한국전쟁기 미군이 노획한 ‘북한노획문서’의 구성과 특징

정병준 ( Jung Byung Joon ) 이화여자대학교 이화사학연구소 2021 梨花史學硏究 Vol.- No.62

The Captured North Korean Documents is in the custody of Record Group 242, National Archives Collection of Foreign Records Seized, the National Archives and Records Administration (NARA). The first batch of files which was declassified and open to the public in 1977 is known as so-called “The Old Captured Korean Documents” while in the early 1990s the second batch of files was released and known as “The New Captured Korean Documents” to the researchers. The Captured North Korean Documents were captured in Korea peninsular during the Korean War. It was translated into English and cataloged by the Korean elites such as Oh Chon-suk, minister of education of the U. S. Military Government in Korea, and Chang Ri-wook, president of Seoul National University who studied in the U. S. The important documents of “The New Captured Korean Documents” were selectively chosen and translated in the Enemy Documents series of the Allied Translator and Interpreter Section (ATIS), the Military Intelligence Service, Far Eastern Command. The structure of “Captured North Korean Documents” is very complicated and it is required for researchers to read the finding aids and descriptions in the National Institute of Korean Studies and the National Library of Korea.

동위(董煟)의 『구황활민서(救荒活民書)』와 구황책(救荒策)

李錫炫 ( Lee¸ Sukhyun ) 이화여자대학교 이화사학연구소 2020 梨花史學硏究 Vol.0 No.61

This paper is a review of the famine relief policy of “Jiuhuanghuominshu救荒活民書” compiled by Dongwei during the South Song period. Dongwei served as regional officials in various regions to relieve the famine. Through this experience, Dongwei felt the need for systematic relief and compiled the “Jiuhuanghuominshu”. This book is composed of three volumes and 拾遺. The first book is an example of the major famine relief from ancient times to the Song Dynasty, and the second book presented his own countermeasures and methodology for the relief of the famine. It consists of books and related discussions. The 拾遺 consisted of various discussions on famine relief and laws and regulations. The system of “Jiuhuanghuominshu” became a model for the compilation of professional “Huangzhengshu荒政書” in China afterwards, and it was introduced into Joseon朝鮮 and used to relieve famine. Dongwei suggested five core policies of “famine relief救荒”: ‘常平倉’, ‘義倉’, ‘勸分’, ‘禁遏糴’ and ‘抑價有禁.’ Among them, ‘常平’ and ‘義倉’ are systems that prepare for disasters such as famine. ‘常平’ was originally a function of price control, but it relieved alertness by releasing grain during famine. The ‘義倉’, which is led by the private sector to store grain, was evaluated as a ‘良法’ that can relieve people suffering from starvation in the right place. ‘勸分’ is a way to relieve famine by increasing the private food supply by encouraging wealthy people who can afford to supply grain at an appropriate price. ‘禁遏糴’ means prohibiting interfering with local food exports during famine. This is to prevent the famine from worsening due to a kind of local egoism. ‘抑價有禁’ means that in a famine situation, grain prices in the market should not be suppressed or food prices should not be controlled at low prices. In other words, profits through appropriate prices must be guaranteed to induce local merchants to come and supply grain. In addition, ‘檢旱’ emphasizes the proper reporting of the famine damage by local authorities. ‘減租’ means that tax cuts should be given to farmers who suffered famine. ‘貸種’ means that hungry farmers should not be urged to lend and repay food. ‘恤農’ means that farmers should be treated preferentially over non-farmers, such as 遊手, when giving preference. ‘遣使’ emphasizes that local leaders should take responsibility and implement oral measures. ‘弛禁’ is to reduce the amount of money in the field. ‘治盜’ emphasizes strict response to thieves during famine. Besides, it is ‘捕蝗’, a corporation that catches grasshoppers. ‘通融有無’ is made in the same way as 借貸內庫 and 賑 濟賑糶賑貸. ‘鬻爵’ and ‘度僧’ should be implemented only in an emergency while paying attention to side effects. In short, the characteristics of the famine relief plan shown in Dongwei’s “Jiuhuanghuominshu” is based on the traditional concept of ‘恤農’. In addition, it emphasizes the responsibility of local government officials. In addition, there is no fixed way to relieve famine, and it is said that it should be adapted to the condition of each region. Along with this, it values the self-regulated market ideology in famine relief policies such as ‘禁遏糴’ and ‘不抑價’. The same is true of the argument that the supply of grain will be smooth only when appropriate prices are guaranteed to wealthy people during the ‘勸分’.

