김정은 시대 문화정책과 남북 문화교류 방향

박영하 고려대학교세종캠퍼스 공공정책연구소 2022 Journal of North Korea Studies Vol.8 No.2

In the Kim Jong Un era, North Korean cultural policy can be broadly divided into 'Securing legitimacy through Baekdu bloodline', 'Modernization and internationalization in pursuit of a normal state', and 'Achieving a powerful socialist civilization'. North Korean culture in the Kim Jong Un era can be seen as having a complex character in which the 'national tradition' and 'modern culture' are combined. Based on these characteristics of the cultural policy of the Kim Jong Un era, this thesis examines the status of each culture, such as music, performing arts, dance, and sports, and promotes 'exchanges to form homogeneity' and 'exchanges to restore homogeneity' between the residents of the South and North Korea.' and suggested two directions for inter-Korean cultural exchange. In both South and North Korean societies, a new generation without “memories of war” is growing as a social leader, so future generations must form a new “homogeneity” and lead the process of unification and integration. In addition, the “recovery of homogeneity” of the nation should be promoted together by reflecting on the history of the nation shared by our people. 김정은 시대에 들어와 북한 문화정책의 특징은 크게 ‘백두혈통을 통한 정통성 확보’, ‘정상국가를 추구하는 현대화·국제화’, ‘사회주의 문명강국 달성’으로 구분 지을 수 있다. 김정은 시대의 북한 문화는 기존의 ‘민족적 전통’과 ‘현대적 문화’가 결합된 복합적 성격을 띠고 있다고 볼 수 있다. 이와 같은 김정은 시대 문화정책의 특징을 바탕으로 본 논문은 음악, 공연예술, 무용, 체육 등 각 문화 별 현황을 살펴보고, 남북 주민 간 ‘동질성 형성을 위한 교류 추진’과 ‘동질성 회복을 위한 교류 추진’ 등 2가지 남북 문화교류 방향을 제시했다. 우선 남북한 사회 모두에서 ‘전쟁의 기억’이 없는 새로운 세대가 사회주역으로 성장하고 있으므로 미래세대가 새로운 ‘동질성 형성’을 이루어 통일과 통합의 과정을 주도하도록 하여야 한다. 또한 우리민족이 공유하는 민족의 역사를 함께 되새겨 민족의 ‘동질성 회복’ 역시 함께 추진되어야 한다.

사회적 자본으로서 종교계의 통일운동 - 기독교와 불교의 통일 네트워크를 중심으로 -

문인철,여현철 고려대학교세종캠퍼스 공공정책연구소 2023 Journal of North Korea Studies Vol.9 No.1

본 연구는 종교계가 사회적 자본으로서 한국사회의 통일운동과 통일 네트워크를 어떻게 형성하고 발전시켜 왔는지를 살펴보는 것에 목적이 있다. 특히, 사회적 자본과 사회적 신뢰를 이론적 틀로 하여 종교계의 통일관 및 통일론을 살펴보고자 하였다. 본 연구 결과 종교계가 통일의 목적 및 역할을 성공적으로 달성하기 위해 필요한 요건은 다음과 같다. 첫째, 종교계의 통일교육 활성화이다. 둘째, 종교계와 정부와의 협력적 네트워크 구축이다. 셋째, 종교계의 통일연대와 국제적 네트워크 확산 및 활용도를 증대시켜야 한다는 점이다. 이를 통해 국내의 종교계가 종교단체와 도모하여 협력 및 지지를 보내줄 수 있는 통일 공공외교를 기대할 수 있다.

최고지도자 교시를 중심으로 본 북한 사회의 학력주의

김혜진 고려대학교세종캠퍼스 공공정책연구소 2018 Journal of North Korea Studies Vol.4 No.2

Academic ability is formal educational experience used to indicate individual ability. Credentialism means that academic background plays an important part in achieving status socially. Though it is a global phenomenon, it appears in different forms depending on the age, culture, environment and others. It can be seen even in North Korean society with a unique hereditary succession of three generation system and extreme closeness. The situation of North Korea is such a mystery, but credentialism in the country has been clearer recently. The educational policy with utilitarianism enforced since Kim Jong-il, who used to be the supreme leader of North Korea, came to power is assumed to influence on the phenomenon. Currently, North Korean education is operated according to the educational policy with utilitarianism, which shows a distinct difference from the country’s existing educational policy emphasizing on equity and literacy education for all the North Korean people. Educational policy with utilitarianism pursues educational excellence with an aim for improvement. Pursue of educational equity in North Korea claiming to stand for socialist states was an important matter directly linked to national identity. However, the reason for seeking educational excellence rather than educational equity is to overcome economic difficulties which is so serious that it is even threatening the continued existence of the country’s system and to solve urgent problems. In North Korean society, ‘origin’, an ascribed factor, greatly influences on achieving social·economic status. Passive attitudes of members of the society due to this cause chronic inefficiency, and it leads to North Korea’s regression. Supreme leaders of North Korea tried to modify elite policies and reform the country’s educational system creating manpower human resources in critical situations. Then, credentialism appeared during Kim Jong-un’s succession to this attempt.

