외환위기는 발전국가를 변화시켰는가

류석춘(Lew Seok Choon),왕혜숙(Wang Hye Suk) 한국사회학회 2007 韓國社會學 Vol.41 No.5

1997년 외환위기는 1980년대 말부터 진행되어 왔던 한국 발전국가 모델의 유효성 논쟁을 다시 도마 위에 올려놓는 계기가 되었다. 많은 학자들이 발전국가 모델에 사망선고를 내리고 신자유주의적 세계화 흐름에 맞춰 시급히 규제국가로 전환할 것을 주장했다. 이에 맞서 세계화의 진전이 오히려 국민국가의 역할을 증대시킨다는 사실을 강조하며, 지난 세기 압축성장을 가능케 했던 한국의 발전국가 모델을 손쉽게 폐기처분될 수 없다는 주장도 제기되었다. 이 논문은 발전국가모델에서 나타나는 높은 국가 자율성과 역량이 외환위기를 계기로 실제 어떻게 변화하여 왔는가를 추적하고 있다. 이를 위해 이 논문은 외환위기에 대처하기 위한 국가의 핵심적 정책도구였던 공적자금의 조성과 집행과정에 대한 분석을 통해, 발전국가 한국의 변화에 대해 대립되는 두 시각을 점검한다. 분석결과 외환위기 이후 오히려 한국 국가의 자율성은 크게 증대되었다는 사실을 확인할 수 있었다. 또한 높은 국가의 자율성에 기초한 국가의 시장개입은 금융지배를 통한 산업자본의 통제라는 발전국가 모델이 여전히 지속되고 있음을 보여주었다. 그러나 국가역량의 차원에서 볼 때 한국의 발전국가 모델이 보여주었던 자본에 대한 관리ㆍ감독과 규율의 기능이 크게 약화된 것으로 나타났다. 그 주요 원인은 관료적 응집성의 결여로서, 정책의 전문성과 일관성에 따른 권위와 책임이 제도적으로 구조화되지 않았기 때문이다. 그 결과 전반적인 공적자금의 운용과정은 비효율적인 자원배분의 문제를 노정하며 실패로 귀결되었다. 이러한 결과는 세계화 시대의 국민국가 역할에 대해 중요한 함의를 갖는다. 외환위기를 계기로 본격화된 시장개방과 세계화의 진전은 오히려 국가자율성을 강화하며 국민국가의 역할에 대한 새로운 수요를 창출했다. 그러나 증대된 수요를 따라가지 못하는 국가역량의 미비는 시장개입을 실패로 만들 수밖에 없었다. 이는 세계화가 국민국가의 자율성을 약화시키지 않으며, 또한 세계화시대에도 국가개입의 성공 혹은 실패는 개입의 능력에 좌우된다는 사실을 말해준다. The Asian crisis in 1997 triggered the fierce debates over the validity of Korean developmental state model. Some scholars argue that the demands of global agents undermine the state autonomy and capacity. The state, facing the crisis, could not help accepting the financial aids from international organizations such as IMF and IBRD, which in return, demanded the neo-liberal economic transformation to constrain state’s own room to maneuver the domestic market. Others insist that the crisis paradoxically provides an opportunity to strengthen the state autonomy and capacity. According to them, the state becomes the only fundamental body responsible for concluding an entente with the foreign organizations and meeting their needs. To validate these two contrasting views, this paper examines the change in the state autonomy and capacity of developmental state during the so-called “IMF regime” by way of studying the process of how the state mobilized, distributed and recovered the public fund, of which role was critical in overcoming the financial crisis. The public fund was a pivotal financial measure given to the hands of the state under the name of overcoming the crisis and restoring the economy. Therefore, the process of mobilizing, injecting, monitoring and recovering the public fund is a proper yardstick to evaluate the state autonomy and capacity. This process affects not only the internal state bureaucrat but its relationship with the financial and industrial capital. This process can be divided into two: the injection of the public fund into insolvent financial institutions and the recovery of the public fund from them. The former shows the degree of the state autonomy because it means the financial support of the state to the domestic capital. Meanwhile, the latter can be used as an index to evaluate the degree of the state capacity because it means state’s ability to supervise and discipline the domestic capital to cooperate with the state’s policy. The analysis clearly shows following features. The state autonomy after the financial crisis can be compared to the developmental state in that the state extends its internal autonomy by attaining the controls over the financial resources and therefore, strengthening its dominance over the industrial capital. However, the state after the crisis, in spite of similar enlarged autonomy, fails in governing and disciplining the market only to reveal the vacuum in the state capacity. The weakening of the state capacity in the state intervention causes the failure in financial and industrial restructuring process including the public fund policy. Finally it causes the financial deficit which is expected to impose a heavy burden on people or increase the foreign debt. This paper suggests two aspects of state capacity resulting in the policy failure. First, regarding the internal capacity, the fragility in the bureaucratic cohesion and the fragmented arrangement of authority among the bureaucratic bodies resulted in the fallacy in the policy decision and the dull results in the recovery of public fund. Also, it is closely related with the absence of discipline over the domestic capital, that is, the external capacity. In sum, the financial support without discipline, that is, the state autonomy not accompanied with the state capacity results in the overall failure of state intervention.

