingyung Palace(仁慶宮) which substituted for the other palace that was burn down in Japanese Invasion of Korea in 1592. Seongji(性智) responded to request of Kwanghaegun for service that might be taken for the royal palace and royal tomb. The court lady Kim (金尙宮) who was the royal concubine of Kwanghaegun, went to the Jeongyupwon(淨業院) which is a Buddhist nunnery for the royal family for pray, and also tried to keep Jeongyupwon during Confucian's continuous demand to abolish Jeongyupwon. While she made a friend with Yeisoon(禮順), a Buddhist nun, she shook buddhist and political world at that time. Kwanghaegun raised up a tomb to Seongleung for the court lady Gongbin Kim(恭嬪金氏), Kwanghaegun‘s birth mother and took the Bongin-Temple as Temple Guard. Kwanghaegun's activities like that were acceded to guards a royal tomb system of the royal family which is take place from the early Chosun dynasty. And also It was for promotion of the ancestor of Deokheong-daewongun(德興大院君)‘s clan which was a collateral royal family in the period of later Chosun dynasty. Kwanghaegun brought the relic of the Buddha from china and enshrine it in Boodoam(浮圖庵) at Bongin-Temple during the chaotic time because of the replacement Ming(明) dynasty to Ching(淸) dynasty. A matter of the concern and interest about buddhist policy for a operation of a temple that guard a royal tomb or Temple Guard during the later Chosun dynasty was considered by the royal family, including Kwanghaegun, as a supporter and a protector of Buddhism in the period of mountains Buddhism.

국립중앙박물관 소장 사리기비단보자기의 복제

박승원,이병찬 국립중앙박물관 2007 박물관보존과학 Vol.8 No.-

국립중앙박물관 보존과학팀에서는 역사관 한글실의 전시유물 교체에 활용하기 위해 奉印寺 浮屠塔身에서 발견된 舍利孔을 싸고 있었던 보자기인 사리기비단보자기(신수9431)에 대한 복제를 진행하였다. 바탕직물은 유물과 동일한 제직의 명주를 사용하였다. 푸른색을 내기 위해 쪽 앙금을 발효시켜 만든 쪽물, 누렇게 변색된 부분을 위해 오리나무열매로 식물염색하였고 묵서된 한글궁체는 먹으로 모사하였다. The Conservation Science Team at National Museum of Korea has Reproduced the silk wrapper that was used the sarira reliquary found from Pagoda in the Bonginsa, in order to use it in the process of alternating the relics on display in the Hangeul(the Korean language) of the Historical Gallery. Silk fabric of the same texture as the original was used for reproduction. As for the process of dyeing silk fabric, fermented Indigo deposits was used for bluish color, while fruits of the alder trees were used to express the parts that have been faded into yellowish. The Korean characters(court style hangeul) written on the wrapper have been replicated through the use of Ink-stick.

興天寺 舍利殿과 石塔에 관한 연구 : 朝鮮初期 漢城의 塔婆 On Relic container-Wooden Edifice(舍利殿) and Stone Pagoda(舍利石塔) in Hungchoˇn-Sa(興天寺) temple

