증명삼화상(證明三和尙)의 형성 배경과 불교적 위상

문상련(Moon Sang-leun) 보조사상연구원 2021 보조사상 Vol.61 No.-

지공, 나옹, 무학은 조선 초부터 삼화상(三和尙)이라 불리었으며, 삼성(三聖)으로 인식된 채 삼성각(三聖閣)에 봉안되어 예배 대상으로 존중되기도 하였다. 또한 18세기 이래 증명삼화상(證明三和尙)의 개념이 성립되었으며, 근세 성립된 󰡔석문의범󰡕에서는 ‘위작증명 법사’로 칭송되기도 하였다. 위작증명(爲作證明) 내지 증명법사란 ‘부처님의 현신’과 동일한 개념으로 받아들여지는 표현으로, 최고의 신앙 대상에 붙여지는 칭호이다. 그럼에도 증명삼화상의 형성 과정과 의미에 대한 기존 연구는 미진한 편이었다. 이에 논자는 ｢불조전심서천종파지요｣와 󰡔자기산보문󰡕을 바탕으로 삼화상의 개념 내지 그에 대한 조사예참문이 성립되었을 가능성을 말하였다. 또한 󰡔설선의󰡕 발문 중 ‘｢조사예참｣에 보조와 지공, 나옹, 무학이 포함된 예’와 ‘이런 예는 대노사(大老師) 때를 따라야 한다’는 청허의 제자 중관해안의 언급과, 관매설매가 보조 및 삼화상을 포함한 󰡔선문조사예참작법󰡕을 간행한 예 등을 통해 청허대의 규범이 제자들에 전승되었음을 말하였다. 또한 󰡔천지명양수륙재의범음산보집󰡕의 경우 보조와 지공, 나옹, 무학 등이 ｢선문조사예참｣에 존재했으나, 해동 제1조 태고보우마저 ｢선문조사예참｣에 편입되지 못하고 하위 항목인 ｢선설제산단｣에 신입(新入)된 예는 청허의 유훈이 크게 작용한 때문이라는 점을 말하였다. 이런 바탕 속에 증명삼화상이란 개념이 정립 확산되어 오늘에 이르며, 증명삼화상은 보조의 목우가풍을 이어 ‘근원을 달리하는 물줄기’가 된 부휴 문도들에 의해 추앙된 채 임제종을 넘어 통합의 조계종을 추구하는 정신과 맞물려 존재하고 있음을 말하였다. Jigong 指空, Naong 懶翁, and Muhak 無學 were called the Three Masters (Sam hwasang 三和尙) since the early Joseon period. Revered as Three Saints (samseong 三聖), they became the object of worship at Samseonggak 三聖閣, or the Shrine of the Three Saints. After the 18th century, they came to be revered as the Three Verification Masters (Jeungmyeong sam hwasang 證明三和尙). In the Seogmun uibeom 釋門儀範 compiled in the early modern times, the three masters were praised as the Verification Teachers of the Dharma (Jeungmyeong beopsa 證明法師). The Verification Teachers of the Dharma is a term used for the object of the highest worship, and the term was used for figures as sacred as the actual body of the Buddhas. Despite such importance of the three masters, the origin and the development of the concept of Three Verification Masters have not been much studied. This paper newly suggests that the concept of the Three Masters and the Worship of the Patriarchs (Josa yecham 祖師禮懺) were established based on the two writings, the Buljo jeonsim seocheon jongpa jiyo 佛祖傳心西天宗派旨要 and the Jagisan bomun 仔虁刪補文. Also, this paper found that the worship of the three masters was festablished during the time of the monk Cheongheo 淸虛 and then handed down to his disciples, as evidenced by writings of his disciples. For example, Bojo 普照, Jigong 指空, Naong 懶翁, and Muhak 無學 were included in the “Worship of the Patriarchs” (祖師禮懺) section in the Seolseon ui 說禪儀 written by Haean 海眼, a disciple of Cheongheo. In it, Haean wrote that the patriarch worship should follow the examples from the great old monks’ era. Cheongheo’s disciple Seolmae 雪梅, also included Bojo and the Three Masters in his writing entitled, Seonmun josa yecham jakbeob 禪門祖師禮懺作法, which explains rituals for worshiping patriarchs of the Seon school. As for the Cheonji myeongyang suryukjaeui beomeum sanbojib 天地冥陽水陸齋儀梵音刪補集, the masters Bojo, Jigong, Naong, and Muhak were included in its “Worship of the Patriarchs” (祖師禮懺) section, while even Taego Bou 太古普愚, the first patriarch of Haedong, was excluded in “Worship of the Patriarchs”. This paper suggests that it was due the influence of the teachings left by Cheongheo. With this historical background, the concept of the Three Verification Masters was established and widlely spread. They were revered by the disciples of Buhyu 浮休 who continued the customs and traditions from Bojo, and thereby revered in the Imje School. At the same time, the veneration for the Three Verification Masters goes beyond the boundary of the Imje School, and they also have an important religious existence until today in the Jogye School which pursues harmony and integration.

