The Effect of Social Capital on Policy Satisfaction-Focusing on Citizen Participation, Trust, and Altruism in Korea-

박순애,황덕연 서울대학교행정대학원 2009 Journal of Policy Studies Vol.23 No.2

This study analyzes the impact of social capital on national policy satisfaction in Korea. Although social capital has been investigated in previous studies, most of them have been limited to the local government level. This study concerns national policies and uses data from the 2007 Survey of Citizen Perceptions of the Public Sector. In total 1,200 people responded from across the country. Using factor analysis, social capital factors were extracted: participation in political networks, participation in nonpolitical networks, trust in others, and altruism. Trust in others was statistically significant to policy satisfaction; however, other variables were significant only to certain policies. Unexpectedly, participation in political networks, by means of political demonstrations and online debate, was not significant with regard to satisfaction with any policy.

A Study of the Housing Needs of the aged and Elderly Residential Facilities in an Urban Area

임우석 서울대학교행정대학원 2007 The Korean Journal of Policy Studies Vol.21 No.2

The purpose of this study is to find out the demand for residence ofcitizens on the paid elderly residential facilities that has been heightened for itsuse in recent days with the focus on the paid nursing home facilities and the paidelderly treatment facilities. The subject for the survey was 200 adults of 35 yearsor older who reside in Seoul, and for the final analysis, a total of 169 copies ofvalid samples was used. The following is the major result of the study. For thereason of post-retirement entry into the nursing home facilities, the mostresponses came from the fact that they could live with the similar age people asneighborhood or friend. Appropriate residential area would be preferred for 7-12pyeong (1 pyeong=3.3058m2) for single use, and 12-15 pyeong for couples, andfor the appropriate security deposit and monthly living expense at the time ofentering into the facilities, the highest response was for 50 million won and500,000 won for the paid nursing home facilities, and 10-20 million won and600,000 won for the paid elderly treatment facilities. The most important criteriafor using the facilities was in the sequence of entry costs, facilities and others,and the consideration on the facility operator would be in the sequence of facili-ty operation capability and social reliability. And, for the annexation (coestab-lishment) of paid nursing home facilities and elderly treatment facilities, theopinion as desirable was shown high (73.9%).

An Empirical Study on the Regional Gap of Korean High School Students’ Academic Performances

오정일 서울대학교행정대학원 2007 The Korean Journal of Policy Studies Vol.22 No.1

This study empirically analyzed the variables that influence Korean high school students’ academic performance. The teachers’ union effect was found to be negative, which means that the improvement of teachers’ status may not be connected to the heightening of the quality of public education. Also, a great academic performance gap was uncovered between students who reside in metropolitan cities and those who live in the countryside. Finally, the effect of the High-School Equalization Policy was found to be positive.

Institutional resilience of Taiwan’s semi-presidential system: the integration of the president and premier under party politics

Yu-chung Shen 서울대학교행정대학원 2018 Asian Journal of Political Science Vol.26 No.1

Over the past three decades, the semi-presidentialism has been adopted in most new democracies. It is also the constitutional order in most democracies, which can be divided into three categories: established, post-Leninist, and postcolonial democracies. Semi-presidentialism is a political system with dual executive branches. Moreover, because of these dual executive branches, the constitutional order of semi-presidentialism might be similar to a presidential system if the president is the de facto head of government. It might also be similar to a parliamentary system if the prime minister is the de facto head of government with the support of the parliamentary majority. Taiwan has been considered as a semi-presidential country since 1997. According to Taiwan’s constitutional amendments, its president is directly elected, and the premier (prime minister) and cabinet are responsible to the legislature. Dual executive system in Taiwan has been effective and flexible. I attempt to examine the institutional resilience of Taiwan’s constitutional function, which means that, in properly responding to social movements, its government has continued to function well. In addition, the president has been able to continue serving in office in spite of political crises. A vague constitutional design and a presidentialized party system are two reasons for this.

The Community Network and Its Benefits: Korean Case

서진완,임진혁 서울대학교행정대학원 2007 The Korean Journal of Policy Studies Vol.22 No.1

In the Information Age, the world is driven by information and communication technology. The Internet is one of the principal features of everyday life. Internet-based community networks can play a vital role in local development and in improving the lifestyle of local residents, as well as ensure a regular flow of information. Community networks can increase the cohesiveness of community and social integration, boost equity, improve access to public information, ensure delivery of government services and political participation, and foster regional development. This article discusses the Korean Information Network Village (Invil) project and the potential of community networks in general. Community networks make it easy for local residents to stay in touch with others within their own community and in other communities, to explore and share their culture, and to market their products and culture.