康炳喜 한국불교미술사학회 ( 구 한국미술사연구소 ) 2002 강좌미술사 Vol.19 No.-

Hu˘ngcho˘n-Sa temple was one of the characteristic temples of Early Choso˘n Period in Seoul Province. This temple was established in the sixth year of king Taejo(1398 A.D.) in memory of his dead queen. Wooden Building as a Relic container and Stone Pagoda in Hu˘ngcho˘n-Sa temple were completed in the first year of king Chungjong(1399 A.D.). they were made unusual from the traditional point of view. They are no longer existent but we can imagine their shape according to the literature(especially Sil-rok) on this subject and Buddhist fine arts. The former was supposed to be three-storied octagonal shape including the latter. The stone pagoda which was placed inside the building was so constructed as for those concerned to climb up and to open the door to see the sacred relics of Buddha. And those relics were sometimes moved to another place. As a conclusion, those facts implied very important meaning. Above a mentioned wooden edifice which was relic container octagonal multi-storied shape connected octagonal thirteen-storied Pohyo˘n-sa stone pagoda(普賢寺八角十三層石塔) built in the end of the Ko˘ryo˘ dynasty to multi-angled, multi-storied pagoda style of the early Choso˘n periond. In addition, other Buddhist fine arts spansored by king Taejo Lee Sung-gye- a relic container in 1390-1391 A.D. and monk pagoda of Muhag(無學) in 1397 A.D.- implied serious meaning. We are able to infer from those historical facts the style of Hu˘ngcho˘n-Sa temple edifece and the stone pagoda in it. Relic container excavated at Mt. Ku˘mgang(金剛山) is twofold. Outer one was the shape of octagonal wooden edifice and inner one was a Lamsism style pagoda. Also monk pagoda of Muhag is similar to Tibetan pagoda or to relic container in later Ko˘ryo˘ dynasty. During the later period, Ko˘ryo˘ dynasty came to maintain a close relationship with Yu¨an(元) China. So Buddhist arts of that period have the influences of Nepalese and Tibetan style. This same tendency is commonly found in Buddhist pagoda, in monk pagoda and in relic container. We can be sure that they effected each other in their style and shape. It is concluded that the stone pagoda of Hu˘ngcho˘n-Sa temple must be similar is those Nepalese and Tibetan style of monk pagoda of Muhag and relic container supported by king Taejo Lee Sung-gye. Monk pagoda of Muhag was another characteristic element. It was a surrounding balcony. The stone pagoda of Hu˘ngcho˘n-Sa temple is supposed to have the same surrounding balcony for those concerned to go up and down the pagoda. An important example of Nepalese and Tibetan style pagoda in early Choso˘n period is a relic stone pagoda in the east end of Ho˘eam-sa(檜巖寺) temple site. We do not know exactly who sponsored, when it was made, and what was its use yet. Also that temple was deeply concerned with monk Muhag and king Taejo Lee Sung-gye. When we think of the engraving and another art elements we can conclude the age and character of Hu˘ngcho˘n-Sa temple stone pagoda. The shape of stone Buddhist pagoda of Bongin-Sa(奉印寺) temple in 1619 A.D. is similar to that of monk pagoda of Muhag. So we can presume that relic stone pagoda of Ho?eam-sa temple site is bukkhist pagoda constructed in king Sejo. During the choso˘n Dynasty, Buddhism was oppressed based on Neo-Confucian norm. Moreover at the beginning of the Choso˘n Dynasty Buddhism was subject to ruling power. A great number of temples were merged. However, in reality Buddhism was not be completely suppressed. Afterwards the new mode of End-Ko˘ryo˘ and Early Choso˘n Buddhist pagoda has been succeeded and spread by Buddhist line linked with monk Naong(懶翁), monk Muhag(無學), and monk Hamho˘(涵虛).