조선후기 수륙재의 설행과 天地冥陽水陸齋儀梵音刪補集의 편찬 의도

이기운(Lee, Ki-Woon) 동국대학교 불교문화연구원 2015 佛敎學報 Vol.0 No.73

우리나라의 수륙재는 고려후기부터 조선초, 그리고 조선후기에 빈번히 설행되었다. 그 이유는 이 시기가 정변과 전란 등으로 인한 많은 희생자들이 발생하여 외로운 고혼들을 천도하는 수륙재의 근본 취지와 잘 부합하는 면이 있기 때문일 것이다. 전체적으로 조선시대 수륙재는 숭유억불의 시대조류로 인하여 그 설행양상에 큰 변화를 보인다. 이 연구는 기존 수륙재 연구의 결과를 바탕으로 16세기에서 18세기에 이르는 조선후기 수륙재의 치폐추이와 수륙재 의식집의 설행의례를 통하여, 조선후기 수륙재 설행양상을 밝히는데 목적이 있다. 이 시기 수륙재의 설행은 크게 형식적인 면과 내용적인 면으로 나누어 고찰할 수 있다. 수륙재의 형식적인 면에서 보면 조선전기 수륙재는 국행 수륙재 중심이라고 할 수 있다. 이때에는 수륙전이라는 국가의 공식적인 지원이 있었고, 왕실의 호불 신앙이 아직도 존속하고 있었기 때문이다. 그런데 후기로 가면 유신들의 반대로 수륙전이 점차 사라지고 주자가례를 보급시키면서 불교신행에 제한을 받게 되어, 국행수륙재는 줄어들고 사찰중심의 수륙재가 종문(宗門)이나 가(家)를 중심으로 성행하였다. 수륙재의 내용면에서 보면 조선 전기에 비해서 후기로 갈수록 종교 신앙적 역할보다는 전란이나 천재지변 혹은 전염병 등 어지러운 사회혼란을 겪으면서, 백성들을 위무하고 치유하는 대사회적 역할이 더 중요시 되었다. 이와 함께 수륙재 의례의 근본이 되는 의식집의 발간이 빈번해졌다. 수륙의례집들은 초기에는 중국의 불교의식집을 간략히 하여 우리현실에 맞게 정비하는 촬요(撮要)나 찬요(纂要)형식이었다. 후기에는 여러 의식집들을 고증하여 번쇄한 것은 생략하고 부족한 것은 보충하는 산보(刪補)의 형식을 취함으로써 기존 의례를 통합하고 종합하는 모습을 보여준다. 특히 조선후기 불교의례집으로 지환(智還)이 편찬하고 성능(性能)이 간행한 『천지명양수륙재의범음산보집(天地冥陽水陸齋儀梵音刪補集)』은 이러한 조선후기 수륙재의 양상을 잘 보여준다. 이때의 수륙재의(水陸齋儀)는 대령의, 설재의, 시식, 봉송의, 공양의의 다섯 절차로 구성하고 있다. 이는 이전의 복잡한 수륙재에서 탈피하여 상 ․ 중 ․하단을 중시하면서 범음과 작법을 중심으로 음악 춤 의식이 갖추어진 종합불교의식의 성격을 갖고 있어서 불교의 대중화에 기여하였다. Water-Land Dharma Function (suryukjae; 水陸齋) was vitalized in South Korea from late Goryeo and throughout the early of the Joseon dynasty. This phenomenon was likely a result of the intrinsic religious function of this Buddhist ritual—guiding forlorn spirits of the politically isolated and victimized to the afterlife—coinciding well with the political upheaval at the time. The development of Water-Land Dharma Function under the pro-Confucianism, anti-Buddhist policy in the Joseon dynasty had a major influence on the practice of Confucianism in the future. From the existing research available for Water-Land Dharma Function, this study examines the conditions for practicing this Buddhist ritual during the late Joseon dynasty from 16thto 18thcenturywithregardtoitsformandcontent. From a formal perspective, Water-Land Dharma Function in the early