유럽 과학기술의 발달과 독일 공과대학의 시작: 칼스루헤 대학교의 생성과 발전을 중심으로

유진영 서강대학교 유로메나연구소 2014 통합유럽연구 Vol.5 No.2

Germany has undergone the fastest industrialization in Europe during theIndustrial Era from the mid-19th century to the early 20th century. A number ofreasons have been known to cause this change; however, it played an important rolein changing the time of the establishment of the University of Technology and thedual system of vocational education and training. This paper will cite the establishment of the University of Technology, which hasgreatly contributed to the growth of the European economy. In this regard, thisstudy will research the history of the Karlsruhe Institute of Technology, which islocated in the Baden region of Southern Germany. The Polytechnic School in Karlsruhe was established in 1825 (PolytechnischeSchule). The first lesson has been conducted here as a German institution of highereducation in engineering. Furthermore, the University of Karlsruhe has been modeledafter the Ecole Polytechnique engineering school in Paris. The Karlsruhe PolytechnicSchool was founded due to the influence of the École Polytechnique. As a result ofthe reputation of Karlsruhe Institute of Technology (KIT), it has been selected underthe category of excellent initiatives II (Exzelleninitiative II) KCETA and KSOP /2006. This study focuses on the history of the German University of Technology in European context.

계몽사상과 유교문명 – 볼테르, 몽테스키외, 비코의 중국관을 중심으로 -

임동현 서강대학교 유로메나연구소 2021 통합유럽연구 Vol.12 No.2

Recently, some scholars of the cultural exchange between the East and the West raised the thesis that the Chinese civilization moved westward on the basis of Confucianism; its proponents argue that this was a decisive and fundamental factor in the formation of modern Europe, in particular, for the development of the religious and political theories of Enlightenment thinkers. Certainly, we cannot completely deny the contributions of Chinese civilization in Enlightenment thinkers. However, we also must avoid overestimating this influence. This study analyses how the 18th century's three intellectual giants, Voltaire, Montesquieu and Vico, dealt with Confucianism as well as the Chinese government and institutions in their literary works. This analysis finds that they merely made use of superficial, impressions and accounts of Chinese civilization that were prevalent in the popular imagination of Europeans rather than seriously being engaged with and being influenced by the ideas that were embedded in Chinese civilization.

842년 스트라스부르그 서약 - 근대 프랑스와 독일의 탄생 신화? -

이정민 서강대학교 유로메나연구소 2021 통합유럽연구 Vol.12 No.2

It is said that the Frankish Kingdom was dividied to the Treaty of Verdun in 843 and to the Treaty of Mersen in 870 by sons of Ludovicus Pious. Consequentially, it became three nations which are France, Germany and Italy. Above all, the picture of this division of Frankish Kingdom was already proposed by Lotharius I, the eldest son of Ludovicus Pious, because he lost the battle of Fontenoy-en-Puisaye against Ludovicus II and Carolus II, on the June 25 in 841. But two brothers, Ludovicus II and Carolus II, refused to accept the proposal of their eldest brother, Lotharius I. Finally, on the February 14 in 842, they made their decision to form the political and military alliance against their eldest brother, Lotharius I in Strasbourg. What we called, it was the Strasbourg Oaths in 842. According to Nithardus, the abbot of Saint Riquier and the grandson of Carolus Magnus, Carolus II and Ludovicus II made the declarations in the lingua Teudisca and the lingua Romana respectively to each other’s followers. In other words, Carolus II addressed Ludovicus’s men in Frankish and Ludovicus addressed Carolus’s men in Romance. Up to now, the Strasbourg Oaths in 842 was considered as the historic event for informing the beginning or birth of two modern nations, France and Germany. But, in reality, we see that the principle of the divided succession and the confraternity was obviously succeeded to Divisio Regnorum in 806 and Ordinatio Imperii in 817. In this article, we examine the Strasbourg Oaths in 842 not as the beginning of two modern nations, France and Germany but as the performance showing dynamically the political operation with the divided succession and the confraternity in the 9th century.

준대통령제에서 대통령의 헌법적 권한과 실제 영향력 - 슬로베니아 대통령 사례연구 -

김신규 서강대학교 유로메나연구소 2021 통합유럽연구 Vol.12 No.2

준대통령제에서 헌법에 규정된 대통령의 권한이 약하다고 해서 대통령의실제 영향력이 약한 것은 아니다. 이는 슬로베니아 준대통령제에서도 확인할 수 있는데, 체제전환 이후 슬로베니아 대통령은 약한 헌법 권한에도 불구하고 상대적으로 큰 영향력을 행사해오고 있다. 이런 측면에서 본문에서는1992년부터 2012년까지 대통령으로 재임했던 쿠찬(Milan Kučan), 드르노프섹(Janez Drnovšek), 튀르크(Danilo Türk) 대통령의 공식, 비공식 권한을 통해 헌법상의 공식 권한이 곧 대통령의 실제 영향력이 아님을 확인한다. 특히 과거공산체제에서 슬로베니아 공산당 중앙위원회 의장, 슬로베니아 집단 대통령제의 제1대통령을 역임한 쿠찬이 향후 슬로베니아 대통령의 위상에 끼친 영향을 살펴보고, 그 뒤를 이은 드르노프섹과 튀르크가 이렇게 형성된 대통령의 위상을 어떻게 현실에 적용했는지를 살펴볼 것이다.