지속가능한 한반도의 평화번영을 위한 남북 에너지협력: 남북 에너지넥서스 구축을 중심으로

나용우 고려대학교세종캠퍼스 공공정책연구소 2019 Journal of North Korea Studies Vol.5 No.2

This paper tries to search for the new cooperation model between two Koreas, which will make the inter-Korean relationships more sustainable. To meditate the disputes between two actors who have suffered from many conflicts, it is necessary to make mutual confidence building measures. These measures can be realized based on an increase of mutual interests, not a political rhetoric. In this respect, this paper focuses on the energy as a first step of the confidence building mechanism between two Koreas. It is more important that energy cooperation on the Korean peninsula can give important opportunities for making the regional cooperation among the northeast Asian countries as well as the improvement of inter-Korean relations. In this context, this paper analyzes on the current states and problems of North Korean energy. Based on this evaluation, some areas or projects (ex. south Korea-North Korea-Russia pipelines, electric super grid) which expand the mutual benefits of the two Koreas can be extracted. This energy cooperation can be interconnected with each other. Through this energy network, a virtuous circle of Korean energy nexus among security, prosperity and identity can be constructed.

평화경제 추진 과정 평가와 과제

이혜정(Hae Jung, Lee) 고려대학교세종캠퍼스 공공정책연구소 2020 Journal of North Korea Studies Vol.6 No.2

The New Economic Initiative on the Korean Peninsula, which aims to promote balanced development of the national economy and joint prosperity between the two Koreas through the experience of inter-Korean economic cooperation over the past three decades and the results of high-level inter-Korean and summit agreements, can be regarded as the result of intense consideration of the present and future of inter-Korean economic cooperation. The South Korean government s new economic initiative on the Korean Peninsula, the North Korean government s concerns about economic development and stability of the people s livelihoods, and its willingness to revitalize the economic development zone were met to produce the April 27 Panmunjom Declaration and the September 19 Pyongyang Joint Declaration in 2018. The agreement between the leaders of the two Koreas in 2018 is significant in that it reflects the ideas related to inter-Korean economic cooperation that the conservative and progressive camps of the South have so far pursued or conceived. In particular, the fact that North Korea accepted the South s proposal for cooperation in the form of a special East-West Sea zone reflecting its economic development zone policy raises expectations that new economic cooperation on the Korean Peninsula will be possible, which is different from the previous inter-Korean economic cooperation. In light of 33 years of experience in inter-Korean economic cooperation, in order to realize a peace-economy through the new economic initiative on the Korean Peninsula, the principle of reciprocity, support, and cooperation based on the consensus of the international community, national consensus, and the activeness of private proponents should be guaranteed. In order to realize the New Economic Initiative on the Korean Peninsula, it should be based on an understanding of the interests and intentions of its counterpart, North Korea, and it can secure momentum by making neighboring countries on the Korean Peninsula feel that they can become direct beneficiaries of a peace-economy. In order to realize a peace-economy, the government should push ahead with its policies with public support and consensus on balanced development and joint prosperity of the national economy in mind. Creative and active business activities by entrepreneurs are also essential in order to produce economic results of creating new growth engines that the Korean Peninsula s new economic initiative aims to achieve.

Research on Intellectual Property Right Dispute among Nations: A Case of "China-EU Geographical Indications Dispute over FETA Cheese" and Implications for North Korea

황기식,Sheng nan wang,Ru xie 고려대학교세종캠퍼스 공공정책연구소 2018 Journal of North Korea Studies Vol.4 No.1

