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RISS 인기검색어
- 검색키워드
- 저자 : Seungju Yeo(Seungju Yeo) (검색결과 19 건)
- 무료
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- 유료
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Underspecification and Defaults in Korean Aspectual Periphrasis
Seungju Yeo 한국생성문법학회 2018 생성문법연구 Vol.28 No.3
Yeo, Seungju. 2018. Underspecification and Defaults in Korean Aspectual Periphrasis. Studies in Generative Grammar, 28-3, 411-432. This paper proposes a morphosyntactic analysis of grammatical aspect, with two functional heads Asp and Telic dedicated for yielding the array of grammatical aspect patterns observed in Korean. This approach is capable of accounting for why iss-headed periphrases diverge from the other compositionally well-behaving periphrases that maintain a one-to-one correspondence between the aspectual exponents and the resulting grammatical aspect. As opposed to “compositional” aspectual auxiliaries, iss- is neutral and realizes Asp bearing [∘ PERFECT ], an underspecified functional head. This underspecified head is responsible for ambivalence of iss-headed periphrases.
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Telicity and iss-headed Periphrases
Seungju Yeo 한국언어학회 2018 언어 Vol.43 No.3
This paper proposes a morphosyntactic characterization of -e and -ko found in iss-headed perfectives. They are exponents of the functional head Telic whose primary function is to encode whether or not an event has a culmination point specified in the event description. [TELOS] is an uninterpretable feature of Telic that effectively performs this primary function; it has to be checked off. This forces a DP to raise to [SPEC, Telic[TELOS]], which is subject to the locality principle MLC. The morphosyntactic computation of telicity via Telic, under the guidance of MLC, gives rise to the non-agentive telic intransitivity of the suffix -e. Being a telic marker, this suffix is a spell-out of the Telic[TELOS].
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Seungju Yeo 한국언어학회 2010 언어 Vol.35 No.1
I propose that a syntactic account better captures commonality as well as divergence among different types of Korean nominals in a unified manner, without unnecessarily dividing nominalizing suffixes into distinct classes unlike a lexicalist analysis. Under the syntactic approach based on the Distributed Morphology, such a stipulation is no longer necessary. Various nominalizing suffixes, which were responsible for stipulative divisions of suffixes, are mere phonological spell-outs of the category-defining functional head n, spelled out at different phases of computation. Different types of nominals are spell-outs of what is the same process of merging a syntactic object with n at different points in the computation, that is, contextual variants of X-n.
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Some Notes on Resultatives in Korean
Seungju Yeo 한국생성문법학회 2006 생성문법연구 Vol.16 No.4
We argue that the so-called clausal resultatives (Wechsler & Noh 2001) do not exhibit the characteristic properties of resultatives in other languages, for example, those of English. They do not necessarily entail the resultant state, nor does there seem to hold a direct causation between a main predicate and the secondary resultative predicate. They also do not observe the stringent restrictions that non-clausal resultatives do; unergatives can host a clausal resultative. A non-stative also functions as a secondary predicate. They sound better with key replaced by tolok, which incurs ungrammaticality in non-clausal resultatives. Based on these differences, we suggest that clausal resultatives may not form a homogeneous group with the prototypical resultatives in Korean.
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On the Causee Argument in Japanese and Korean Analytic Causative Construction
Seungju Yeo 한국생성문법학회 2006 생성문법연구 Vol.16 No.2
We argue that analytic causatives may be associated with distinct syntactic structures with different interpretive properties among languages. In particular, we examine syntactic and semantic properties of the causee argument in Korean and Japanese analytic causatives. We show that Japanese assigns different syntactic structures to ACC-causatives and DAT-causatives whose difference leads to different interpretive properties observed in the literature. On the other hand, Korean appears to assume the same syntactic structure. We induce pieces of evidence that illustrate this “parametric” differences in the syntax of the analytic causative construction.
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Distinguishing Periphrastic Causatives from Morphological Causatives
Seungju Yeo 한국생성문법학회 2005 생성문법연구 Vol.15 No.2
We argue that the way a predicate is morphosyntactically structured influences the availability of the morphological means of expressing Voice, and that the periphrasis is a last resort kicking in when the morphological means is blocked due to independently motivated morphosyntactic constraints on how verbs are structured. For all intents and purposes, the morphological causative is a single predicate, however complex it may be, and it is sensitive to the morphological constituency of the base to which it is applied. On the other hand, the periphrastic causative involves sentential embedding and is not subject to the morphosyntactic constraint. The asymmetry in terms of the agentivity of the causee and the possibility of idiomatic readings stems from this difference.
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The Morpheme -key in Resultatives and Periphrastic Causatives/Passives in Korean
Seungju Yeo 한국생성문법학회 2011 생성문법연구 Vol.21 No.1
This paper claims that resultatives and periphrastic causatives are more closely related to each other than one would expect. Despite interpretive differences, they share the same syntactic head that specifies how an event in to be interpreted aspectually through the [¡±RESULT] feature. The two manifestations of -key in resultatives and periphrastic causatives/passives reflect the same syntactic head in different guises; they are exponents of ASP with different feature specifications. From this assumption the complementarity in distribution and conflicting interpretive properties follow straightforwardly.
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