조선시대 사군(四郡) 관련 산문 기록에 나타난 도교 문화적 공간인식의 양상과 의미

이태희(Lee, Tae-Hee) 부산대학교 인문학연구소 2017 코기토 Vol.- No.81

이 논문은 조선시대에 사군(四郡)이 도교적인 공간으로 인식되었음을 보여주는 자료들을 문헌에서 추출하여 정리하고, 그 의미를 논한 글이다. 사군은 단양(丹陽) · 청풍(淸風) · 제천(堤川) · 영춘(永春) 네 고을의 총칭으로, 조선 후기에 많은 사람이 유람한 승경이었다. 필자는 박사학위논문에서 사군 유기(遊記)를 연구하여 사군에 도교적 공간인식이 투영되어 있음을 밝힌 바 있으며, 여기서는 야담 · 필기 · 백과전서 등까지 범위를 확대하여 도교적 공간인식의 전체상을 파악하고자 하였다. 사군은 험준한 산줄기로 둘러싸여 있고 그 가운데를 흐르는 강에는 여울이 많아 외부와 격절된 공간이었으며, 그 속에 승경(勝景)과 동굴이 산재되어 있었다. 이러한 지리적 특성은 동천복지(洞天福地)와 유사성이 강하여 사군을 신선세계로 상상하기에 적합하였고, 동천복지의 상상은 기행문학에 흔히 표현되었다. 그리하여 사군에는 이인(異人) 설화와 도교 성향인물의 자취가 쌓였고, 지상선(地上仙)이 사는 공간으로 인식되었다. 이러한 인식은 대체로 16세기부터 나타나 전란을 거치면서 강해졌고, 18세기 들어 폭발한 것으로 보인다. 한편, 『정감록(鄭鑑錄)』에서는 사군을 십승지(十勝地)에 포함하였고, 조선 후기 필기와 백과전서에도 사군을 피난처, 길지(吉地)로 인식하는 기록이 남아 있다. 이러한 공간인식은 17세기부터 생겨났던 것으로 보이며, 19세기까지 계속해서 변화하며 확산되었다. 이제까지 실재하는 장소에 투영된 도교적 공간인식에 집중한 연구는 흔하지 않았다. 이 논문은 지리산 청학동과 묘향산에 이어 또 하나의 사례를 축적하였다는 점에서 인문지리학과 도교문화사에서 일정한 의의를 갖는다. 또한 조선시대 유기(遊記) 연구에서도 의의가 있다. 유기는 조선 전기 유학자의 세계관을 바탕으로 발전했던 문체이므로 유교적 색채가 짙게 드러난다. 반면, 사군 유기에는 도교적 공간인식이 지속적으로 나타나는 것이 특징이다. This study is conducted to derive materials from the literature at the time which show the fact that four-counties(四郡) were recognized as Taoist space in the Joseon era, and organize and discuss its meaning. The four-counties are surrounded by rugged mountains, and they are separated from the outside by a lot of streams the river flowing in the middle of them has, and they were spaces filled with excellent sceneries(勝景) and caves. These geographical characteristics were stronger than those of the Abode of the Immortals, so it was appropriate to imagine the four-counties as an immortal world, and this imagination was often expressed in Travel Literature. On these backgrounds, traces of tales of others and Taoism characters were accumulated, and the four-counties were recognized as the spaces where Jisangseon(地上仙) lives. This perception has generally been strong since the beginning of the 16th century, and seems to have exploded in the 18th century. On the other hand, Jeonggamrok includes four-counties in ten refuges(十勝地), and documents and the encyclopedia in the late Joseon have recorded four-counties as shelters and auspicious places(吉地). This perception has appeared from the 17th century and continues to change and spread to the 19th century. Few studies have been conducted focusing on Taoismt space recognition projected to a place where ever existed. This study has its meaning in human geography and Taoist cultural history in that it has accumulated another case following Jirisan Cheonghakdong and Myohyangsan. It is also significant in the study of landscape travelogues in Joseon. Since landscape travelogue is a style that has developed Neo-Confucianism as a world view, it is hard to find the case where Taoist space recognition is concentrated. In the late Joseon period, the style and content of landscape travelogues change, and Taoist space recognition of four-county landscape travelogues is one of such changes.