According to the Agreement on Trade-Related Aspects of Intellectual Property Rights (TRIPS) under World Trade Organization(WTO), geographical indications(GIs) is one of the intellectual property rights. As an important intellectual property, GIs not only have economic value, but also play a significant role in terms of the culture of a region, a nation, and even a country. Therefore, the European Union(EU) takes the intellectual property strategy as an important international conversation, especially the protection of GIs. The 2017 China-EU Bilateral Agreement on GIs has completed the thirteenth round of negotiations.1)This negotiation has also provided many new perspectives for China's geographical indication system. 2)Both China and the EU have a long history and culture. Moreover, there are many high-quality and high-reputation on geographical indication products. At the same time, 3)China and the EU face many challenges in the protection of geographical indication products. 4)For example: Why is there a difference in the concept of geographical indication protection in China? Why are Chinese consumers less aware of GIs? And how can Chinese geographical indication products easily enter into the EU market? This paper compares the geographical indication protection legislation and practice between China and the EU, and analyzes the disputes of the EU and China on the protection of GIs in 2017 with respect to the case of “FETA cheese”, and study the case of “FETA” cheese in the 2002 of EU dispute of GIs. This paper points out the differences between disputed cases of geographical indication protection between China and the EU, and the geographical indication products of China on how they easily enter the EU market and enjoy the same preferential policies as the European Union's geographical indication products offer inspiration and strategic advices. North Korean- South Korea summit on April 27, 2018 and the upcoming US-North Korea summit on June 12, 2018 can be seen that North Korea currently needs economic and market development. The solutions of dispute cases through the analysis of GIs in China and Western countries will provide considerable help and inspiration for the development of North Korea’s future economic market. Currently, on the occasion of the North-South Summit and the North Korea-US Summit, a study of the case of China is considered extremely valuable for North Korea at a time when South Korea and North Korea are attempting to become one state. We hope that this research will trigger further studies on North Korea's changes.

스마트그린 산업단지를 활용한 남북 산업협력 방안

김수정,김영민,정유석 고려대학교세종캠퍼스 공공정책연구소 2022 Journal of North Korea Studies Vol.8 No.2

남북관계는 경색국면이 장기화되고, 미국과 중국의 패권경쟁 심화 등의 국제정세가 악화되면서 남북교류협력의 재개가 쉽지 않은 상황이 이어지고 있다. 또한 코로나19 이후 세계 경제 환경은 급격한 변화를 겪고 있다. 이 중에서도 가장 큰 변화는 기후변화 대응과 글로벌 공급망 재편이라는 패러다임의 변화이다. 이러한 글로벌 트렌드에 부합하는 남북경제협력 모델을 구상하여 변화된 환경에 대비하여야 하겠다. 이를 통한 남북공동경제발전의 새로운 방향성을 제시하고 궁극적으로 대북 협력을 모색하는 우리 기업의 새로운 성장 모멘텀 제공을 하는 것이 본 연구의 목적이다. 본 연구에서는 변화된 외부적 조건을 고려하여 남북 스마트그린 산업단지를 활용한 남북 산업협력 방안을 제안하였다. 이를 위해 과거 남북 산업협력 추진 경험으로부터의 교훈, 최근 기후위기 대응과 관련한 글로벌 규범 강화, 해외 수출 전략으로서의 공급망 진입 필요성을 전반적으로 살펴보았다. 또한 전 세계가 지향하고 있는 제품 생산 공정의 탄소 감축 및 친환경 생산품을 위한 구상도 포함하였다. 결국 스마트그린 산업단지는 남북 산업협력이 기후위기와 국제 통상질서 변화에 조응한 고도화된 산업협력을 추진한다. 이를 통해 안정적인 공급망을 구축하고 북한은 이에 기초하여 글로벌 공급망에의 진입의 발판을 마련할 수 있다면, 남북 경제협력 추진의 필요성과 동력을 확보할 수 있을 것이다. 남북 산업협력이 친환경적인 방식으로 전개된다면 한국과 북한 모두에게 새로운 기회가 확보될 수 있다. 한국에게는 녹색・친환경 제품의 생산기지 건설을 통해 향후 확산될 글로벌 친환경 공급망에서 역할을 확대하는 기회가 될 수 있다. 북한에게는 양질의 생산품을 소비할 수 있는 기회, 산업 경쟁력을 확보하여 글로벌 공급망에 진입할 수 있는 기회, 산업 생산을 활성화할 수 있는 기회가 확보될 수 있다. 더 나아가 남북 산업협력이 ‘친환경’, ‘친기후’이라는 브랜드로 국제적 인식이 확산된다면 한국은 글로벌 기후위기 대응을 위한 국제협력을 선도하는 원조 공여국으로서의 위상이 강화될 수 있을 것이다.