필리핀 지방정치의 역동성: 북부 수리가오 주의 토착 기독교 종교단체 (PBMA) 사례 연구

류석춘 ( Seok Choon Lew ),왕혜숙 ( Hye Suk Wang ) 한국동남아학회 2009 동남아시아연구 Vol.19 No.2

한국과 필리핀 건국의 핵심 과제와 대통령(들) 비교: 이승만 대 케손 등

류석춘 ( Lew Seok Choon ),조정기 ( Cho Jung Ki ) 한국동남아학회 2017 동남아시아연구 Vol.27 No.1

This study aims to compare the state building process focusing on the founding presidents of South Korea, which was a colony of the defeated state of World War II and the Philippines, the colony of the victorious state. To this end, it compares the lives of the presidents, mainly the founding president of Korea Syngman Rhee and Manuel Quezon who led the autonomy of the Philippines and established the Commonwealth government, in the contexts of the state building process of the two countries. In each country, the leaders had to address the core tasks for founding the states in common. Firstly, after the independence or the acquisition of state autonomy, both countries adopted a constitution based on the presidential system with the strong authority of the presidents influenced by the United States. Secondly, the two countries after the independence were operated on the basis of anti-communism at the forefront of the Cold War. In addition, they also carried out land reform to bring the peasants into the system for supporting anti-communism. Lastly, the two countries also faced the same issues of liquidating the Japanese colonial legacies. Therefore the study examines the establishment of the constitution, settlement of anti-communism line, the land reform issues, and liquidation of Japanese colonialism or occupation in each country. The Philippines attained `constitutional independence` in 1935 and experienced political development faster than any other post-colonial country in Asia. However, except for the establishment of the constitution, the early leaders were not able to address the principal issues for state building. As land reform failed, landowners became economically and politically dominant. The Philippines, where the modern citizen class has not arisen suffered from the political and economic recession. In Korea, despite the Korean War and division of the country, the founding president Syngman Rhee attempted to solve the tasks. As a result, he was able to lay the track of liberal democracy against communism and also settled Japanese colonial legacy as much as it was allowed. In particular, through land reform, he has laid the basis for the nation-state and economic development and has set up the girders of Korean economy by adopting the market economy system. Although there are merits and demerits, compared with the leaders of other countries especially with the Philippines, it is no doubt that Syngman Rhee has played an essential role in establishing the state as a founding president.

사회자본 개념으로 재구성한 한국의 경제 발전

류석춘(Lew, Seok-Choon),왕혜숙(Wang, Hye Suk) 한국이론사회학회 2008 사회와 이론 Vol.12 No.-

ECONOMIC DEVELOPMENT, HOUSING STANDARDS, AND QUALITY OF LIFE IN S. KOREA

SEOK-CHOON LEW(류석춘),HAE-KWANG PARK(박해광) 서울대학교 사회발전연구소 1998 Journal of Asian Sociology Vol.27 No.2

한국의 복지현실, 사회자본 그리고 공동체 자유주의

류석춘 ( Seok Choon Lew ),왕혜숙 ( Hye Suk Wang ) 연세대학교 사회발전연구소 2007 현대사회와 문화 Vol.25 No.-

국가복지의 (탈)가족화 효과 : 한국과 대만의 의료보험 피부양자 제도 비교연구

왕혜숙 ( Hye Suk Wang ),류석춘 ( Seok Choon Lew ) 서강대학교 사회과학연구소 2013 사회과학연구 Vol.21 No.2

The national health insurance programs in South Korea and Taiwan have maintained the dependent system that includes not only the insureds but also their families. These two cases explicitly exemplify the familialism in East Asian regime. However, when we compare two systems in detail, we can easily note their institutional differences. Firstly, the Korean system defines dependents based on the extended family norm encompassing lineal and collateral family members while the Taiwan system limits dependents` entitlement only to the stem family. Secondly, dependents in Korea don`t have to pay premium while in Taiwan, based on the principle of poll tax, the insureds have to pay their dependents` premiums. Differences in institutional arrangement of the two systems causes contrasting economic incentive structures and motives to actors: increasing dependents in Korea and decreasing dependents in Taiwan. This article highlights the considerable gap between number of dependents in two systems: the average number of dependents per one insured in Korea was 2.5 times larger than that in Taiwan. Result shown in this article reveals the diversity in the East Asian Welfare regime and argues that the familialism, according to institutional settings it espouses, can lead to the variation in (de-)familialization effects.

베트남 북부와 남부의 사회자본 비교 -퍼트남의 이탈리아 해석에 대한 도전

왕혜숙 ( Hye Suk Wang ),백용훈 ( Yong Hun Beak ),류석춘 ( Seok Choon Lew ) 한국동남아학회 2011 동남아시아연구 Vol.21 No.3

North and South Vietnam show contrasting features in economic performance. Although the administrative capital is Hanoi in the North, Ho Chi Minh City, the center of the South, is leading the economic development of the whole nation. What is the reason behind this? What is the cause of the remarkable differences in economic growth between North and South even though both are in the same country which pursued the reform and marketization in the same manner? To answer the questions, existing literatures had solely relied on Putnam`s interpretation on italian case. According to Putnam`s proposition, the South that leads rapid economic development will show high level of general trust and weak ties. On the contrary, the North, in the situation of economic under-development, will reveal low level of general trust and family-based strong ties. To test the Putnam`s proposition on social capital, this article investigates the origins of social capital in Vietnam from the traditional society as well as articulate it modern features based on a survey conducted in Hanoi, and Ho Chi Minh City. The data in this research show several evidences that counter the Putnam`s proposition. The South, in spite of open and weak ties, shows high level of distrust. Meanwhile the North, in spite of strong ties, shows high level of general trust. This can be an evidence challenging to Putnam`s gloomy assessment of particular trust restricted to intimate relationships such as families and friends. Rather, particular trust based on intimate relationships can be a source of general trust, and therefore pave the way for economic and political development. That`s why we have to pay attention to positive roles of intimate relationships such as Guanxi in China, Yon`go in Korea, and Tinh cam in Vietnam.