충북 단양지역 기행가사 연구

송재연(Song, Jae-yeon) 서원대학교 직지문화산업연구소 2016 湖西文化論叢 Vol.25 No.-

The purpose of this paper is to consider writer consciousness and ways of expression about natural scenery through the comparison consideration Traveler’s Gasa(紀行歌辭) which written after going sightseeing through Sagun(四郡) area. Through this study will find out the rituals of ancestor about natural beauty and the beauty of expression in embodying. This study also establishes the literary status of Siga(詩歌) of Chungbuk. Sagun(四郡) area, that is to say Yeongchun(永春)·Danyang(丹陽)·Jecheon(堤川)·Cheongpung(淸風) has been known as a beauty spot. For this reason, many literary men traveled this area and embodied their feelings in a variety of literature. Especially in Gasa(歌辭), representative literary works which written after traveling to Sagun(四郡) area is two pieces, that is <Sagunbeolgok(四郡別曲)> written by Yi-U(李渘) and <Sagunbeolgok(四郡別曲)> written by Seo Mun-Taek(徐文澤). Through the comparison consideration two <Sagunbeolgok(四郡別曲)>, the difference can be find out in writer consciousness and ways of expression about natural scenery. In writer consciousness, mind of yearning toward a king stood out as being more important in <Sagunbeolgok(四郡別曲)> written by Yi-U(李渘), on the other hand in <Sagunbeolgok(四郡別曲)> written by Seo Mun-Taek(徐文澤), self-Consciousness as a Hermit stood out. In aspect of expression, ideological descriptions were widely used in <Sagunbeolgok(四郡別曲)> written by Yi-U(李渘), on the other hand metaphorical descriptions were widely used in <Sagunbeolgok(四郡別曲)> written by Seo Mun-Taek(徐文澤).

安東 金門의 四郡 유람 연구

김은정 돈암어문학회 2018 돈암어문학 Vol.34 No.-

The excursion of Sagun(四郡, four-county) including Danyang(丹陽), Cheongpung(淸風), Jecheon(堤川), and Yungchun(永春), was generalized by the 17th century due to its beautiful scenery. Prior to this, his reputation began to become widely known as Lee Hwang(李滉), who served as Danyang county governor, who traveled to various places and left the <DanyangSansuGayujaSokgi(丹陽山水可遊者續記)>. Especially, it became a place where many literary men were found by the traces of the Confucian Lee Hwang which is in the Danyang. The Cheongpung, along with Danyang, was recognized as a province where the elite of the Noron(老論) princesses had been appointed since the middle of the 17th century. As the queen’s hometown, Cheongpung was raised to high administrative district, it is possible to enjoy good scenery among leisure activities. And in Andong(安東) Kim’s, three generations ruled Cheongpung and built up the connection between the family and the province. In particular, Brother Nong-Yun(農淵) has enjoyed the excursion with their friends and family, and Kim Chang-hup(金昌翕) expressed his travels and tours in the Dangu Diary(「丹丘日記」) and various poets. Brother Nong-Yun's poets were later combined with the poetry Dangurok(丹丘錄). It was another guide to the Sagun as it was read by many people. Kim Chang- hyub's disciple, Sin Jung-ha(申靖夏), used this poetry as a tour guide, confirmed the positive nature of the items revealed in the poem, and took the attitude of honoring Brother Nong-Yun rather than Lee Hwang. After that, Kim Sin-gyum(金信謙) and Min Woo-soo(閔遇洙) left the excursion of Sagun without official duty, and also visited according to the track of their uncle and the teacher. 丹陽․堤川․淸風․永春을 아우르는 四郡은 아름다운 경치를 지니고 있어서 17세기에 이르면 ‘四郡山水’가 일반화된다. 이보다 앞서 사군의 명성은 李滉이 丹陽 군수로 재직하면서 여러 장소를 유람하고 <丹陽山水可遊者續記>를 남김으로써 널리 알려지기 시작한다. 특히 儒鄕 丹陽에 儒宗 李滉의 자취가 깃들었기 때문에 많은 문인이 찾는 장소가 되었다. 한편 사군 중 단양과 더불어 승경으로 이름난 淸風은 17세기 중반 이후 노론 명문가의 엘리트가 부임하는 고을로 인식되었다. 왕비의 貫鄕으로서 읍격이 높아짐에 따라 한가한 공무 가운데 좋은 풍광을 즐길 수 있기 때문이다. 그리고 安東 金門에서는 3대에 걸쳐 청풍을 다스림으로써 고을과 가문의 인연을 쌓아갔다. 특히 農淵 형제는 가까운 주변 인물과 사군 유람을 성대히 하였고, 김창흡은 유람의 여정과 감회를 「丹丘日記」의 기문과 여러 편의 한시로 표현하였다. 농연 형제의 한시는 후에 「丹丘錄」으로 엮여 여러 사람들에게 읽힘으로써 사군에 대한 또다른 안내서 역할을 하였다. 김창협의 제자 申靖夏는 이를 여행의 안내서로 삼아 유람하면서 시에 드러난 경물의 핍진성을 확인하였고, 이황보다는 농연 형제를 기리는 태도를 취하였다. 이후 金信謙과 閔遇洙는 공무를 맡지 않은 채 사군 유람을 떠났고, 역시 중부와 스승의 자취에 따라 사군을 유람하였다.