문재인 정부의 대북정책: 특징과 과제

하상식 고려대학교세종캠퍼스 공공정책연구소 2018 Journal of North Korea Studies Vol.4 No.1

This study aims to characterize the Moon Jae-in Government’s Policy on the Korean Peninsula, and to find out some tasks and expectations of the policy. The highest priority of the policy is peace, not reunification. Peace can be achieved, this policy assumes, by denuclearization of the Korean Peninsula, which in turn can be achieved by providing security of the North Korean regime. This policy is based on the liberalist perspective on the international politics, prefers a soft-landing to a hard-landing on the course of transition for opening North Korea. This emphasizes ‘engagement’ or carrot as the main policy means, but tries to maintain ‘pressure’ or stick until North Korea shows its willingness for denuclearization. This policy also maintains Korea-led initiative emphasizing inter-Korean reconciliations and cooperation. The strategy for denuclearization is a step-by-step and comprehensive approach based on ‘security-to-security exchange’ manner. The success of this policy depends on developing a ‘win-set’ for the exchange both North Korea and the United States. North Korea should neither try ‘peace with nuclear weapons,’nor the United States ‘unconditional surrender’ without providing North Korea’s regime stability. Here lies the Moon jae-in Government’s role by providing creative compromise proposals and promoting trust between the two.

김정은 시대의 북미 정상회담 연구 : 양면게임이론을 중심으로

김혜원(Kim, Hye-Won) 고려대학교세종캠퍼스 공공정책연구소 2021 Journal of North Korea Studies Vol.7 No.1

This study aims to study North Korea-U.S. Summit during the Kim Jong Un era. For this, a more diversified approach to North Korea-U.S. negotiations is attempted through a two-sided game theory that considers both international and domestic dimensions at the same time in international negotiations. In Putnam’s two-level game theory, the U.S.-North Korea negotiations were analyzed in terms of domestic preferences and coalitions, domestic institutions, and negotiators’ strategies. As a result, the U.S. maintained a tougher stance in negotiations with North Korea because it had a smaller win-set than North Korea. Also, the breakdown of the North Korea-U.S. negotiations was due to the lack of overlapping win-set between the two countries. The Hanoi summit broke down because of North Korea’s different stance on dismantling its nuclear facilities in Yongbyon and the U.S. stance on proposing a road-map for dismantling nuclear weapons. Through analysis through two-level game theory, it can be expected that future U.S.-North Korea relations and negotiations will be carried out in conjunction with the domestic politics of the U.S. and the situation inside North Korea. In particular, with the launch of the new Biden administration in 2021, relations between the U.S. and North Korea have taken another turn. For the U.S.-North Korea negotiations to be successfully concluded, it will be important to read the domestic political situations of each country in the process of negotiations, an international political issue.

공세적 수정주의적 행태가 핵확산 과정에 끼치는 영향

김민정 고려대학교세종캠퍼스 공공정책연구소 2023 Journal of North Korea Studies Vol.9 No.1

국제정치학에서는 국가들의 현상유지 의지가 핵무기 개발의 주요 요인 중 하나라 주장되어왔다. 본 연구는 이에 대하여, 현상타파적 의지 또한 주요 동기일 수 있음을 가정하고 이론적 고찰 및 사례연구를 통하여 검증한다. 현재까지 국제정치학에서 수정주의 행동을 보인 국가들의 핵포기 이유를 검토한 사례가 없다는 점에서 핵비확산 연구의 공백을 메우려는 시도에 그 의의가 있다. 먼저 현상유지, 현상타파, 수정주의 등의 개념을 고전적 현실주의, 신현실주의, 세력균형이론 등 기존 국제정치학이론을 토대로 살펴본다. 이후 ‘공세적 수정주의’라는 대안적 수정주의 개념을 도입하며, 현실주의 이론의 수정주의 개념을 훼손하지 않으면서도 기존 이론의 한계를 극복하는데 유용한 분석틀을 제공한다. 이어서 핵확산국 중 호전적 수정주의 성향이 두드러졌던 북한, 인도네시아, 남아프리카공화국의 사례를 통하여, 수정주의적 국가가 핵을 포기하게 되는 과정을 이익 균형론을 바탕으로 설명한다. 남아공과 인도네시아의 경우, 공세적 수정주의 행태로 인하여 악화되었던 외부 환경이 핵개발 과정에서의 외교적 고립 및 교역 제한 등과 맞물려 국가이익 균형에 실패하였으며 궁극적으로 핵 포기라는 결과를 가져왔다. 반면 북한의 경우 중국과 러시아의 대미 패권경쟁 과정에 대미카드로 쓰이면서 전략적 입지가 강화되어 외적 균형을 유지할 수 있었다.