일본 신종교의 개벽운동 -‘요나오시’를 중심으로-

야규 마코토(柳生眞) 원광대학교 종교문제연구소 2019 한국종교 Vol.46 No.-

본고에서는 19세기 일본의 도쿠가와(德川) 막번체제(幕藩體制) 붕괴 시기부터 근대 초기에 일어난 수많은 신종교 중에서도 특히 낡은 봉건적 사회질서를 부정하면서 메이지 정부가 강력하게 추진한 서구근대화에도 순종하지 않고 나름대로 새로운 이상세계를 제시한 일본판 ‘개벽종교’라고 할 수 있는 신종교들을 다루었다. 이 논문의 내용은 주로 다음 세 가지이다. 먼저 봉건사회가 동요하고 흔들리는 가운데서 가난하고 억눌린 민중들 중에서 저절로 일어난 세상 변혁의 소원이 담긴 ‘요나오시(世直し)’의 관념에 대해 살펴보았다. ‘요나오시’는 원래 흉사를 경사로 바꾸는 주문이었으나 에도시대 중기 무렵부터 봉건통치체제에 불만을 품고 새로운 세상을 꿈꾸는 민중들의 키워드가 되었다. 그리고 그 소원은 실제로 서민들이 지배층에 대한 봉기·폭동인 ‘잇키(一揆)’나 부유한 상인·지주·고리대 등의 집과 창고를 습격, 파괴하는 ‘우치코와시(打壊し)’로 나타나기도 하고, 또 돌발적인 민중 소동인 ‘에에자나이카’나 순례운동인 ‘오카게마이리’로 폭발하기도 했다. 두 번째는 그러한 민중 속의 에너지를 수렴하고 체계화시키고 새로운 세상에 대한 비전, 그리고 만민평등의 새로운 인간관을 제시한 민간 신앙운동인 후지코(富士講)나 나카야마 미끼(中山みき), 이토 로쿠로우베이(伊藤六郎兵衛), 데구치나오(出口なお), 데구치 오니사부로우(出口王仁三郎) 등 민중 속에서 일어난 교조들. 그리고 그들이 일으킨 천리교(天理敎), 마루야마교(丸山敎), 오오모토(大本) 등의 개벽종교를 살펴보았다. 세 번째는 민중 속에서 일어난 그들 ‘요나오시’ 개벽종교들 제시한 새로운 이상세계와 인간상, 그리고 그들이 메이지정부가 내세운 서구근대화와 국가신도 체제에 저항·대응하면서 각각의 이상을 추구한 실천에 대해 살펴보았다. 그들은 모두 강자가 약자를 학대하고 착취하는 현실사회를 통렬하게 비판하면서 그 대신 인간의 평등과 존엄성을 외치고 민중들도 풍년과 순한 기후, 무병무사와 행복을 누리는 밝은 신세계의 도래를 설파하고 역사의 혼란기에 헤매는 민중들의 구제에 전력을 기울인 것이다. This paper examines the new religions that can be called the ‘kaebyŏk (Great Opening) religions’ in the Japanese variant. These new religions, among numerous new religions that arose from the period of the collapse of the Bakuhan (幕藩) system of Tokugawa (德川) from the 19 century to early modern times in Japan, particularly rejected the old social order of feudalism and resisted the calls for Western modernization that the Meiji government strongly promoted, instead advocating a new ideal world in a fashion that was unique to these religions. The main contents of this paper include the following three points. First, the idea of Yonaoshi (世直し, “straightening the world”) is examined. This concept contains the desire to transform the world that arose spontaneously among the poor and oppressed as the system of feudalism was undermined and faltered. The Yonaoshi was originally a mantra calling for misfortunes to be transformed into something good, but it became a key precept among those who were dissatisfied with system of the feudalism and who dreamed of a new world from around the mid-period of Edo. These aspirations materialized in events such as ‘itki (一揆)’, uprisings and riots gainst the ruling class by the common people, or ‘uchikowashi (打壊し)’, whereby the houses and warehouses of wealthy merchants, landlords, and usurers were attacked and destroyed, or ‘eejanaika’, spontaneous disturbances, or ‘okagemairi’, that took the form of a pilgrimage movement. Second, this paper investigated the Hujiko (富士講) as a folk faith movement that embraced and systematized such energy and resistance among the downtrooden and advocated a vision of a new world and proposed the idea that all human beings are equal. This paper also sought to identify the leaders who arose among the masses such as Nakayama Miki (中山みき), Ito Rokurobei (伊藤六郎兵衛), Deguchi Nao (出口なお), and Deguchi Onisaburo (出口王仁三郎), as well as recording the religions of the Great Opening such as Tenri-kyo (天理敎), Maruyama-kyo (丸山敎), and Oomoto-kyo that they created. Third, this paper examined the new ideal worlds proposed and the new human characteristics of the religions of the Great Opening. It also investigated how the masses sought to implement their ideals, and how they protested and reacted against the drive for Western modernization and the national Shito system that the Meiji government advocated. All groups among the masses bitterly criticised the existing social system where the strong abused and exploited the weak, and instead, they argued for the equality and dignity of human beings. Predicting the coming of a bright new world where ordinary people would enjoy years of plenty, mild climates, the absence of illness and death, and happiness, they devoted all their efforts to aiding the many displaced persons who existed in this chaotic period of the history.

