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        Underspecification and Defaults in Korean Aspectual Periphrasis

        Seungju Yeo 한국생성문법학회 2018 생성문법연구 Vol.28 No.3

        Yeo, Seungju. 2018. Underspecification and Defaults in Korean Aspectual Periphrasis. Studies in Generative Grammar, 28-3, 411-432. This paper proposes a morphosyntactic analysis of grammatical aspect, with two functional heads Asp and Telic dedicated for yielding the array of grammatical aspect patterns observed in Korean. This approach is capable of accounting for why iss-headed periphrases diverge from the other compositionally well-behaving periphrases that maintain a one-to-one correspondence between the aspectual exponents and the resulting grammatical aspect. As opposed to “compositional” aspectual auxiliaries, iss- is neutral and realizes Asp bearing [∘ PERFECT ], an underspecified functional head. This underspecified head is responsible for ambivalence of iss-headed periphrases.

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        On the -key toy-construction as Implicit Causatives

        Seungju Yeo 한국중원언어학회 2019 언어학연구 Vol.0 No.51

        The -key toy-construction is sometimes analyzed as periphrastic passives. The passive analysis, however, faces empirical and theoryinternal problems, suggesting that it may not be passives. It is instead proposed that they are a kind of causatives whose causers are implicit. -key is a phonological substantiation of a functional head licensing a causee. Both -key ha- and -key toystructures share a common complement whose head is realized as -key. The shared complement denotes a caused event. The difference between the two periphrastic constructions resides in the nature of the causative verbs involved. The causative auxiliary verb -ha projects its external argument, the causer, while the other “causative” auxiliary verb -toy does not. This “unaccusative” causative verb suppresses the causer on a par with a passivization suppresses an external argument, which is sometimes realized as an adjunct. The -key toy-construction is a causative whose causer is not present while the periphrastic causative explicitly projects a causer.

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      • KCI등재

        In the Middle of Korean Middles

        Seungju Yeo 한국중원언어학회 2022 언어학연구 Vol.- No.65

        This paper proposes a Distributed Morphology account of middle sentences in Korean. In the middle of Korean middles lie the functional head Voice bearing [-ACT] and the generic operator GEN, interacting with each other to produce the morphosyntactic and semantic properties of Korean middles. Voice<SUB>[-ACT]</SUB> is responsible for the demotion of an external argument of eventive verbs, characteristic of middle sentences where a theme occupies the grammatical subject position. This functional head also figures prominently in passives, where the same range of verbalizing suffixes of middle sentences also appear. This functional head is responsible for the external argument demotion and the sharing of the same verbal suffixes with passives. The generic operator unselectively binds the event variable e and consequently ascribes a disposition to the theme occupying the grammatical subject position. This binding prevents Existentential Closure from binding this variable which would result in an episodic reading of the event that middles sentence are incapable of yielding. Unlike English middles which employ Voice<SUB>[+ACT]</SUB>, Korean middles are generic passives.

      • KCI등재
      • KCI등재

        Some Notes on Resultatives in Korean

        Seungju Yeo 한국생성문법학회 2006 생성문법연구 Vol.16 No.4

          We argue that the so-called clausal resultatives (Wechsler & Noh 2001) do not exhibit the characteristic properties of resultatives in other languages, for example, those of English. They do not necessarily entail the resultant state, nor does there seem to hold a direct causation between a main predicate and the secondary resultative predicate. They also do not observe the stringent restrictions that non-clausal resultatives do; unergatives can host a clausal resultative. A non-stative also functions as a secondary predicate. They sound better with key replaced by tolok, which incurs ungrammaticality in non-clausal resultatives. Based on these differences, we suggest that clausal resultatives may not form a homogeneous group with the prototypical resultatives in Korean.

      • KCI등재

        Morphosyntax of Periphrastic Causation in Korean

        Seungju Yeo 한국중원언어학회 2021 언어학연구 Vol.- No.61

        This paper proposes a morphosyntax model of encoding causation periphrastically. Periphrastic causation evolves around two functional heads cause and causee. The former head introduces a causer, and the latter head renders its complement as a caused event. Having taken care of their morphosyntactic requirements, each ultimately constitutes the essential components of the causative semantics (e1 → e2). This proposal also extends the coverage of the so-called “periphrastic causatives” to include the -key toy construction that has been analyzed independent of the -key ha construction. These two constructions share the morphosyntactic structure underlying the periphrastic causation. The surface differences between them such as different orderings and case particles stem from the general morphosyntactic requirements imposed on any sentence, coupled with the agentivity difference between two types of periphrastic causatives. In particular, the -key toy construction is unaccusative, giving rise to nom typical of this type of sentence. Recognizing two functional heads Cause and Causee, this proposal morphosyntactically explicates periphrastic causation and unifies the two constructions that have been treated separately in the literature.

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        Syntax in Favor of Lexicon

        Seungju Yeo 한국언어학회 2010 언어 Vol.35 No.1

        I propose that a syntactic account better captures commonality as well as divergence among different types of Korean nominals in a unified manner, without unnecessarily dividing nominalizing suffixes into distinct classes unlike a lexicalist analysis. Under the syntactic approach based on the Distributed Morphology, such a stipulation is no longer necessary. Various nominalizing suffixes, which were responsible for stipulative divisions of suffixes, are mere phonological spell-outs of the category-defining functional head n, spelled out at different phases of computation. Different types of nominals are spell-outs of what is the same process of merging a syntactic object with n at different points in the computation, that is, contextual variants of X-n.

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