독일 태양광 발전 분야의 발전과 전망, 그리고 한국 정부에의 시사점

정혁 서강대학교 유로메나연구소 2021 통합유럽연구 Vol.12 No.2

This paper takes aim at presenting suggestions for expansion of photovoltaics in South Korea by analyzing and discussing state of play, developmental elements and policy challenges in German photovoltaics. Effective support policies designed to establish goal for promotion of renewable energy and to meet the goal, which is accentuated in the ‘Energy Transition’ policy, is credited for the expansion of German photovoltaics. Feed-in Tariffs, Feed-in Premium, and Auctions are the developmental elements leading the expansion in German photovoltaics. And the support from the historical German ruling parties and citizens in initial stage of encouragement of renewables by the German government have turned out to be other development elements. And they are expected to further contribute to the expansion down the road. Other than the developmental elements, The German government should take into consideration applying Extended Producer Responsibilities to the management of Photovoltaic wastes by amending the German Electronic and Electric Law, amending the part of the German Erneuerbare Energien Gesetz stating overriding integration of renewables when they are integrated into grid, simplifying connecting procedures for installations of photovoltaics into grid, and permit procedures for deployment of installations of photovoltaics, so as to further expand photovoltaics. The Korean Government needs to strengthen and expand the auctioning inducing the photovoltaic companies to compete against each other to further expand photovoltaics as a primary policy rather than the direction for financial aid.

EU와 G20 정상회의: 한국의 금융외교에 대한 함의

안병억 서강대학교 유로메나연구소 2010 통합유럽연구 Vol.- No.1

European Union and G20 Summit: PolicyImplications for Korea's External FinancialPolicyPyeong-Eok AnThis paper seeks to analyze the European Union's (EU) policies towards the G20Summit to have a better understanding of the G20 summit's implications for Korea'sexternal financial policy. It first puts the EU's involvement in global economicgovernance into a historical context by elucidating its role in the Group of SevenIndustrialized Countries (G7) summits. It then gives a critical evaluation of the EU'spolicies and stance towards the International Monetary Fund (IMF) quota reform. Itshows that a big gap exists between its rhetoric of agreeing to the quota reform andits insistence for minimizing the reduced quota share by the four major membersstates of the EU (Germany, France, UK and Italy). With the Lisbon Treaty coming into force in December 2009, the President of theEuropean Commission and Permanent President of the European Council representthe EU at the G20 Summit. This dual representation has its own drawbacks. Although the EU professes its 'one voice' at the head of state or government meetingof the G20 countries, it has often revealed several voices on various issues. Whenleaders designated the G20 as a premier forum for global economic governance atPittsburgh Summit in September 2009, the EU gave it a strong backing. Yetinitially France was reluctant to make the G20 a premier forum, whereas bothGermany and the UK backed such moves led by the United States. So, keeping itmind that there exist various policies by the EU and its members states at the G20 summit, the Korean government needs to effectively use the EU's and major memberstates' divergent positions to its advantage.

EU회원국 및 기업의 운송분야 기후변화 대응 - 독일의 사례를 중심으로 -

안상욱,김주희 서강대학교 유로메나연구소 2021 통합유럽연구 Vol.12 No.2

Europe has emerged as the world's largest electric vehicle market along with the EU's active response to climate change in industrial sector, especially the transport sector. It was France that took the initiative to reduce CO2 emissions in the transport sector. The French government held a "Grenelle de l'environment" in 2007 with representatives from the central government, local governments and private sectors to discuss the introduction of a Bonus-Malnus system on order to reduce greenhouse gas emissions in the transport sector by 20 per cent and oil dependence by 2020. Renault's "ZOE" was introduced in 2012. In the first half of 2020, Renault's ZOE model was the largest electric car in Europe. On the other hand, the German government did not introduce any active reduction efforts in the transport sector. On 26 April 2016, a joint public-private meeting between German Chancellor, Ministers and representatives of the automobile industry confirmed the introduction oa purchase subsidy called an environmental subsidy (Umweltprämie) or environmental bonus (Umweltbonus). Since then, Germany recorded the highest growth rate in cumulative electric vehicle registrations worldwide in 2017 and achieved the largest number of new electric vehicle registrations in Europe in 2020. Therefore, the purpose of this study is to explore the background of changes in the GHG reduction policy in the transport sector in Germany. This study argues that it is Volkswagen’s diesel gate that Germany decided to make the transport sector a major component of German Energiewende, and at the same time, German auto industry revised its future strategy from eco-friendly diesel to electric vehicles.