신종교와 여성 일본 신종교에 있어서 여성 지도자의 위상 -역사, 문화적인 배경을 중심으로-

임태홍 ( Tai Hong Lim ) 한국신종교학회 2009 신종교연구 Vol.21 No.-

In the Japanese new religious bodies, there has been many women leaders, who has founded the religious body or has acquired their authority in their religious congregations through the mystical experience and others. This paper, in the first chapter, introduces Miyamoto Mitsu of Myochikai and Naganuma Myoko of Risshokoseikai. The women founded the new religious bodies in the 20th century. In the 2nd chapter, the writer presents Nakayama Miki of Tenrikyo and Deguchi Nao of Omotokyo. These two women established the 19th century`s representative religious organizations in the country. The writer expecially focuses on the two-top-system in a society, which has one woman leader and the other support man who help the holy woman leader to manage her society. This two-top-system is also founded in the ancient Japan history, for example Himiko and her younger brother of Yamatai-koku, Suiko Tenno and Syotokutaisi of the Asuka era, and so forth. In conclusion, in the Japanese society, there seems to be the cultural climate in which a woman who has a special religious ability is apt to be easily able to acquire the charisma as a religious leader. The cultural climate is, so to speak, the cultural tradition from the ancient matrilineal society, which has an very profound effect on the Japanese society for a woman to play an important role in the religious congregations.

1945년 한반도에서 일본군의 '본토결전' 준비 : 편제와 병사노무동원을 중심으로 The Organization, and the soldiers enlisted as Laborers

신주백 한국역사연구회 2003 역사와 현실 Vol.- No.49

The Japanese troops that were stationed at the Korean peninsula were generally referred to as the 'Korean Contingent', but the contingent's formal designation was changed to 'The Headquarters for the Korean Detachment' in February 1945. The Detachment was also named in charge of the 17th Areal Forces, along with responsibilities for munitions and battle readiness as well. The 17th Areal Forces received reinforcement from China and Japan, indicating that the Japanese' main concentration in this time period was actually upon counteracting the expected attacks of the American forces rather than the Soviet forces. This kind of strategic change was the only mission change for the Japanese troops in this region since they had been established here in 1905. The Japanese forces were facing two major problems as they were preparing for a grand assault upon the Korean peninsula. One was the issue of chain of command between the Gwandong area forces and the 17th Areal Forces. Neither one was a subordinate to the other, but the issue was raised by the Gwandong forces which had to prepare for operations against the Soviet forces in the Northern area of the peninsula. Eventually the Chosun Governor-General and the Commander in chief of the 17th Areal forces layed out a ruling against the Gwangdog forces' position, and also the Emperor was against the idea syggested by the Gwangdong forces. This controversy was a demonstration of the internal situation of Japanese troops, and was also an example of a colony in a particularly fluctuating situation forcing the main land authorities to act accordingly. The other problem was to prepare munition and food supply for the conscripted over 4 hundred thousand Chosun men, but most of these men ever-weakened inner control of the Japanese imperialism at the time. The fact that the major conscription going on at the time was to secure workforce(which would be positioned at oversea areas) should be noted, and inner stages of this period should be suggested on that basis.