논문 : 광해군의 불교인식

고영섭 ( Young Seop Ko ) 한국불교사연구소 2013 한국불교사연구 Vol.2 No.-

이 논문은 조선 중후기의 급변하는 동아시아 정세 속에서 안으로는 자강(自强)을 꾀하고 밖으로는 기미(羈靡)를 취하여 조선을 구하려한 광해군의 불교인식에 대해 살펴본 글이다. 조선조 역사에서 광해군(光海君)은 연산군(燕山君)과 함께 ``왕’(王)이 아니라 ``군’(君)으로 불리고 ``실록’(實錄)이 아니라 ``일기’(日記)로 격하된 왕이다. 그는 죽어서도 무덤이 강등되어 ``릉’(陵)이 아니라 ``묘’(墓)로 불려지고 있다. 이후 조선 유자들의 대다수 문집에서 폐위된 임금이라는 ‘폐주’(廢主) 혹은 어둡고 용렬한 왕이라는 ‘혼군’(昏君) 또는 계모와 동생을 죽인 ‘패륜아’(悖倫兒)로 불렸고 왕명 역시 광조(光祖)나 광종(光宗)이 아니라 ‘광해주’(光海主)로 기술되었다. 그리고 그의 재위 연간은 어둡고 문란한 시대라는 ‘혼조’(昏朝)라고까지 매도되었다. 하지만 근래의 연구에서 광해군은 대동법(大同法) 시행과 화폐 주조, 그리고 은광을 개발하여 적극적으로 사회와 경제 정책을 추진하고 탁월한 외교감각으로 실리외교를 수행한 현명한 군주로 보려는 시각이 확산되고 있다. 광해군은 분조(分朝) 시기는 물론 명(明)의 쇠멸과 후금(淸)의 등장 및 일본(日本)의 재편과 같은 격변하는 국제 정세 속에서 재위 15년 동안 전후 문화 복구사업을 통한 안으로의 자강(自强)과 밖으로의 기미(羈靡) 정책을 통해 백성들의 윤택을 최우선시한 ``지혜로운’ 군주였다. 광해군은 제1차 분조(分朝)시기와 제2차 무군사(撫軍司) 활동을 통해 나라를 위하여 목숨을 바치는 수많은 승려들의 애국심을 보며 불교에 대한 종래의 인식을 새롭게 하였다. 하지만 광해군은 선조 이래의 상궁 김개시(金介屎)와 모녀관계를 맺으며 왕실녀들과 폭넓은 관계를 맺고 왕실불교에 깊은 영향을 미친 예순(禮順)과 같은 비구니와 교유함으로써 기복적인 신앙으로 흐를 수밖에 없었다. 또 유자들에게 술승(術僧) 또는 광승(狂僧)의 풍모로 비쳐진 성지(性智)와 가까이 지냄으로써 광해군의 불교 인식은 기복적으로 흐를 수밖에 없었고 불교를 사회 속으로 확장시키거나 발전시키는 데에는 일정한 한계가 있었다. 다행히 부휴 선수(浮休善修)와 같은 선승과 그 제자인 벽암각성(碧巖覺性)과 고한 희언(孤閑熙彦)과 같은 선사들과 교유함으로써 자신의 원찰인 봉인사(封印寺)에 사리를 봉안하고 세자의 원찰인 청계사(淸溪寺)에서 재회를 시설할 수 있었다. 그리하여 광해군의 불교에 대한 인식은 선조시대 이전과는 분명 달랐다. 광해군은 분조시기를 통해 나라를 위하여 목숨을 던지는 승려들을 통해 불교에 대한 새로운 이해에 접할 수 있었다. 그리고 왕위에 오른 이후에는 경직된 유교의 사유만이 아니라 유연한 불교의 사유에도 관심을 기울였다. 그리하여 불교에 대한 왕과 유자들의 부정적 인식도 어느 정도 완화시킬 수 있었다. 분조 시기의 불교 이해와 함께 광해군 시대의 불교 지원은 이러한 맥락에서 이해해 볼 수 있을 것이다. 따라서 광해군은 분조(分朝) 시기는 물론 명(明)의 쇠멸과 후금(淸)의 등장 및 일본(日本)의 재편과 같은 격변하는 국제 정세 속에서 재위 15년 동안 전후복구를 통한 안으로의 자강과 밖으로의 기미(羈靡) 정책을 통해 백성들의 윤택을 최우선 순위에 둔 ‘영명한’ 군주였다고 평가할 수 있다. 그가 경직된 유교만이 아니라 유연한 불교를 수용하고, 민족문화의 계승을 위해 헌신하면서도 외래문화의 수용도 배제하지 않았던 것은 이러한 맥락에서 이해할 수있다. 결국 광해군에게 불교는 보다 유연한 사유를 지닐 수 있게한 원동력이었다고 할 수 있다. 그리고 그것은 백성을 사랑하는 애민(愛民)의 마음으로 나타났다. The purpose of this study was to research the Buddhism recognition of Gwanghaegun who tried to rescue Joseon by searching for strenuous effort internally and Gimi externally in the rapidly changing East Asian situation in the middle end of Joseon Dynasty. In the history of Joseon Dynasty, along with Yeonsangun, Gwanghae was called ``Gun`` rather than ``King`` and Silrok was degraded to ``Ilgi``. After his death, his grave has been called ``Myo`` rather than ``Neung``. Joseon Confucian scholars have call him ``Pyeju`` meaning dethroned king, ``Hongun`` meaning dark, mediocre king or ``immoral person`` who killed step mother and brother in many books. His king name has been described as ``Gwanghaeju`` rather than Gwangjo or Gwangjong. His reign period has been degraded to ``Honjo`` meaning dark, immoral age. In the recent study, however, the viewpoint to consider him as wise king who performed Daedongbeop, cast currency and developed silver mind to promote social and economic policy and performed a benefit diplomacy with outstanding diplomacy sense has been enlarged. Gwanghaegun was ``wise`` king who gave a priority to the abundant lives of people by searching for strenuous effort internally and Gimi policy externally in the rapidly changing international situation including Bunjo (court division), extinction of Ming, appearance of Ching and reorganization of Japan. Gwanghaegun renewed his existing recognition over Buddhism while seeing the patriotism of a lot of priests who sacrificed their lives for country in the first Bunjo age and the second Mugunsa activity. However, Gwanghaegun had no choice but to have Shamanic Fortune Belief while having mother-son relationship with a court lady Kim Gae-Si and exchanging with Buddhist nun Yesun who had deep relationship with royal ladies and gave deep effect to royal Buddhism. While having a close relationship with Seongji who was considered as magic monk or mad monk by Confucian scholars, Gwanghaegun`s recognition over Buddhism had no choice but to have Shamanic Fortune Belief and he had limit in expanding or developing Buddhism in society. Fortunately, while exchanging with Zen priest like Buhyu Seonsu and his disciples, Byeokam Gakseong and Gohan Huieon, he could enshrine his Sari in his the temple of the vow, Bonginsa and establish an assembly for commandment in his prince`s the temple of the vow, Cheonggyesa. Gwanghaegun`s recognition over Buddhism was clearly different from that in the age before the reign of King Seonjo. Gwanghaegun could understand Buddhism newly through the priests who sacrificed their lives for country in Bunjo age. After he became a king, he paid attention to the thought of Buddhism as well as the thought of stiffened Confucianism. In this way, he could relax king`s and Confucian scholar`s negative recognition over Buddhism. We can understand the Buddhism assistance in the age of Gwanghaegun as well as the Buddhism in Bunjo age in this way. Therefore, Gwanghaegun can be evaluated as ``wise`` king who gave a priority to the abundant lives of people by searching for strenuous effort internally and Gimi policy externally in the rapidly changing international situation including Bunjo (court division), extinction of Ming, appearance of Ching and reorganization of Japan for 15 years of his reign. The reason that he adopted flexible Buddhism as well as stiffened Confucianism and he succeeded traditional culture but did not exclude the foreign culture can be understood in this context. After all, Buddhism was a driving force to give flexible thought to Gwanghaegun. It was expressed as the mind to love people.