Joseon period can be regarded primarily as a nationally held service. It was officially sponsored by the nation via farmlands that were dedicated to the funding of this ritual (suryukjeon; 水陸田), and was supported by the royal family in their pro-Buddhist religious stance. However, by the late Joseon period, these farmlands slowly disappeared due to opposition by Confucian followers, and Buddhism became restricted with the introduction of Master Zhu’s Family Rituals (Zhuzi Jiali; 朱子家禮); thus Water-Land Dharma Function, which was previously observed in Buddhist temples, became more commonly held in independent Buddhist branches and private households. In terms of its content, the social function of this ritual—to pacify and soothe the people in the midst of social turmoil caused by war, natural disasters, and plagues—had become more important than its religious role. Consequently, compilations of Water-Land Dharma Function rites became frequently published. While the early compilations abridged Chinese Buddhist rites and applied them to meet South Korean needs, later compilations consolidated and revised previous publications, discarding unnecessary parts and supplementing where needed. The condition of Water-Land Dharma Function in the late Joseon dynasty is especially well represented in the Revised Compilation of Buddhist Rites on Water-Land Dharma Function (Chunjimyeongyangsuryukjaeuibumsanbojip; 天地冥陽水陸齋儀梵音刪補集), a Buddhist rites compilation assembled by Jihwan (智還) and published by Seongneung (性能). Water-Land Dharma Function rites during this period consisted of five steps: daeryung’ui, seoljae’ui, shishik, bongsong’ui, and gongyang’ui. This focus on top, middle, and bottom platforms, and the emphasis on Beomeum(梵音 A clear and pristine voice of Buddha and Boddhisattvas) and jakbeop (作法) depart from the complexity of previous Water-Land Dharma Function and exhibit composit Buddhist (綜合佛敎) characteristics in its incorporation of music, dance, and ceremony; such approachability appears to have contributed to the propagation of Buddhism.