三韓一統意識은 7세기의 이념인가

윤경진(Yoon, Kyeong-Jin) 한국고대사학회 2019 韓國古代史硏究 Vol.0 No.93

이 연구는 신라의 삼한일통의식이 7세기의 이념이라는 기존 견해에서 제기한 비판을 반박하고, 9세기에 비로소 출현했다는 이해를 재확인한 것이다. 특히 신라가 백제를 병합한 것에 불과하다는 주장에서 제기한 논점을 중심으로 검토하였다. 그 결과 7세기 신라의 영토의식을 반영하는 “平壤已南 百濟土地”에 고구려는 포함되지 않으며, 신라가 나당전쟁의 결과로 도달했다는 “高句麗 南境”은 대동강을 가리키는 것임을 재차 확인하였다. 또한 金庾信 獻議는 魏徵의 사례를 가지고 가공한 것이며, 무열왕의 太宗 諡號를 三韓의 一統과 연결한 것은 후대의 인식임도 확인하였다. 그리고 신라말에 출현하는 四郡 인식은 신라가 海東에 포함되는 존재들을 자신의 역사로 수용한 결과이며, 삼한일통의식의 균열이 아니라 확립을 보여주는 것으로 파악되었다. This article is a response to a recent critical analysis raised from a rather traditional perspective which had been viewing the Shilla dynasty’s “Three Hans were one” notion as an ideological one formed in the 7th century. In this article such view is again rebutted, while it is maintained that the said notion was formed only in the 9th century. The point in contention (particularly in this article) is a previous argument that Shilla was only able to ‘annex’ Baekje. Examination in this article once again confirmed that a historical reference which said “Lands south of Pyeong’yang has been part of Baekje’s territory(平壤已南 百濟土地),” a line which in itself reveals how Shilla perceived its own territory in the 7th century, was a reference which did not actually include the territory of Goguryeo, and that the so-called “Southern border of Goguryeo(高句麗 南境),” which Shilla supposedly reached at the end of conflicts between itself and Dang, was in fact referring to no other than the Daedong-gang river. Meanwhile, the “Suggestion[‘Heon’eui, 獻議’] of Kim Yushin(金庾信)” seems to have been fabricated using the story of Wi Jing(魏徵), and people in later periods were obviously who recognized King Mu’yeol-wang’s posthumous title “Taejong(太宗)” and the “Samhan Iltong(三韓一統)” notion as being connected with each other. Added to that, the “Four Gun(四郡)“ notion which surfaced at the end of the Shilla period seems as a result of Shilla absorbing all Haedong(“East side of China, 海東”) entities into its own history. In that regard, it should be considered as an evidence, not to the collapse of the Samhan Iltong notion but instead the consolidation of it.