Contested National Identity and Political Crisis in Bangladesh: Historical Analysis of the Dynamics of Bangladeshi Society and Politics

Akhand Akhtar Hossain 서울대학교행정대학원 2015 Asian Journal of Political Science Vol.23 No.3

This paper develops the theme that the ongoing political polarization and political crisis in Bangladesh since its independence from Pakistan in 1971 reflect the fundamental weaknesses of the pillars of Bangladeshi society and national identity. The paper adopts an historical approach to explain why and how Muslim nationalism, which was the basis for the establishment of Pakistan, has re-emerged in contemporary Bangladeshi society and politics and is competing against Bengali ethnicity, language, culture and secularism (‘Bengali nationalism’) within an emerging ‘two-party’ political system. However, instead of establishing a stable political system following the Hotelling–Downs principle of democracy, the Bangladeshi society/polity has been polarized and divided almost vertically on the question of national identity and political philosophy and created sustained political instability and uncertainty. This has stifled the formation and consolidation of a national identity based on ethnicity/language/culture or religion/ territory/political history or that have elements of both. Neither ethnicity/language/ culture/secularism-based nationalism (Bengali nationalism) nor predominantly Muslim-territorial nationalism (‘Bangladeshi nationalism’) alone can dominate and flourish in Bangladeshi society and polity; instead, the objective conditions in the country dictate that a competitive democratic system of politics which accommodates aspects of secularism, language, Muslim identity and Islamic ethical–moral codes remains the feasible political discourse for forming and consolidating the country’s multi-racial, multi-religious national identity over the long run and its survival as a sovereign state.

Dissecting the Attitudes of Political Science Students Towards Democracy and the 2004 Elections in Indonesia

Adam Tyson,Paul Tyson 서울대학교행정대학원 2007 Asian Journal of Political Science Vol.15 No.3

Students’ attitudes towards Indonesia’s transition from an authoritarian era todemocracy varied from strong support for the democratic transition to nostalgia forthe authoritarian era’s strong leadership and economic prosperity. A sample of 317students from three Indonesian universities was asked to rate the importance of political,economic, legal and social democratic principles. In addition to concerns aboutcorruption, economic decline and security, students differed significantly centring onthe importance of legitimate elections, representation, tolerance, accountability, humanrights and gender equality. The majority of students were pessimistic about the elections;paradoxically some students optimistic about the general elections rated democraticprinciples the least important. After discussing the implications, political attitudes aboutdemocracy and elections were related to cognitive consistency and dissonance theory.

Civil Service Reform in Participatory Government:Civil Service System in Transition

남궁근 서울대학교행정대학원 2007 The Korean Journal of Policy Studies Vol.22 No.1

This paper analyzes the recent reform initiatives of the civil service system in Korea. The modern civil service system was founded during the Park Jung-Hee Administration. The major characteristics of the system can be summarized as a merit-based, rank-oriented, closed career, and centralized management system. The Korean civil service system was instrumental during the period of government-led growth. However, the 1997 financial crisis and the ensuing economic recession instigated the Korean government reform program, including civil service reform. As the package of civil service reform policies has been formulated and implemented during the Kim Dae-Jung and the Roh Moo-Hyun administrations, the Korean civil service system is experiencing a paradigm shift from a rank-oriented, closed-career, seniority-based, and centralized management system to a job-oriented, open-career, performance- based, and decentralized system. This article outlines three factors explaining the transformation. For Korean civil service reform to be successful, implementation is required for a certain period of time. The article discusses several tasks that are necessary for fully achieving the reform goals of the participatory government.

Residential Development and Hierarchical Governance: Multifamily Housing and Multilevel Analysis

박상철,곽창규,권성욱 서울대학교행정대학원 2012 The Korean Journal of Policy Studies Vol.27 No.2

This study investigates factors that influence multifamily housing zoning from a hierarchical governance perspective. Local zoning is a product of interactive processes among various stakeholders and of local politics. Since local zoning represents community interests in land development and has an exclusionary characteristic, multifamily housing zoning is controversial in some localities. We hypothesize that a hierarchical governance structure influences the supply of local multifamily housing zoning. The result of a hierarchical generalized linear model shows evidence that state smart growth reform and state intervention in local land use are positively associated with the establishment of local multifamily housing zoning. The decisions are also affected by local factors such as the supply of land, density restrictions, cost of new infrastructure, and city budget constraints. This study concludes that state authority and smart growth reform make it possible for local governments to commit to multifamily housing zoning to achieve housing affordability and high density development.

Mining and subaltern politics: political struggle against neoliberal development in Bangladesh

M. Omar Faruque 서울대학교행정대학원 2018 Asian Journal of Political Science Vol.26 No.1

Drawing on social movement scholarship, this paper analyses subaltern struggles against a multinational mining company. The Phulbari coal mine is the centre of contention between the mining company and local/national activists. Local concerns about the dispossession of lands and livelihoods and environmental destruction have been merged with a Leftist political agenda on the growing vulnerability of the state and national sovereignty in the Global South. A close examination of the movement’s discourses suggests that a broader political struggle against resource plunder and energy imperialism has been strengthened by local community resistance to an environmentally destructive coal mine. Based on in-depth qualitative interviews, I analyse how activists have created new meanings of the conflict to confront and delegitimize hegemonic discourses of capitalist development and modernity.