거란의 통치사상 ― 유학을 중심으로 ―

박지훈 이화여자대학교 이화사학연구소 2019 梨花史學硏究 Vol.0 No.59

The Liao(遼) Dynasty(916~1125), established by Khitay, a nomadic tribe, was largely based on the military force. In search of a proper way to govern, Confucianism was spread by Khitan sovereign rulers. Confucianism had a considerable effect on maintaining the reign, expanding territory and stabilizing domestic situations. Research by Chinese scholars generally insist that China is an unified, multi-racial nation throughout history, and that era of Song-Liao had great contribution on the history of multi races. On such ‘union of races’ point of view, Hanhua(漢化), being assimilated into Han, is emphasized. Adopting Confucianism by Khitan is regarded as a process of Hanhua. This paper aims to study the cause of using Confucianism on ruling of Liao, on an objective view. It also tries to look into the adaptation process-on perspective of governor’s pursuing of Confucianism, education and state examination system, and civil reformation, respectively. Early rulers started taking the Confucianism, which had great advance in Sheng zong(聖宗) and Xing zong(興宗) period. In the days of Dao zong(道宗), Confucianism was fully flourished. Despite Liao Dynasty had embraced the Confucianism of Han zu, its sovereign ideology and policy had a shield to protect the traits of Khitan. It is seen on “Ruling by custom” policy, which is for protecting Khitan ethnicity, that Confucianism had been adopted independently. It is considered natural that adopting Chinese ideology and governing methods, since nomadic tribal system and philosophy is not sufficient to establish a dynasty and maintain its public order. Especially it is inevitable to rule the Han’s residence area. However, it is not proper to conclude that they are assimilated to Han tribe, which is discrete from recent Chinese literature.