조선 후기 龍珠寺 水陸齋와 불화 -1790년작 삼장보살도와 감로도를 중심으로-

김정희 한국불교미술사학회 2024 강좌미술사 Vol.0 No.62

조선 후기에는 왕실을 중심으로 국행수륙재가 성행했던 조선 전기와 달리 주로 사찰에서 설행하는 개인 중심의 수륙재가 활발하게 설행되었다. 1606년(선조39)에 沙峴의 도로를 수리하고 열렸던 수륙회 때 도성의 남녀가 운집하여 경복궁 앞길이 메어질 정도였다는 기록은 조선 후기에 전란과 잦은 천재지변, 전염병 등을 겪으면서 민간을 중심으로 수륙재와 같은 불교 의식을 통해 이를 해결하고자 했던 모습을 잘 보여준다. 조선 후기 수륙재의 성행은 당시 활발하게 간행되었던 의식집의 편찬을 통해 확인할 수 있다. 수륙재 의식집은 11세기 말 중국으로부터 수입되었지만 1464년(세종10) 이후 우리나라의 실정에 맞게 疏와 榜이 갖추어진 의식집으로 체계화되었으며, 16~18세기에 집중적으로 간행되었다. 이 무렵 간행된 수륙재의식집으로는 『法界聖凡水陸勝會修齋儀軌』를 비롯하여 『水陸無遮平等齋儀撮要』, 『天地冥陽水陸齋儀纂要』, 『天地冥陽水陸雜文』, 『天地冥陽水陸齋儀』, 『天地冥陽水陸排備文疏, 『天地冥陽水陸齋儀疏牓文牒節要』, 『水陸儀文撮要』, 『天地冥陽水陸齋儀五種梵音集』, 『仔夔文節次條例』, 『天地冥陽水陸齋儀梵音刪補集』, 『作法龜鑑』 등이 알려져 있다. 이 가운데 널리 사용된 것은 『수륙무차평등재의촬요』와 『천지명양수륙재의찬요』, 『천지명양수륙재의범음산보집』이며, 특히 『천지명양수륙재의찬요』는 용주사 감로도 하단의 방제와 일치하는 부분이 많아 조선시대 감로도 도상을 파악하는데 참고가 된다. 또 『천지명양수륙재의범음산보집』은 주로 경기도와 전라도 지역에서 널리 유포되었으며 異本이 많은 것으로 볼 때, 이 또한 용주사 수륙불화의 도상에 영향을 주었을 것이다. 용주사에서는 1790년 9월 30일 ‘金佛’이 완성되는 날 무차대회가 개최되었다. 당시 용주사 무차대회의 구성은 알 수 없지만 용주사 수륙재보다 400년 전에 열린 國行水陸齋인 진관사 수륙재를 통해 용주사 무차대회의 모습을 추정해 보면, 진관사처럼 수륙재 때 三壇을 가설하거나 수륙재 전용 공간이 있었을 것으로 추정된다. 1790년 용주사에서 무차대회를 지낼 때 단을 차리고 불화를 봉안했다면, 대웅보전 내 후불벽을 상단으로 하고 중단에 삼장보살도, 하단에 감로도를 걸고 의식을 거행했거나 대웅보전 밖에 괘불도를 걸고 좌우에 삼장보살도와 감로도, 정문 밖 좌우의 使者壇과 五路壇에는 四直使者圖와 五方帝位圖, 정문 밖 中庭이나 문루에 오여래도, 사보살도, 팔금강도 등을 걸고 의식을 했을 것이다. 만약 야외에서 수륙재가 이루어졌다면 대웅보전-천보루-외삼문이 일직선으로 이어진 용주사의 구조 상 대웅보전에 상단, 천보루에 중단, 외삼문에 하단이 배치되었을 가능성이 있다. 그렇지만 용주사에는 대웅보전에 중단탱인 삼장보살도와 하단탱인 감로도가 봉안되어 있는 것으로 보아, 대웅보전의 후불벽이 상단, 삼장보살도가 걸려있는 북벽의 향우측벽이 중단, 감로도가 걸렸던 동벽이 하단의 역할을 했을 것이다. 즉 용주사에서는 3단의 의식 전용 공간을 짓는 대신 대웅보전 내부에서 의식 수행이 가능하도록 설비를 갖추었으며, 이에 따라 용주사의 수륙재 또한 중단에는 삼장보살도, 하단에는 감로도를 봉안하고 의식을 했을 것으로 추정된다. 현재 용주사에는 1790년 수륙재 때 조성된 감로도와 삼장보살도가 남아있는데, 삼장보살도는 ... In the late Joseon Dynasty, unlike the early Joseon Dynasty, when National Ritual for the Beings of Water and Land(國行水陸齋) were popular mainly in the royal family, individual-centered Water and Land Rituals(水陸齋) were actively practiced mainly in temples. The record that men and women in the capital gathered and filled the road in front of Gyeongbokgung Palace during the Water and Land Rituals held in 1606 (the 39th year of King Seonjo’s reign) after repairing roads in Sahyeon(沙峴) shows how they tried to solve this problem through Buddhist rituals such as Water and Land Rituals centered on the private sector during the war, frequent natural disasters, and infectious diseases in the late Joseon Dynasty. The prosperity of Water and Land Rituals in the late Joseon Dynasty can be confirmed through the compilation of ritual collections that were actively published at the time. Although the Water and Land Rituals collection was imported from China at the end of the 11th century, it was systematized as a ritual collection equipped with