金昌翕의 丹丘 유람과 문학적 형상화

김은정(Kim, Eun-Jeong) 한국어문학회 2018 語文學 Vol.0 No.141

Samyun(三淵) Kim Chang-heup(金昌翕, 1653-1722) laid the foundations for the formation and the enhancement of the true literature with realistic elements through sightseeing tours. It is presumed that the unique poetic style and the material shown in the poetic world of Kim Chang-heup would have been done in the process of effectively writing poems with the impressions inspired by the sightseeing tour. This paper examines the journey and classical Chinese poetry recording the progress and expression of when Kim Changheup at the age of 36 traveled to the Danyang(丹陽) area. Kim Chang-heup traveled to four districts such as Danyang, Jecheon, and Youngwol(寧越) to accompany Kim Chang-hyup who served as a prefecture governor of Chungpung when he went up to Seoul and returned to the place of his appointment in 1688 (King Sukjong 14 years). On this journey, Kim Changheup created the journey of “Dangu Diary” and 220 classical Chinese poems. In particular, the classical poems were organized and distributed with Dangulok. Through these works, you can confirm the reality of the excursion. Kim Chang-Heup impressively watched the journey going up the Han River by boat, detailing and recording the difficulties of the inspiration and the water way which had not been experienced before. Kim Chang-Heup accompanied 10 delegates including Chungju governor to the Dangu excursion. Kim Chang-Heup shared his fascination with the other people, by blowing the flute directly and getting a flavor of the journey, as an example. On the other hand, on the Yungwol excursion that he took alone, he becomes drenched in loneliness and sorrow. For this reason, he had mainly created works that revealed a pleasure from meditation in Jungbangsssa, where he visited at the end of his itinerary. Kim Chang-Heup also created many poems in his way back. This is the reason why he was filled with emotion again, even though he had already seen the landscape, or he encountered scenery that he had never seen. Thus, Kim Chang-Heup left a lot of prose records and creations of classical Chinese poems during one-month long tour to the four districts. It contains everything he saw, heard, and felt through the excursion, such as the various aspects of cruising on the ship, the pleasure of the accompanying people, and the sorrow and meditation that he felt alone. In the case of classical Chinese poems, they were organized and distributed as Dangurok and became the mediator of memory to the accompanying people taking the journey together. In addition, the surrounding characters and later writers became enthusiastic about the excursion to the four districts and created momentum to trigger the future journey to the four districts.

고려 건국기의 三韓一統意識과 ‘海東天下’ 인식

윤경진 한국중세사학회 2018 한국중세사연구 Vol.0 No.55

Examined in this article is the historical meaning of the very notion of “the Three Han units are one(三韓一統意識),” and the concept of “Another universe on the East side of the Sea(海東天下),” which both prevailed during the Goryeo period. The existence of these notion and concept are traced through stone epitaphs and other similar sources of historical information, produced at the end of the Unified Shilla period and in early years of Goryeo. These notion and concept were all formed during the ending days of Shilla, but were established as formal ideological beliefs for the state by the people of Goryeo. Shilla only considered itself as Jinhan(辰韓), one of the Three Hans, but Goryeo identified itself as the Three Hans as a whole. Shilla considered the establishment of another universe engulfing all regions in the Eastern side of the Sea(海東諸國) as the way to bind all Three Hans together, so memories and legacies cultivated by entities that had ever existed upon the East side of the Sea were conceptually absorbed into the Shilla culture and Shilla mind. So did even the memories and legacy of the Four Gun(四郡) units, as Shilla connected itself with the Hyeonto-gun(玄菟, 兎郡) unit, which had usually been associated with Goguryeo in the past. Goryeo too inherited Shilla’s such perception of the ‘East side of the Sea(海東),’ and established a universe of its own. The Goryeo-version of this “Universe on the East side of the Sea(海東天下)” was of course conceived as part of the Sino-centric world order(中華天下), but at the same time it was considered to have retained its own unique identity that differentiated itself from the Chinese universe. The Goryeo king considered itself as an Emperor(天子) in its own right, and the Goryeo people even defined China as a ‘Universe on the West[海 西],’ compared to themselves on the East.