北宋 都城 開封의 儀禮空間과 都市景觀

김상범 이화여자대학교 이화사학연구소 2015 梨花史學硏究 Vol.0 No.51

北宋都城開封,雖然唐宋變革期的經濟發展和位於交通樞紐的地理位置,經濟因素對都市史開展的影響日益增大,但畢竟是首府,都市的政治和禮儀功能仍然受到重視。都城的禮儀空間便是都市景觀上的象徵性地標,定期舉行國家祭典以宣布權力的正當性,都市的各種設施也以此為基點配置。北宋時代,南郊圜丘壇、太廟、社稷、文廟、武廟等儒教傳統禮儀設施,大多設立於世俗權力中心大慶殿連結於南郊的中軸線上。這些傳統國家祭典在開封的中軸線南面御街上,按照禮制規定嚴格舉行。北宋時代,開封的傳統禮儀空間也發生了一些變化。開封並非計劃城市,禮儀設施也後來移植於自然膨脹而發展的城市結構上,無法完全實現“左祖右社”等對稱結構。神聖的禮儀空間也沒辦法隔絕於一般的生活空間,不得不與官署、邸店、民家,混在一起的狀態下運用。這些變化提供給居民貼近儒教傳統祭典的機會,並強化傳統禮儀的政治功能。 其次,北宋時期都城禮儀所見的另一種變化是景靈宮、玉清昭應宮等道教宮觀禮儀,編入公式的國家祭典系統。起初,遇到國家大事或自然災害時,政府遣使宮觀主持“告禮”或“祈報”。但藉著宋真宗天書事件和泰山封禪,道教宮觀在國家祭典上開始扮演重要的角色,景靈宮也設立於宣德門對面的南面御街宮廷廣場上。到了神宗時期,分散保管在都城各所寺觀的歷代皇帝和皇后塑像移到景靈宮集中管理。從此,皇帝開始親自舉辦祭祖典禮,景靈宮逐漸成為與太廟媲美的皇室祠堂。值得注目的是,景靈宮祭祀開始進入了最高層次的大祭典“南郊祭天禮儀”。北宋繼承唐朝後期的“一連祭天的方式”,南郊大祀的路徑便改為景靈宮-太廟-圜丘壇禮儀這樣的順序。大祭典的期間,皇帝的禮儀隊伍連續訪問景靈宮-太廟-圜丘舉行祭祀,而這些都城的禮儀設施也自然連結起來,禮儀空間和禮儀行為也開始脫離了封閉性和孤立性。莊嚴的祭典遊行結束後,皇帝回宮。之前,在宣德樓廣場上,舉行大赦和褒賞,至高無上的皇恩傳達給開封居民了。皇權和道教之間的密切關係,提供道教編入國家祭典系統的機會,都城的著名道觀也成為國家禮儀空間。 最後,爲開封民間基層社會所廣泛崇拜的一些祠廟也開始編入到國家祭典,在禮制史和都城史的開展上具有重要意義。開封祠廟的祭典編入,以“告禮”或“祈報”的形式來進行。建隆元年(960),太祖出征之前,遣使到祆廟、泰山廟、城隍廟,舉行出征禮儀。之後,遇到國家大事,政府便遣使到東嶽廟、五龍堂、城隍廟、九龍堂、浚溝廟、子張廟、子夏廟、信陵君廟、段幹木廟、扁鵲廟、張儀廟、吳起廟、單雄信廟等都城祠廟,舉行“告禮”或“祈報”典禮。稱謂“京城祠廟”的這些祠廟大多是已獲合法地位的著名祠廟,具有廣大的祭祀圈。唐末五代以來,民間祠廟逐漸成長為區域網絡的核心樞紐,而地方政權積極後援這些祠廟,獲得地方有力人士和居民的支持。北宋政府基本上承襲了這些路線,采取包容而開放的政策。如此,京城祠廟等一些開封著名的民間祠廟,具有公共禮儀空間的特徵,也開始扮演公式的禮儀、政治功能,並增強本身的宗教及社會功能。民間信仰所內含的基層自發性引致了都城的國家禮儀和禮儀空間的變化,更積極推動居民的日常生活。

圓形의 入唐 求法活動과 在唐 新羅人

권덕영 이화여자대학교 이화사학연구소 2003 이화사학연구 Vol.- No.30

특집(特輯) : 20세기 초 동아시아 모던문화와 근대체험: 도시대중과 일상생활 ; 상하이화보 속의 헐리우드 영화와 독자대중 -1926-1937년 『량우화보(良友畵報)』를 중심으로-