so(疏) and bang(榜) according to the situation of Korea after 1464 (Sejong 10), and was intensively published in the 16th and 18th centuries. Among the collection of Water and Land Rituals, the widely used are the Suryuk-mucha–yeongdeung jaeeui-chualyo(『水陸無遮平等齋儀撮要』), heonji-myeongyang-suryukjaeeui chanyo(『天地冥陽水陸齋儀纂要』) and Cheonji- myeongyang-suryukjaeeui-beomeum-sanbojib(『天地冥陽水陸齋儀梵音刪補集』). In particular, Suryuk-mucha-pyeongdeung-jaeeui-chualyo is a reference for grasping the image of Yongjusa Nectar Ritual Painting. In Yongjusa(龍珠寺) Temple, on September 30, 1790, the day "Golden Buddha(金佛)" was completed, the mucha-daehoe(無遮大會) was held. At that time, the composition of the Yongjusa mucha-daehoe is unknown, but if you estimate the appearance of the Yongjusa mucha-daehoe through Jingwansa Temple’s Water and Land Ritual, which was held 400 years before the Yongjusa Temple’s mucha-daehoe, it is estimated that there was a space dedicated to the Water and Land Ritual or the three ritual altars(三壇) during the Water and Land Ritual like Jingwansa Temple. If the altar was set up and the Buddhist painting was enshrined during the 1790, the ceremony was held with the rear Buddha wall in the Daeungbojeon Hall as the upper-altar(上壇), the painting of the Samjang Bodhisattva(三藏菩薩圖) at the middle-altar(中壇), and the painting of the Nectar Ritual(甘露圖) at the lower-altar(下壇), or the ceremony was held with the painting of the Samjang Bodhisattva and the painting of the Nectar Ritual hanging outside the Daeungbojeon Hall and left and right outside the main gate, the painting of the four underground messengers(四直使者圖) and the painting of the five emperors of the five cardinal directions(五方五帝位圖), outside the main gate, the painting of the Five Buddhas(五如來圖) and the painting of the Four Bodhisattvas(四菩薩圖)and the painting of the Eight Guardians(八金剛圖). If the Water and Land Ritual was done outdoors, it is possible that the structure of the Yongjusa Temple, where Daeungbojeon, Cheonboru(天保樓), and Oesammun(外三門), was connected in a straight line, placed at the upper-altar on Daewoongbojeon Hall, the middle-altar on Cheonboru, and the lower-altar on Oesammun. However, as the Yongjusa Temple is enshrined with the painting of Samjang Bodhisattva and the painting of Nectar Ritual on the middle-altar and lower-altar of the Daeungbojeon Hall, the rear Buddha wall of the Daeungbojeon Hall is at the upper-altar, the right side wall of the north wall on which the Samjang Bodhisattva painting is hanging is at the middle-altar, and the east wall on which the Nectar Ritual painting is hanging is at the lower-altar. In other words, instead of building a three-altar space for rituals, Yongjusa Temple was equipped to perform ritu...