『我邦疆域考』 역주・비평 (2) -四郡總考・樂浪考-

박찬우,박대재 고려사학회 2020 한국사학보 Vol.- No.79

정약용은 『아방강역고』 四郡總考에서 위만조선 멸망 이후 설치된 漢四郡의 지역범위에 관해 江界外徼에 있던 진번군을 제외하고는 대부분 압록강 동쪽 지역에 해당한다고 본 뒤 4군이 2府로 전환한 과정을 살펴보았다. 이어서 樂浪考에서는 前漢, 後漢, 晉 시기 낙랑군의 연혁을 살펴보고 주요 속현의 위치를 비정하였다. 하지만 2府를 설정하는 문제나 낙랑군 東部都尉 및 南部都尉의 관할 지역에 관한 이해, 遂成縣의 위치비정 등은 조선 후기 다른 역사지리서나 현재의 통설과 크게 차이가 나는 부분이라 지적할 수 있다. In “Sagunch'onggo(四郡總考 The General Review of the Four Commanderies)” of Abang Kangyŏkko(我邦疆域考), Chŏng Yagyong (丁若鏞) studied the process of the four commanderies’ administrative transformation into two prefectures(府), under the assumption that the commanderies were located in the eastern region of Amnok River except Zhenfan Commandery. Meanwhile, he demonstrated the history of Lelang Commandery and estimated the location of its counties during the periods of Former Han, Later Han and Jin Dynasty. Yet, it is noteworthy that his arguments about the two prefectures, the Lelang commandery’s Eastern and Southern Part Districts, the location of Suichen County(遂成縣), and other arguments were significantly different from the general opinions held by scholars after the later period of Chosŏn dynasty.