정혜중 이화여자대학교 이화사학연구소 2010 梨花史學硏究 Vol.0 No.41

本論文分析了創刊于1926年的上海市大衆畵報雜志『良友國民』中的內容, 尤其將所分析的重点集中在1937年抗日戰爭爆發前的內容上, 試圖?出1920年代和1930年代上海大衆文化的樹点。『良友畵民』基本上每個月發刊一次, 其中所涉及的內容十分?泛, 包括政治、女性、外交、施游、?育、文學、美術、照片等等。其中, 從第一期開始, 就登載了較多關于電影的內容, 尤其是1934年12月發行的第100期記念特刊中, 還專門刊登了電影專輯, 這些足以說明該畵報對電影持續不斷的關注程度。本文試圖整理了第l期第140期中有關電影的內容, 幷分析了其中大衆讀者的來信, 以探討『良友畵報』中的好萊塢電影和閱讀這彬畵報的讀者群。通過上述分析, 得出了以下結論。首先『良友畵報』不僅刊登了由好萊塢制作的電影和好萊塢的相關信息, 而且還刊登了美國男女演員的照片和上映電影作品的花絮等諸多內容, 幷以此向讀者提共了大量有關電影的信息。但是, 考慮到編輯人員們所提到的『良友畵報』的目標化所指向的是"以出版保國育民, 富國强民, 良友的使命是普及敎育, 發掘文劃", 就會發現這些電影報道不同于他們的目標, 更加注重的是滿足大衆的興趣。雖然與中國人的意圖相悖, 但20年后所興起的美國文化最終對上海的大衆文化産生了重要影響, 幷由此形成了中國人大衆文化的雛形。其次『良友畵報』自第一期發刊以來, 爲了得到大衆關注而進行了不斷的努力。編輯們不但在每期都集中整理了他們自己的相關意見, 同時還努力地吸收了讀者的意見, 刊登了邀請讀者投稿的?告。當然, 來自讀者們的投稿也一直沒有間斷, 雖說與發行刊的內容相比, 讀者的投稿幷不多, 因此給人些許的微薄感, 但這足以說明『良友畵報』爲了鼓勵讀者參與所作的努力。由此可以得出, 上海大衆文化的傳播是與大衆的參與密切相關的。但是, 在『良友畵報』能不能代表當時中國的大衆文化這問題上, 還需要通過與更多的雜志進行細致的比較硏究。在?現"近代性視覺效果"的問題上, 『良友畵報』還是比較成功的。那些認爲與同在東亞的日本相比, 中國大衆雜志的發行量有?大差距的觀点, 忽略了中國的1920-1930年代是多種社會潮流井存的時代, 因此當時所謂大衆的范疇是是難用一個統一的標準來衡量的。

제국 신민의 전염병 도시 경성

이정 이화여자대학교 이화사학연구소 2019 梨花史學硏究 Vol.0 No.58

Typhoid, a food- and water-borne disease strongly associated with the unhygienic life style and environment, is a most prevalent infectious disease in colonial Korea (1910-1945), especially among Japanese imperial settlers. Among them, the residents of Keijo, the impressively modernized capital of the colony, suffered the most. It was an enigma since the city was best equipped with sanitary infrastructures, which way in turn clearly was favored by the famously clean Japanese settlers. This paper examines this enigma of the Japanese imperial hygiene within the political settings of colonial Korea. Especially, it analyzes its relationship with privileges that Japanese imperial settlers had pursued and enjoyed. Living in the Japanese side of the city with properly Japanese style, they indeed enjoyed the up-to-date hygienic and medical infrastructures and interventions like the running water and free vaccines. Yet, the hygienic infrastructure and medical interventions in colonial Korea, like all other modern systems, had their limitations and uncertainties, partly owing to their own profit-seeking business model. The Japanese settlers just made themselves more vulnerable to them in two ways, with their well-discussed identity as “brokers of empire,” if not quasi-rulers. Firstly, as part of the ruling power, they could not acknowledge those limitations of the imperial hygiene that they had helped to create. Secondly, unable to equate themselves with the colonized who were to be disciplined for their unhygienic habits and life styles, they refused interventions that demanded to correct their habits and life styles. Keeping their preferences of “cold tofu” or “sashimi,” and too confident about their imperial regime, these Japanese settlers of Keijo kept their association with that unhygienic disease. This paper displays the vulnerability of Japanese colonial modernity even for its most benefited group while revealing the unique power structure of the Japanese colonial regime, which was built on and sustained by these privileges of unofficial rulers who refused to be disciplined as hygienic subjects.

스웨덴 소장 신여성 최영숙 관련 자료 소개 (2)