조선후기 水陸齋文에 나타난 불교음식 연구

이선이(李鮮?) 원광대학교 원불교사상연구원 2021 원불교사상과 종교문화 Vol.90 No.-

이 논문은 지환의 『천지명양수륙재의범음산보집』의 육색장축원문에서 불교음식의 특징을 고찰한 것이다. 조선 후기에는 수륙재를 설행하는 기간과 시설하는 단(壇)이 점차 줄어드는 현상이 나타난다. 그 이유는 경제적인 부담을 줄이기 위한 현상으로 해석된다. 비록 설행하는 규모는 줄이지만, 음식을 준비하는 소임은 한국적인 용어를 사용하며 체계화하고 있다. 이러한 특징은 중국에서 인식하고 있는 수륙재의 의미보다는 음식을 매개체로 하는 의례라는 인식의 전환이 반영된 것이라고 해석할 수 있다. 이 과정에서 공양물의 중요함이 강조되고, 국가조직인 육조(六曹)에서 실무를 담당하는 육색장(六色掌)의 이름을 받아들인다. 그리고 수륙재에서 준비해야 할 공양물을 만드는 직책을 육색장이라고 불렀다. 이러한 특징은 1600년 이전에 성립된 것으로 판단된다. 육색장은 밥을 짓는 반두(飯頭), 밀가루·기름·꿀로 유밀과를 만드는 조과(造菓), 떡을 만드는 조병(造餠), 차를 끓이는 다각(茶角), 정과를 만드는 숙두(熟頭), 국을 끓이는 채로(菜露)이다. 육색장은 아니지만, 육색장이 원하는 것을 만들 수 있도록 재료와 도구를 준비하는 별좌(別座)도 중요한 소임이다. 육색장은 조리 방법을 기준으로 결정된다. 반두는 곡식 낱알을 찌고, 조과는 곡식 가루를 반죽하여 튀기고, 조병은 곡식 가루를 찌고, 다각은 차를 끓이고, 숙두는 근·줄기·열매를 꿀로 졸이고, 채로는 물에 끓인다. 음식으로는 밥, 유밀과, 떡, 차, 정과, 국이다. 한국식생활의 기본 요소인 밥과 국을 제외하면, 떡과 유밀과는 수륙재의 음식에서 중심이 된다. 이는 경전에서 최고의 공양물로 여기는 기름과 꿀을 이용한 유밀과가 수륙재에 전승되고 있는 증거이다. 이와 같이 육색장은 조리법을 기준으로 역할을 나누어 조직화하며, 떡과 유밀과는 불교음식으로 전승된다. 그리고 육색장의 직책 이름이 청규나 경전·주석서에 보이지 않는 것은 한국수륙재의 특징으로 판단할 수 있다. 한국수륙재가 수륙재의 공양물에 좀 더 의미를 부여한다는 뜻이다. 지환의 『천지명양수륙재의범음산보집』육색장축원문에는 불교음식의 의미와 분류체계가 나타나며, 유밀과의 전승 모습을 나타낸다. The characteristics of Buddhist food were found in the original text of Jihwan(智還)"s 『CheonjiMyeongyangsuryukjaeieubeomeumsanbojip』 of Yugsaegjangchugwon-text. In the late Joseon Dynasty for Suryukjae, the period of installation and the mandala of installation are gradually decreasing. The reason is interpreted as a phenomenon to reduce the economic burden. Although the economic scale of Seolhaeng is reduced, the job of preparing food is systematized using Korean terminology. This characteristic can be interpreted as shifting to the recognition of rituals using food as a medium rather than the meaning of Suryukjae recognized in China. In this process, the importance of offerings is emphasized, and the name of the Yuksaekjang(六色掌) is accepted. The job of making offerings to be prepared in Suryukjae was called Yuksaekjang. And it can be judged that it was established before 1600s. Yuksaekjang is an artificially made confection that person who cooks(飯頭), artificially made confection(造菓), rice cake maker(造餠), tea brewer(茶角), person who stews fruits in honey and sesame oil(熟頭), person who cooks soup(菜露). Although it is not Yuksaekjang, Byeoljwa(別座) prepares ingredients and tools so that Yuksaekjang can make what she wants. Yuksaekjang determines how to cook. Person who cooks is for steaming grains, artificially made confection for kneading and frying grain powder, rice cake maker for steaming grain flour, tea brewer for boiling tea, person who stews fruits in honey and sesame oil for boiling roots and fruits with honey, and person who cooks soup for boiling in water. Foods are rice, honey and oil, rice cake, tea, and stewed fruit and root vegetable. In this way, the Yuksaekjang is organized according to the cooking method. And it can be judged that it is a characteristic of Korean Suryukjae that the name of Yuksaekjang does not appear in Chinese scriptures or commentaries.