영조조(英祖朝) 동촌파(東村派)의 교유양상(交遊樣相)과 교유시(交遊詩) -오원(吳瑗),남유용(南有容),이천보(李天輔),황경원(黃景源)을 중심으로

안순태 ( Soon Tae An ) 한국한시학회 2013 韓國漢詩硏究 Vol.21 No.-

본고는 英祖朝 ‘東村派’의 실체를 究明하고 그 핵심 구성원들의 교유 양상과 교유시에 대해 살피는 것을 목적으로 한다. ‘東村派’는 李圭象에 의해 붙여진 이름으로 영조조에 吳瑗·南有容·李天輔·黃景源 등을 중심으로 東村에 거주하면서 함께 어울리던 일군의 문사들을 가리킨다. ‘東村派’는 문학 유파라기보다는 교유집단의 성격이 두드러진 칭호다. 그리고 이 교유집단의 모임은 吳瑗·南有容·李天輔·黃景源 등 이른바 ‘英祖朝 四家’라 불리는 핵심 구성원들을 중심으로 지속되기는 했지만 거기에 참여한 인물들은 그보다 훨씬 많았다. 또한 이들은 주로 吳瑗의 鐘巖 東亭에 모여 시주회를 가졌다. 따라서 ‘東村派’는 東村에 거주하던 吳瑗·南有容·李天輔·黃景源을 핵심 구성원으로 하며 1724년 내지 1773년경까지 鐘巖 東亭을 중심으로 모임을 가졌던 교유 집단이라 할 수 있다. 필자는 동촌파 모임을 형성 및 정착기, 전성기, 침체기의 세 시기로 구분하여 각 시기 이 그룹의 動態와 모임에서 이루어진 詩作들을 살펴보았다. 동촌파가 고정된 멤버와 빈번한 모임 횟수를 갖춘 교유집단이 된 것은 1724년 吳瑗과 南有常이 만나면서부터였다. 남유상의 아우 남유용도 이때부터 함께 어울렸고, 이윽고 이천보도 모임에 동참하였다. 그들은 빈번하게 종암 동정에 모여 文酒會를 가졌다. 이후 1728년 봄, 남유상의 갑작스런 죽음으로 모임은 한때 활기를 잃게 된다. 1732년이 되어 황경원이 모임에 가담하면서 吳瑗·南有容·李天輔·黃景源을 핵심 구성원으로 한 이 모임은 1740년, 오원이 죽을 때까지 전성기를 누리게 된다. 이 시기에 모임의 핵심 구성원들은 여러 차례 四郡을 함께 유람하기도 하고 北漢山, 貞陵, 冠岳山 등 한양의 승경지를 찾아다니며 文酒會를 가졌다. 吳瑗·南有容·李天輔 세 사람은 특히 자주 東亭에 모여 시를 지었으며 그때 지은 시를 시집으로 엮기도 하고 唐 이전의 시를 선발하여 시선집을 엮기도 했다. 1740년, 오원의 갑작스런 죽음으로 모임은 침체기에 접어든다. 오원은 이 그룹의 중심 인물이었고 그의 종암 동정은 이 그룹의 주 모임 장소였기에 오원의 죽음과 함께 모임은 침체일로를 걷게 된다. 그리고 이들은 예전과 같은 종암 동정에서의 성대한 문주회를 재현할 수 없게 된다. 그러나 전성기 시절에도 함께 어울리던 吳瓚(吳瑗의 弟)이나 南公弼(南有常의 子)이 모임을 이어 나갔으며, 오원의 손자인 吳熙常이나 吳淵常에 이르는 19세기 초반까지 그 모임이 지속되었다. 앞서 말한 것처럼 ‘東村派’는 문학 유파로 보기는 어렵기 때문에 공통의 문학적 구호나 특질을 선명하게 보여주지는 않는다. 다만 그들이 대체로 공감하던 바를 범박하게나마 정리하자면, 애써 꾸며서 시를 짓지 말고 天機를 그대로 드러내는 자연스러운 시를 짓자는 것이었다. 의도한 것은 아니었을지라도 결과적으로 그들 시의 대부분은 대체로 唐風의 특징을 잘 보여주고 있다. ‘東村派’는 이처럼 ‘天機’를 중시하던 조선 후기 한시의 흐름을 비교적 선명하게 확인할 수 있는 교유 집단이면서, 文酒會(雅會)를 통해 시를 지으며 고상한 취향을 지향하던 흐름이 이미 18세기 초부터 나타났음을 확인할 수 있는 집단이기도 하다. The purpose of this paper is to investigate the characteristics and patterns of Dongchonpa [東村派], a literary community in Joseon Dynasty during the first half of the 18th century. The core members of this group were O Won [吳瑗], Nam Yuyong [南有容], Yi Cheonbo [李天輔], and Hwang Gyungwon [黃景源]. They resided in Dongchon [東村] in the eastern part of Hanyang [漢陽], the capital of the Joseon Dynasty, so Yi Gyusang [李圭象] named the group ‘Dongchonpa’, or “the Dongchon Faction”. The time during which Dongchonpa was active can be divided into three distinct periods. The first period was the formative years of 1724-1732 AD. During this period, O Won and Nam Yusang [南有常] were the key members of the community and frequently came together at Jongam Dongjeong [鐘巖東亭], O Won`s country home, and wrote poems. However, during this period the group had not a large number of members and they gathered together only infrequently. The second period is considered to be Dongchonpa`s golden age, which lasted from 1732 AD to 1740 AD. During that time, O Won, Nam Yuyong, Yi Cheonbo, and Hwang Gyungwon were the key members of the group. They often came together at Jongam as before, but they also traveled throughout Hanyang [漢陽] and occasionally visited Sagun [四郡] together. The third period, the decline of Dongchonpa, spanned the years of 1741-1773 AD. After having played a key role in the group since its inception, in 1740 AD, O Won`s death was a great shock to the Dongchonpa community; without O Won, the whole of the community did not come together as before. A younger generation of writers that originated from Dongchonpa, though, gathered ontheir own, counting among their members Nam Gongbo [南公輔] and O Chan [吳瓚]. Quite a few of the members of this younger generation were the sons or brothers of the core members of Dongchonpa during its golden age. For example, NamGongpil[南公弼] was the son of Nam Yuyong, and O Chan was the younger brother of O Won. These gatherings of the younger generations of writers continued through the first half of the 19th century. The leading figures of the succeeding generations were the descendants of O Won, and they continued to primarily meet at Jongam Dongjeong. The members of Dongchonpa did not concern themselves with proper technique or propriety when writing poems. They usually wrote poems in the Tang Style [唐風], and several members of Dongchonpa, including O Won, Nam Yuyong, Yi Cheonbo, and Hwang Gyungwon, were the most famous writers during the reign of King Youngjo. They gathered with one another and wrote poems, commented on current topics and enjoyed collecting classical works. The primary figure in Dongchonpa was O Won and their most important place of meeting was Jongam Dongjeong throughout the group`s entire existence. Dongchonpa was the one of important literary groups during the latter Joseon Dynasty because the members of this group played a key role in the literary world of that era, and because they regarded the Dongchonpa gatherings as crucial to the development of their writing.