한말 일제의 진해만 요새 건설과 식민도시 개발의 변형

김경남 부산광역시사편찬위원회 2012 항도부산 Vol.28 No.-

本稿は20世紀初頭、列强による東アジアでの覇權爭いの中、日本が鎭海灣の要塞地帶を築いていく過程で、その中心であった馬山と釜山が軍事要塞都市として、開發の性格が變化していく樣子を論じる。特に、日露戰爭が勃發していく以前、階鎭海灣要塞地帶の核心をなす馬山、釜山で土地潛買という手法を利用して軍事要塞基地を建設していく過程が、日本帝國政府內のどのような論議 決濟構造で進められたのかを明らかにするのが本稿の目的である. 主に日本の大本營參謀本部、陸軍省、海軍省、外務省が作成した當時の公文書などを分析した結果は、以下の通りである。1880年から1904年にかけて進められた釜山浦と馬山浦の土地潛買は、日本帝國政府がロシアから韓國という利益線を守るため、死活を賭けて進めた戰略的方策であった. 主務機關は日本大本營 參謀本部と陸軍省であり、鎭海灣一帶、すなわち釜山の絶影鳥、富民洞、草梁、「馬山浦事件」で知られる栗九味だけでなく、滋福裏、月影裏、新月裏、阮月裏、正山裏、西城裏など、廣大な土地を潛買した。この時、日本人の迫間房太郞や(韓國の農商工部大臣であった閔泳綺と商議して、韓國人の名義で潛買は進められた。イ ヨンギュンの從者吳氏の名義) など このような日本の韓國での土地潛買行爲は國際法違反である. こうして買い占めた土地をもとに、日本大本營は、1904年2月、連合艦隊の根居地として使うため、兵士を辨論して、武器を一般貨物として送って、馬山を占領した。海軍の要請によって陸軍は1904年8月、巨濟島の外洋浦に鎭海灣要塞の建設を始める。この基地は大韓海峽東側でバルチック艦隊を擊退する際に大きく貢獻した。しかし、この時、日本帝國陸海軍が韓國の鎭海灣基地に上陸したのは國際法違反の無警告の軍事的侵略である。1905年8月には、正式に鎭海灣要塞司令部が設置される. 日本の內閣は、鎭海灣要塞地帶にいる兵士に軍用食糧を提供するため、日本人の補助移住漁村と軍用の缶詰工場を建設した。また鎭海灣要塞地帶の核心都市である馬山と 海、釜山を結ぶ軍用鐵道、道路などのインフラを設置し、陸上 海底ケ一ブルなどの通信網を整備した. よって、1900年の鎭海灣一帶の土地暗買政策は、ロシアの汽船會社と日本の商人の土地をめぐる爭いではなく、日本帝國がロシア勢力の南下を抑えるために國家の死活を賭けて國際法を違反しながら進めた軍事戰略的なものであった。以後、鎭海灣要塞地帶が設置されていく中で日本の假想敵國が變化するにしたがって馬山から釜山に要塞の中心が移動し、土地改良、鐵道、道路、通信網など都市インフラ開發も軍事政策に合わせて變化するのである.