조선시대 불교 의식과 승려의 소임 분화

정명희(鄭明熙) 미술사연구회 2016 미술사연구 Vol.- No.31

The popularization of rituals in the Joseon period brought various changes to Buddhist temples. Key examples include the evolution of main buildings from symbolic spaces representing the world of the Buddha to venues for meeting the demands of various rituals, a process that included the installation of an interior ceremonial altar; and the formation of inner courtyards around the main Buddha halls(主佛殿) and pavilions to create outdoor ritual spaces. As rituals came to account for a greater proportion of religious activity, such physical changes were accompanied by operational changes. Ritual texts published from the 16th century confirm the emergence of separate ritual duties outside the everyday organization of the temple. Rituals such as that for the deliverance of the creatures of water and land(水陸齋) and that of preparatory cultivation(預修齋) required several days of preparation. Many people, from both the Buddhist clergy and laity, took part in these preparations; while some temples may have been able to rely solely on their own members, in most cases collaboration based on monastic lineages and other relationships was required. Efforts to standardize sporadically conducted procedures and acquire equipment needed, while systematically arranging the duties associated with preparing rituals and relating the virtues required of ritual monks and the meanings of the procedures involved, were an important part of Buddhist ritual texts published during the Joseon period. Gamnodo, a genre of painting particular to this period, contain scenes showing Buddhist rituals being prepared using the full resources of a temple and conducted in accordance with legitimate procedures. 16th to 18th Gamnodo prominently show both monks performing ritual dances and chants, and a monk standing in front of the food-offering altar, holding food and leading the ritual. Texts such as Jineon geongong(眞言勸供), Suwoldoryang gonghwabulsa yeohwan binju mongjung mundap(水月道場空花佛事如幻賓主夢中問答) and Unsudan (雲水壇) tell us that the monk in front of the food-offering altar was a jeungmyeong beopsa(證明法師). In his hands, he holds a meal bowl containing water and a ceremonial implement symbolizing willow branches; these have their origins in the “willow branch water purification technique.” As willow branch water purification became a core procedure in various food offering ceremonies, paintings came to show practical items such as brushes and spoons instead of willow branches. Dramatic scenes showing the purification of temples by sprinkling water and procedures for transforming devotional water into gamno (sweet dew, 甘露) disappear from gamnodo produced in Seoul and Gyeonggido Province in the 19th century. Gamnodo depicting enlarged rituals, like that held at Heungguksa Temple at Mt. Suraksan, show processions in which devotional water is brought to the altar in a large bowl, and events festooned with flags bearing Buddhist names and longevity tablets, like scenes from a performance. This study examines the conducting of rituals, division of related roles, and understanding of these roles, based on the 1496 text Jineon geongong(眞言勸供), the monk Heoeungdang Bou (1509~1565)"s Suwoldoryang gonghwabulsa yeohwan binju mongjung mundap(水月道場空花佛事如幻賓主夢中問答), Cheongheo Hyujeong (1520~1604)"s Unsudan(雲水壇), the texts Ojong beomeumjip(五種梵音集; 1661) and Cheonji myeongyang suryukjaeui beomeumsanbojip(天地冥陽水陸齋儀梵音刪補集, 1721), and anthologies of works by monks such as Woljeo Doan (1638~1715) and Chimgoeng Hyeonbyeon (1616~1684). The division of roles was one feature of temple management following the popularization of Buddhist rituals. Roles were assigned to members of temples by officials such as yuna(維那), but specialist monks were also invited from outside. Hwaju(化主) were in charge not only of the financial aspects of soliciting funds from donors but of inviting specialist monks. While rituals had previously been conducted primarily through meditation or contemplation, greater import

의식집(儀式集)을 중심으로 본 괘불화(掛佛畵)의 조성(造成) 사상(思想)