英祖朝 東村派의 交遊樣相과 交遊詩 -吳瑗· 南有容· 李天輔· 黃景源을 중심으로-

안순태 한국한시학회 2013 韓國漢詩硏究 Vol.21 No.-

The purpose of this paper is to investigate the characteristics and patterns of Dongchonpa [東村派], a literary community in Joseon Dynasty during the first half of the 18th century. The core members of this group were O Won [吳瑗], Nam Yuyong [南有容], Yi Cheonbo [李天輔], and Hwang Gyungwon [黃景源]. They resided in Dongchon [東村] in the eastern part of Hanyang [漢陽], the capital of the Joseon Dynasty, so Yi Gyusang [李圭象] named the group ‘Dongchonpa’, or “the Dongchon Faction”. The time during which Dongchonpa was active can be divided into three distinct periods. The first period was the formative years of 1724-1732 AD. During this period, O Won and Nam Yusang [南有常] were the key members of the community and frequently came together at Jongam Dongjeong [鐘巖東亭], O Won’s country home, and wrote poems. However, during this period the group had not a large number of members and they gathered together only infrequently. The second period is considered to be Dongchonpa’s golden age, which lasted from 1732 AD to 1740 AD. During that time, O Won, Nam Yuyong, Yi Cheonbo, and Hwang Gyungwon were the key members of the group. They often came together at Jongam as before, but they also traveled throughout Hanyang [漢陽] and occasionally visited Sagun [四郡] together. The third period, the decline of Dongchonpa, spanned the years of 1741-1773 AD. After having played a key role in the group since its inception, in 1740 AD, O Won’s death was a great shock to the Dongchonpa community; without O Won, the whole of the community did not come together as before. A younger generation of writers that originated from Dongchonpa, though, gathered ontheir own, counting among their members Nam Gongbo [南公輔] and O Chan [吳瓚]. Quite a few of the members of this younger generation were the sons or brothers of the core members of Dongchonpa during its golden age. For example, NamGongpil[南公弼] was the son of Nam Yuyong, and O Chan was the younger brother of O Won. These gatherings of the younger generations of writers continued through the first half of the 19th century. The leading figures of the succeeding generations were the descendants of O Won, and they continued to primarily meet at Jongam Dongjeong. The members of Dongchonpa did not concern themselves with proper technique or propriety when writing poems. They usually wrote poems in the Tang Style [唐風], and several members of Dongchonpa, including O Won, Nam Yuyong, Yi Cheonbo, and Hwang Gyungwon, were the most famous writers during the reign of King Youngjo. They gathered with one another and wrote poems, commented on current topics and enjoyed collecting classical works. The primary figure in Dongchonpa was O Won and their most important place of meeting was Jongam Dongjeong throughout the group’s entire existence. Dongchonpa was the one of important literary groups during the latter Joseon Dynasty because the members of this group played a key role in the literary world of that era, and because they regarded the Dongchonpa gatherings as crucial to the development of their writing. 본고는 英祖朝 ‘東村派’의 실체를 究明하고 그 핵심 구성원들의 교유 양상과 교유시에 대해 살피는 것을 목적으로 한다. ‘東村派’는 李圭象에 의해 붙여진 이름으로 영조조에 吳瑗·南有容·李天輔·黃景源 등을 중심으로 東村에 거주하면서 함께 어울리던 일군의 문사들을 가리킨다. ‘東村派’는 문학 유파라기보다는 교유집단의 성격이 두드러진 칭호다. 그리고 이 교유집단의 모임은 吳瑗·南有容·李天輔·黃景源 등 이른바 ‘英祖朝 四家’라 불리는 핵심 구성원들을 중심으로 지속되기는 했지만 거기에 참여한 인물들은 그보다 훨씬 많았다. 또한 이들은 주로 吳瑗의 鐘巖 東亭에 모여 시주회를 가졌다. 따라서 ‘東村派’는 東村에 거주하던 吳瑗·南有容·李天輔·黃景源을 핵심 구성원으로 하며 1724년 내지 1773년경까지 鐘巖 東亭을 중심으로 모임을 가졌던 교유 집단이라 할 수 있다. 필자는 동촌파 모임을 형성 및 정착기, 전성기, 침체기의 세 시기로 구분하여 각 시기 이 그룹의 動態와 모임에서 이루어진 詩作들을 살펴보았다. 동촌파가 고정된 멤버와 빈번한 모임 횟수를 갖춘 교유집단이 된 것은 1724년 吳瑗과 南有常이 만나면서부터였다. 남유상의 아우 남유용도 이때부터 함께 어울렸고, 이윽고 이천보도 모임에 동참하였다. 그들은 빈번하게 종암 동정에 모여 文酒會를 가졌다. 이후 1728년 봄, 남유상의 갑작스런 죽음으로 모임은 한때 활기를 잃게 된다. 1732년이 되어 황경원이 모임에 가담하면서 吳瑗·南有容·李天輔·黃景源을 핵심 구성원으로 한 이 모임은 1740년, 오원이 죽을 때까지 전성기를 누리게 된다. 이 시기에 모임의 핵심 구성원들은 여러 차례 四郡을 함께 유람하기도 하고 北漢山, 貞陵, 冠岳山 등 한양의 승경지를 찾아다니며 文酒會를 가졌다. 吳瑗·南有容·李天輔 세 사람은 특히 자주 東亭에 모여 시를 지었으며 그때 지은 시를 시집으로 엮기도 하고 唐 이전의 시를 선발하여 시선집을 엮기도 했다. 1740년, 오원의 갑작스런 죽음으로 모임은 침체기에 접어든다. 오원은 이 그룹의 중심 인물이었고 그의 종암 동정은 이 그룹의 주 모임 장소였기에 오원의 죽음과 함께 모임은 침체일로를 걷게 된다. 그리고 이들은 예전과 같은 종암 동정에서의 성대한 문주회를 재현할 수 없게 된다. 그러나 전성기 시절에도 함께 어울리던 吳瓚(吳瑗의 弟)이나 南公弼(南有常의 子)이 모임을 이어 나갔으며, 오원의 손자인 吳熙常이나 吳淵常에 이르는 19세기 초반까지 그 모임이 지속되었다. 앞서 말한 것처럼 ‘東村派’는 문학 유파로 보기는 어렵기 때문에 공통의 문학적 구호나 특질을 선명하게 보여주지는 않는다. 다만 그들이 대체로 공감하던 바를 범박하게나마 정리하자면, 애써 꾸며서 시를 짓지 말고 天機를 그대로 드러내는 자연스러운 시를 짓자는 것이었다. 의도한 것은 아니었을지라도 결과적으로 그들 시의 대부분은 대체로 唐風의 특징을 잘 보여주고 있다. ‘東村派’는 이처럼 ‘天機’를 중시하던 조선 후기 한시의 흐름을 비교적 선명하게 확인할 수 있는 교유 집단이면서, 文酒會(雅會)를 통해 시를 지으며 고상한 취향을 지향하던 흐름이 이미 18세기 초부터 나타났음을 확인할 수 있는 집단이기도 하다.

