The Emergence of the Pacific Alliance and Implications for Korea

Taekyoon Lim,Si Un Yi 대외경제정책연구원 2014 World Economy Brief Vol.2014 No.01

Self-contradiction of the Neoliberal State: the Chilean State in Welfare Policies

( Taekyoon Lim ) 고려대학교 스페인·라틴아메리카연구소 2015 스페인라틴아메리카연구 Vol.8 No.1

In this paper, I question the legitimacy of the neoliberal state per se, and ask an empirical question of whether the Chilean welfare state is truly neoliberal. I investigate three welfare schemes introduced before and after the re-democratization of 1990: The Administradoras de Fondos de Pensiones(AFPs) and the Instituciones de Salud Previsional(ISAPRE) as the cases of privatization; and the Fondo de Solidaridad e Inversion(FOSIS) as the case of decentralization. The AFPs and the ISAPRE, which began in the early stage of the Chilean neoliberalization under the Pinochet regime, are the most prominent welfare programs that directly dictated the neoliberal privatization of social welfare. On the other hand, the FOSIS, which was first introduced upon the return of the democracy under the Concertacion regime, reflects the intense effort of the Chilean state to remedy social inequality by means of the tactic of decentralization. Through these cases, I argue that the Chilean state has fallen into the self-contradiction of the neoliberal state, which the intervention of the state is still evident in the implementation of privatization and the control of the central government remains significant in the decentralization process.

Persistent Role of The State in Capitalist Development: Chilean Welfare Proveision

Taekyoon Lim 계명대학교 국제학연구소 2015 국제학논총 Vol.23 No.-

In this paper, I ask following theoretical questions: how should we adjudicate the two opposite perspectives toward the relationship between t he state and the economy? Are the state and the economy separate analytic and autonomous spheres? How are they related to each other? What would be the best way to formulate the relationship to understand it properly? To answer the aforementioned questions, I will examine Chilean capitalist development, especially in the arena of welfare policies. The Chilean capitalist development is particularly interesting because it is often praised as the most successful orthodox model in developing regions. It is meaningful to investigate this developing country case through the prism of the theoretical discussion of state-economy relationship because the theoretical discussion is heavily grounded on the development of the Global North. To this end, I discuss market self-regulation approach and state-centered approach in order to argue for state-in-economy approach. I examine the case of Chilean “double movement” by presenting welfare reforms based on orthodox ideology, highlighting the FOSIS and the Chile Solidario.

라틴아메리카의 경제적 불평등과 강력 범죄 간의 허구적 관계

임태균(Lim, Taekyoon) 한국라틴아메리카학회 2018 라틴아메리카연구 Vol.31 No.4

The current paper elucidates the misrepresented correlation between economic inequality and violent crimes in Latin America and approaches the abnormally unstable public security in the region in a constructive way. Especially, the paper locates key factors for the improvement of public security through the comparative analysis of Ecuador and Venezuela. When Latin America as a whole is examined as one regional unit, its notorious inequality level may stand out as the plausible major factor to explain the high crime rates. However, when it comes to individual countries in the region, especially Ecuador and Venezuela, inequality turns out to be unsatisfactory to effectively account for the rise or fall of the crime rates. Instead, the will of the government and the efficiency of the security-related institutions such as the police matters more to explain the fluctuation of the crime rates. In conclusion, the current paper suggests that institutional approaches rather than economic approaches may present better solutions for the eventual enhancement of public security.

조건부 현금 지급 프로그램에 관한 정치경제: 니카라과 RPS의 도입과 중단

임태균 ( Lim Taekyoon ) 고려대학교 스페인·라틴아메리카연구소 2018 스페인라틴아메리카연구 Vol.11 No.2

본 논문은 니카라과의 조건부 현금 지급(CCT) 프로그램인 Red de Proteccion Social(RPS)의 사례를 통해 특정 사회보장제도의 도입과 전개에 중요한 영향을 미치는 요인들을 설명하고자 한다. 이에 본 논문은 20세기 말 니카라과의 정치·경제적 상황에서 RPS의 도입을 야기한 주요 요인은 무엇이며 긍정적인 평가에도 불구하고 RPS가 단명하게 된 요인이 무엇인지 문제제기한다. 본 논문은 니카라과가 CCT 프로그램인 RPS를 도입하게 된 여건을 먼저 역사적인 관점에서 살펴보고, 이를 바탕으로 RPS의 전개를 설명하는 데에 어떠한 국내외적 요인들이 중요하게 작용하였는지 살펴본다. 본 논문은 니카라과가 처한 정치·경제적 상황에서 국제금융기구의 회유와 압박이 RPS의 도입에 큰 역할을 하였음을 확인한다. 하지만, 국제금융기구의 주도로 이루어진 HIPC Initiative를 통한 채무 탕감이 완료되자, 애초에 부족했던 RPS에 대한 니카라과 국내적 합의가 외부로부터의 영향력을 상쇄하였다고 분석한다. 결국 니카라과 정부의 미흡한 역량과 부족한 정치적 합의가 RPS의 지속을 저해한 것이다. 이와 같이, 특정 국가의 복지 정책의 전개는 외부의 헤게모니적 영향과 이에 대응하는 해당 국가의 정부와 정치 엘리트의 역량과 합의의 복합적인 상호 작용을 통해 결정된다. The current paper examines the factors that have a major influence on the introduction and development of specific social protection schemes, through the case of Nicaragua’s conditional cash transfer (CCT) program, Red de Protección Social (RPS). The paper asks what were the main factors behind the introduction of the RPS in the politico-economic situation of Nicaragua in the late 20th century and also what factors might explain its discontinuation in spite of positive evaluations about it. The current paper approaches the background of the RPS from a historical perspective, and then investigates external and internal factors of the introduction and discontinuation of the RPS. The paper observes that the carrot and the stick of the international financial institutions played an important role in Nicaragua’s implementation of the RPS against the backdrop of the particular politico-economic situation. It argues, however, that once debt relief under the HIPC Initiative by the international financial institutions was completed, the unstable internal consensus about the RPS in Nicaragua offset the influence from outside. After all, the weak capacity of the government and the lack of the strong consensus within the government toward the RPS hindered the continuation of the RPS. Thus, the development of the welfare policy of a particular country is determined by multifaceted influence of both external hegemonic pressure and the capacity and consensus of the responding domestic political elite.