이효진 이화여자대학교 이화사학연구소 2022 梨花史學硏究 Vol.- No.64

1930년대 소련 군부 숙청의 원인 ― 적군(赤軍) 기병 지휘관의 이력 분석을 중심으로 ―

이정하 이화여자대학교 이화사학연구소 2019 梨花史學硏究 Vol.0 No.59

, This article analyzes the relations between the Red Cavalry commanders and the Purge against the Red Army (or “The Tukhachevskii Affair”) in the late 1930s. According to previous historiography on the Purge, M. N. Tukhachevskii and other purged commanders were the champions of progress in the face of the obscurantism of the Red Cavalry. This is part of the underlying assumptions and myths that have dominated the literature on the mechanization program and the Red Cavalry before World War II. There emerge three questions on the relations between the Red Cavalry commanders and the Purge. Firstly, was previous historiography on the Purge correct in believing that the Red Cavalry commanders were safe from the Purge? Secondly, even if not all the Red Cavalry commanders were exempt from the Purge, were the cavalry commanders who had some personal connection with Stalin and Voroshilov, specifically the former members in the 1st Cavalry Army (Pervaia konnaia armiia), actually safe from the Purge? Third and last, were the victims purged for political reasons only? To answer these questions, this article attempts to explain the Purge, focusing on the commanders’ social background and career analysis. Actually, the cause of the Purge was not the unfortunate end of the mechanization debate or the conflict between cavalry commanders and tank commanders. While the Purge certainly caused heavy attrition, it can hardly be regarded as the destruction of the ‘pro-mechanizers’ around Tukhachevskii by the cavalry commanders. That is, the tank enthusiasts around Tukhachevskii cannot be seen as a special target of the Purge; the cavalry commanders also suffered in the Purge, contrary to previous historiography.

고려-거란 밀교 교류의 양상과 특징 - 『범서총지집(梵書摠持集)』을 중심으로 -

김수연 ( Sooyoun Kim ) 이화여자대학교 이화사학연구소 2021 梨花史學硏究 Vol.- No.62

Goryeo had exchanges with Khitan across various areas including politics, economy, society, and culture. There were also abundant exchanges between them in Buddhist ideas and culture. This study set out to put away the influences of Liao in order on Goryeo's Esoteric Buddhism and Dharani Faith and thus investigate the nature of Goryeo's Esoteric Buddhism. The biggest influence of Khitan on Goryeo's Buddhist community came from the acceptance of Khitan's complete collection of Buddhist sutras. The impacts of Liao Buddhism were also found in Uicheon[義天]'s Gyojang-chongrok[敎藏總錄], whose order of content reflects the perceptions of scriptures in Goryeo's Buddhist community represented by Uicheon. The location of the parts about Mahavairocana Tantra[大日經] in his book indicates that he considered it as one of the fundamental scriptures of Buddhist ideas. It seems that he was influenced by Khitan Buddhism that argued that Exoteric Buddhism and Esoteric Buddhism had something in common. Beomseo-chongji-jip[梵書摠持集] published during Goryeo is one of the artifacts representing Goryeo's Dharani Faith. It is a collection of Dharani of hundreds of kinds, and there are seven versions of the collection or more today. In Beomseo-chongji-jip published in the fifth year of King Gojong[高宗]'s reign, the preface cites from works of Khitan's Buddhist monks such as Yanmi-chao[演密鈔] and Chengfo-xinyao-ji[成佛心要集]. Furthermore, it contains Dharani translated by Cixian[慈賢], a Khitan Buddhist monk in the 11th century. These findings confirm Goryeo's direct exchanges with Khitan in Dharani Faith. In addition, Beomseo-chongji-jip published in the fifth year of King Gojong's reign includes Dharanis reflecting the Buddhist prayer procedure in “Cundi Dharani” of Chengfo-xinyao-ji. This Buddhist prayer procedure is still used in Cheonsu-gyeong[千手經]. There is the context of transmission from Chengfo-xinyao-ji through Beomseo-chongji-jip to current Cheonsu-gyeong. Dharanis about the seven Buddhas of the past, which were a huge vogue in Liao but left no traces of faith in Goryeo, were not found in any versions of Beomseo-chongji-jip. There was no trace of “Pajiok-jineon(om karadeya sbaha),” which became a vogue at the end of Goryeo. This materials offers clues to estimate when this Dharani was introduced. The Dharani of the Eight Bodhisattvas was not found in the versions of Beomseo-chongji-jip published in the 12th century, but the version published in the fifth year of King Gojong's reign contains it. These findings suggest that interest in the Eight Bodhisattvas was aroused from the late 12th century to the early 13th century that was between the two versions. These cases indicate that Goryeo accepted the Esoteric Buddhism and Dharani Faith trends of Khitan's Buddhist community selectively.