『我邦疆域考』 역주·비평 (2) -四郡總考・樂浪考-

박대재(Park, Dae-Jae),박찬우(Park, Chan-U) 고려사학회 2020 한국사학보 Vol.- No.79

정약용은 『아방강역고』 四郡總考에서 위만조선 멸망 이후 설치된 漢四郡의 지역범위에 관해 江界外徼에 있던 진번군을 제외하고는 대부분 압록강 동쪽 지역에 해당한다고 본 뒤 4군이 2府로 전환한 과정을 살펴보았다. 이어서 樂浪考에서는 前漢, 後漢, 晉 시기 낙랑군의 연혁을 살펴보고 주요 속현의 위치를 비정하였다. 하지만 2府를 설정하는 문제나 낙랑군 東部都尉 및 南部都尉의 관할 지역에 관한 이해, 遂成縣의 위치 비정 등은 조선 후기 다른 역사지리서나 현재의 통설과 크게 차이가 나는 부분이라 지적할 수 있다. In “Sagunch"onggo(四郡總考 The General Review of the Four Commanderies)” of Abang Kangyŏkko(我邦疆域考), Chŏng Yagyong (丁若鏞) studied the process of the four commanderies’ administrative transformation into two prefectures(府), under the assumption that the commanderies were located in the eastern region of Amnok River except Zhenfan Commandery. Meanwhile, he demonstrated the history of Lelang Commandery and estimated the location of its counties during the periods of Former Han, Later Han and Jin Dynasty. Yet, it is noteworthy that his arguments about the two prefectures, the Lelang commandery’s Eastern and Southern Part Districts, the location of Suichen County(遂成縣), and other arguments were significantly different from the general opinions held by scholars after the later period of Chosŏn dynasty.