반등의 민주주의 역사와 반부패 제도의 성숙: 칠레와 코스타리카 사례를 통해서

임태균 ( Lim Taekyoon ) 고려대학교 스페인·라틴아메리카연구소 2017 스페인라틴아메리카연구 Vol.10 No.1

라틴아메리카는 많은 정치·경제적 역경을 겪어오면서 부패가 만연한 지역이라는 오명을 가지고 있다. 특히 최근에는 역내 주요 국가들에서 대통령과 관련된 큰 부패 사건들이 터지면서 라틴아메리카의 부패에 대한 인식을 더욱 악화시켰다. 하지만 라틴아메리카 내에서도 부패의 수준은 다소 차이가 존재한다. 본 논문은 부패 조사가 시작된 20세가 말 이래로 라틴아메리카에서 가장 청렴한 국가로 알려진 칠레와 주변 중앙아메리카 국가들과 달리 상대적으로 매우 낮은 부패 수준을 나타내는 코스타리카를 사례로 이들 국가들의 부패 수준이 낮은 요인을 통시적이고 공시적인 관점에서 살펴보고자 한다. 즉, 본 논문은 칠레와 코스타리카가 낮은 부패 수준을 나타내는 역사적인 요인은 무엇이며, 현재의 어떠한 반부패 제도로 이어져왔는지에 대해 알아보고자 한다. 기존의 부패에 대한 경제적 설명은 라틴아메리카를 하나의 지역으로서 선진국과 비교 시에 유용하지만, 라틴아메리카 내부에서의 부패의 차이를 설명하기에는 부족하다. 한편 민주주의로 대표되는 정치적설명은 부패와 민주주의의 음의 상관관계에 초점을 맞추어있다. 이에 본 논문은 특수한 민주주의 발전 과정이 반부패 제도의 성숙에 미칠 수 있는 영향에 대해 주목하고자 한다. 본 논문은 칠레와 코스타리카는 민주주의가 정착 또는 재정착하는 계기가 매우 강렬한 역사적 사건을 통해 이루어졌고 이에 대한 반동으로 일어난 강한 민주주의 열망이 현재의 강력한 반부패 정서와 정책으로 발현되었다고 주장한다. Latin America are notorious for a high level of corruption. Recently, big corruption scandals involving presidents broke out in some Latin American countries, and exacerbated the corruptive image of Latin America. However, there are disparities in levels of corruption within Latin America. This paper examines the factors behind the low levels of corruption in Chile and Costa Rica from both the diachronic and the synchronic perspectives. In other words, it asks what historical factors facilitated Chile and Costa Rica to have low levels of corruption, and what anti-corruption institutions they have produced. Existing economic explanations about corruption are useful in comparing Latin America with developed countries as a whole, but they are not adequate to explain the differences in corruption within Latin America. On the other hand, existing political explanations represented by democracy tend to focus on the negative correlation between corruption and democracy. This paper focuses on the development process of democracy and its effect on the maturity of the anti-corruption institutions. This paper argues that in Chile and Costa Rica the settlement or resettlement of the democracy was achieved through very intense historical anti-democratic events, and that a strong democratic aspiration as a reaction to them resulted in the current strong anti-corruption sentiment and policies.

신자유주의와 복지 패러다임

임태균(Lim, Taekyoon) 한국라틴아메리카학회 2017 라틴아메리카연구 Vol.30 No.4

This analysis examines changes in the welfare paradigm of Venezuela under the Chávez regime and the post-Chávez regime. The author argues that Venezuela, which firmly established the expansionist and universal welfare policy under Chávez, is now assuming a gradual but significant shift from the existing welfare paradigm under the regime of Maduro. After the failed experiments of neoliberal economic policy in the 1990s, Venezuela with the advent of Chávez rejected the neoliberal welfare paradigm adopted by most contemporary Latin American countries and established the state-led, universal welfare paradigm instead. However, since President Maduro assumed the presidency, Venezuela has shown a flexible attitude toward the selective welfare paradigm under the pressure of a deteriorating national economy. While still retaining the state-centered universal welfare paradigm at the forefront, Venezuela is partially and gradually accepting the selective welfare paradigm based on the reduced concept of welfare as a means of poverty reduction and for the sake of efficiency. Behind this change is the post-Chávez regime’s intention to intensify political anti-neoliberalism and secure Chavismo as a political institution, but at the same time to minimize the weakening of the populist character of Chavismo.

Forging 'Soft' Accountability in Unlikely Settings

Taekyoon Kim,Sojin Lim 한국국제협력단 2014 KOICA working paper Vol.2014 No.1