아랍언론 속 걸프 내 이주노동자들의 현황과 전망 연구

김재희 서강대학교 유로메나연구소 2021 통합유럽연구 Vol.12 No.1

본 연구는 아랍언론을 통해 걸프 지역 내 이주노동자들의 현황과 향후 전망을 살펴보고자 한다. 아랍언론에 따르면, 한 때는 걸프지역의 경제발전 및 지역개발에 기여했던 이주노동자들이 오늘날 유가 하락과 코로나 위기로 인해 벼랑 끝으로 몰리고 있다. 이주노동자들이 걸프지역 경제의 척추 역할을 하며 지난 30년 동안 전체 노동인구의 90%를 차지하게 되면서, 오늘날, 걸프지역의 인구구성에 균열을 가져오고, 걸프사회의 정체성을 위협하며, 높은 실업률의 원인으로 지목되고 있다. 재정적자와 실업문제를 해결하기 위하여 걸프국가들은 수백 만명에 달하는 외국인노동자들을 해고하고 강제로 출국시켰으며, 이 과정에서 일방적인 임금 삭감과 계약 해지, 추방 등의 조치로 인해 국제사회로부터 비난에 직면하자, 걸프국가들은 외국인노동자들이 코로나바이러스 전파의 주요 원인이라고 선동했다. 본 연구는 이러한 위기에 처한 걸프 내 이주노동자들의 미래는 어떻게 될 것인지, 함께 공존할 수 있는 없는 지를 찾아보고자 한다.

프랑스 내 무슬림 차별 기원과 공화주의 유산 - ‘1905년 법’과 그 적용 사례를 중심으로 -

박단 서강대학교 유로메나연구소 2021 통합유럽연구 Vol.12 No.1

The purpose of this paper is to clarify that one of the causes of Muslim discrimination in French society is the equivocal application of the republican principle. We will show through the prohibition of wearing hijabs and restrictions on the construction of new mosques that the “1905 law,” which enacted the Laïcité principle, is unfairly applied to Islam, the second most commonly practiced religion in France. The law stipulated that veils, including hijabs, were not to be worn in French public schools in the name of observance of the Laïcité principle and protection of the human rights of women. Mosque construction also cannot be financially supported by the government or local governments according to the 1905 law. However, in France in the 1920s, the construction of the Paris Grand Mosque could be completed with financial support from the French government and the city government of Paris. At the time, the construction of the mosque was controversial for violating Articles 2 and 28 of the 1905 law. However, a number of influential politicians dedicated the Grand Mosque of Paris in return for the contributions of Muslim soldiers who fought in World War I. From this perspective, it can be seen that the 1905 law is applied differently depending on the social atmosphere and the content of the same religious act. Today, the principles of the French Republic are being applied even more strictly to Islam as conflict between the West and Islam escalates due to the influx of Muslim immigrants and refugees in France and the increasing distaste for Islam in French society. The controversy over the violation of the 1905 law brings back memories of colonialism, orientalism, and the "Algerian War." In particular, the issue of Muslim women wearing hijabs has been linked to terrorism during the war and the subjugation of women. This is unlike the issue of mosque construction, which is linked to the public interest issue, and the 1905 law is more stringently applied. In today's France, even religious minorities should be considered so that various religious activities are possible without infringing on the public interest. The idea that such tolerance is not contrary to the Laï̈cité principle should be more universally accepted.

The EU’s Foreign Direct Investment Screening Framework: Current Status and Future Implications

김봉철,최혜진,정호윤 서강대학교 유로메나연구소 2021 통합유럽연구 Vol.12 No.1

The EU framework for FDI screening came into full force in 2020. In critical and strategic areas such as infrastructure, energy, cutting-edge tech, data and cyber security, finance, raw materials, media, and EU-funded projects, it was intended to prevent high-tech leakages and protect EU companies’ existing and future profits against rapidly emerging external investment and following intervention. Inward FDI screening is not a quite new approach in the EU. Before this EU-level framework introduction, 14 EU member states already screened FDI inflows in their domestic markets. Now, the member state-level screening work has been expanded to the EU level for common and unified action. Although the EU insists that its financial markets remain open to foreign investment and the framework is a supplementary mechanism for the member states’ national-level regulation, the introduction of the FDI screening framework lies between protectionism and openness. This article describes an investigation into how the EU’s inward FDI, which is represented by Chinese state-owned enterprises, threatened and intervened in EU companies. China’s emergence in the EU market, its aggressive acquisition of critical industries, and its related national security issues are addressed. Also, by reviewing potential concerns about the framework, this article suggests the possibility of ever-closer cooperation or division between member states.