윤은희 ( Eun Hee Yun ) 한국불교미술사학회(구 한국미술사연구소) 2009 강좌미술사 Vol.33 No.-

조선후기 목조 불패와 동국대박물관 특별전시회 출품작 고찰

김수현(Kim Su-Hyun) 동국대학교 박물관 2019 佛敎美術 Vol.30 No.-

Buddhist wooden tablet is a wooden form tablet that is used for rituals in buddhist temple or to make Buddhist alter more grandeur. In Buddhism, Buddhist wooden tablet is ritual tool that symbolizes characters such as Buddha and Bodhisattva. It is also being considered as a medium through which the Buddhist could meet Buddha. It is considered that this form of Buddhist wooden tablet was produced in Korea since the 15th century. According to Buddhism engravings made in the 15th century, such as Worin seokbo ( Episodes from the Life of Sakyamuni Buddha ) 『 月印釋譜 』, This Buddhist dharani spread out and diffused due to its easy teaching 『 佛頂心陀羅尼經 』 etc.. started to illustrated icons of Buddhist wooden tablet. Buddhist wooden tablet located in Anseong Chiljangsa Temple is the only Buddhist wooden tablet made in the early Joseon period. This tablet was confirmed to be produced in year 1557 and used as The Three Palace Plaques ‘ 三殿牌 ’. The most active period for the production of Buddhist wooden tablet is after the 17th century, the latter part of the Joseon Dynasty. This is because of the loss of Buddhist temples in the late 16th century due to war such as Japanese invasion of Korea in 1592. With the loss of Temple, wooden tablets were also being destroyed, which increased the demand of the tablet after the war is over. Moreover, Buddhist rituals, such as Suryukjae ( Land and Water Rite ) was centered around Buddhist temples. According to Chunjimyeongyang suryukjaeuibumsanbojip (天 地冥陽水陸齋儀梵音刪補集) written by Buddhist Jihwan from late 17th century to early 18th century, in order to perform ritual, such as junpae eun (殿牌移運) , Buddhist wooden tablet must be equipped as ritual instrument. In the late Joseon period, use of Buddhist wooden tablet was divided largely into two. plaque that pray for longevity and prayers for the loyal family and The Three Palace Plaques that used in a buddhist worship. The plaque was generally set up in a set of three, and it was encircled on altar. In the majesty pattern, dragon and phoenix symbolizing the royal authority were expressed together with clouds, lotus, and peony. On the other hand, The Three Palace Plaques is not clear in its quantity to be sealed in altar, and its majesty pattern is characterized by its religious color, such as full-length, top, lotus flower, chrysanthemum flower and bead. Analysis of the work that can identify the precise time of production by leaving a prestigious seal on the bottom of the tablet or the back of the tablet in the late Joseon period. from early 17th century to early 18th century, head, body and bottom of Wooden tablets were beautifully, splendidly, and magnificently designed in small to medium size. However, after mid 18th century, tablet s structure and form were simplified and the size of the tablet became smaller. Separately, 1 to 2 meter wooden tablets were made temporarily to be enclosed in a large Buddha statue from 4 to 6 meters long from the first half of the 17th century to the second half of the 17th century. Buddhist wooden tablets were made with other wooden pieces, such as statue of Buddha and Bodhisattva, altar, and platoon, and interestingly, buddhist monk sculptures, who easily handle the trees, participated in the work. All four pieces of the exhibition which were exhibited at the Dongguk University Museum Special Exhibition show no typical record of production, but it shows the typical form of the Buddhist wooden tablets produced in the late Joseon Dynasty. Among the exhibits, Dongguk University Museum s 3 collections, tablet s body and head were used in the majestic pattern and the phrases described in the work shows that they were plaque. The other two were made before 18th century mid size tablets and large size tablet that only head and body were remained is considered to be made between the middle of 17th century to late 17th century. On the other hand, tablet collection of Chentae ( Ti

금산사 『제반문』의 ‘거영산작법절차’ 연구*

설동철 한국불교사학회 한국불교사연구소 2023 한국불교사연구 Vol.23 No.-

1694년에 간행된 금산사 제반문 의 擧靈山作法節次는 영산작법을거행하는 절차이며, 영산작법은 대중이 함께 법화경을 독송하는 節 次로, 이때 경전을 설해줄 會主(說主)를 모시는 의식이 거영산작법절차이다. 금산사 제반문 에는 거영산작법절차 이전에 혼령을 맞이하는 영혼식(迎魂식)이 편제되어 있는데, 이것은 영산작법이 해당 혼령에게경전을 들려주는 데 목적이 있음을 보여준다. 18세기 초반 범음산보집 은 금산사 제반문 의 이전 시대부터 일어난 변화를 반영하여, 거영산작법절차가 괘불이운과 설주이운으로 분화되었으나 그 형식과 절차에는 개선될 점이 적지 않다. 괘불이운을 하면서 登床偈·坐佛偈·獻座偈 등을 하는 것, 說主가 괘불을설치한 법상에 오르면 인사하는 것은 가능하나, 登床偈를 하고 다시獻座偈를 더하는 것은 屋上屋이라고 할 수 있다. 또 괘불의 붓다에게 등상게를 하는 것도 적절한 행위라고 할 수 없다. 금산사 제반문 의 거영산작법절차는 以前의 오종범음집 의 설명을 일부만 수용하여 당시 현실을 반영하고 있는데, 괘불이운 대신금산사 제반문 의 거영산작법절차를 복원할 필요가 있을 것 같다.