North Korea and Its Developing Nuclear Capability Issues in South Korean-U.S. Public`s Minds

( Gon Namkung ) 한국아메리카학회 2007 美國學論集 Vol.39 No.1

Transformation of Korea-U.S. Alliance and North Korean Threat

Gon Namkung(남궁곤) 고려대학교 일민국제관계연구원 2010 국제관계연구 Vol.15 No.1

The questions to be reviewed here are concerned with the ROK-U.S. alliance and its relation to North Korean nuclear issues since the inauguration of the new administration in South Korea in 2008 especially from the context of South Korean public opinion. This paper examines how South Koreans’ foreign policy beliefs show consistent structure. Also, despite the change of administrations in 2008, how South Koreans’ appreciation of the ROK-U.S. alliance translates into preferences for a higher level of commitment, the bilateral cooperation in general, and how it affects the North Korean issues specifically are to be examined. To explore the South Korean’s appreciation of the ROK-U.S. alliance and its relations to their attitudes toward North Korean nuclear issues, this study examines survey data conducted by the East Asia Institute (hereafter EAI) in Korea in June 2008. The statistical analysis of the polling data shows that positive South Korean views of the ROK-U.S. alliance are strongly associated with their perceptions of North Korea’s military threat and development of nuclear capabilities. Alliance supporters are dissatisfied with North Korea’s approach to dealing with nuclear issues and are more inclined to perceive North Korea as a definite threat to peninsular and regional stability. Their optimistic evaluation of inter-Korean relations reflects a pragmatic posture that comes from their appreciation of the ROK-U.S. alliance.

Two Faces of Transnational Finance Capital in American Foreign Policy

Gon Namkung(남궁곤),Hyunkyung Oh(오현경) 고려대학교 일민국제관계연구원 2011 국제관계연구 Vol.16 No.1

The purpose of this study is to explore American Transnational Finance Capital’s initiative to build American financial hegemony during the interwar period (1919-1939). This study specifically focuses on one of the world’s oldest, largest, and best-known banks, J.P. Morgan & Company. This study argued that TFC led the construction of American hegemony in interwar years. Signs of will to build hegemony away from isolationism had already surfaced at market level during the interwar period. That hegemonic ambition was driven by American TFC’s initiative. TFC’s initiative operated through two phases to protect and expand their profits: domestically, through strategically acquiescing to the regulations of both government and congress, and internationally, by implementing aggressive strategy to influence the formulation of American foreign economic policy. American government supported American TFC by offering chances to participate in international postwar economic settlements such as the Dawes and Young Plan, and passing pro-trust acts. However, the congress based on anti-financial capital sentiments regulated TFC through Pecora and Nye hearings. The present study emphasizes TFC’s strategic initiative to change of international and domestic circumstances via J.P. Morgan & Co. case in relations with American government and congress.

U.S. Power Penetration through the Military Bases in Guam

Gon Namkung,Sulhyung Lee 서울대학교 국제학연구소 2012 Journal of International and Area Studies Vol.19 No.2

The purpose of this study is to provide an interpretation of the power penetration delivered through the United States’ overseas military bases. This study specifically concentrates on the military bases in Guam. The penetration of U.S. power into the Guam economy delivers three results. First of all, military bases boost the island’s economy. Secondly, the bases bring economic structural change to Guam. Such change is shown through the average hourly wages among industries. Lastly, as the military bases increase in size, the fimctions of foreign companies enlarge as well. The increase of foreign companies can be traced back to the enlargement of military contracts awarded by the Department of Defense. Along with the economic influence, the military base in Guam is interpreted to influence the island’s identity indication. In this study, U.S. military bases in Guam have been explained as a method of United States’ power implementation into the economic sphere and the island’s identity. In sum, the military bases affect the economic growth, economic structure, and the generation gap towards identity indication.

INTERNATIONAL DETERMINANTS OF JAPANESE TRUST RATINGS OF FOREIGN NATIONS

Namkung, Gon The Institute for Far Eastern Studies, Kyungnam Un 1999 ASIAN PERSPECTIVE Vol.23 No.1

The study employs a multiregression model to test a hypothesis on international determinants of Japanese trust ratings of 32 foreign nations. I divide explanatory determinants into the following three categories: first, national characteristics of the 32 nation-objects (regime type, economic standard of living, and national power), second, economic interdependence between Japan and the 32 nation-obejcts, and third, inherent cultural similarity to Japan of the 32 nation-objects. I found that both the "political democracy" and "economic interdependence" variables have substantial impacts on Japanese trust ratings of the 32 foreign nation-objects. Based on these findings, it is basically argued that that the promotion of democracy for each nation and multi-level economic interdependence among nations apparently leads to good interpersonal relationship among their peoples as seen in high levels of trust. However, national power and cultural similarity are not good indicators for measuring Japanse turst ratings of foreign nations. Even if national power for a nation is colinear with its economic achievement, I could not find any statistically significant association between national power of a foreign nation-object and Japanese trust rating of that nation. An analysis of a dummy variable (cultural similarity) does not prove that the Japanese give higher trust ratings to East Asian nations than culturally dissimilar and geographically distant nations.

국제규범의 국내확산경로

남궁곤(Gon Namkung),조동준(Dong-Joon Jo) 한국정치학회 2010 한국정치학회보 Vol.44 No.3

이 글은 국제규범이 국내 정치과정에 확산되는 경로를 규범의 권능화로 정의하고 이를 경험적으로 분석한다. 이 글은 국회 안에서 대인지뢰금지규범이 확산되는 경로, 즉 권능화 과정을 규범의 도입 과정과 공동발의 단계로 나누어 분석한다. 이 연구를 통해 밝혀낸 점은 다음과 같다. 첫째, 지뢰가 매설된 지역구 출신 국회의원이 지뢰제거를 위하여 대인지뢰금지규범을 명분으로 끌어들인다. 대인지뢰금지규범을 담은 의원입법은, 법제화되지 않더라도, 국방부를 압박하는 효과를 가진다. 둘째, 대인지뢰금지규범을 국내로 확산시키려는 비정부 기구는 사회운동 경험을 가진 국회의원에게 접근하여 의원입법을 공동으로 준비하는 과정을 통해국제규범을 내화(內化)하려고 한다. 한국에서 대인지뢰 피해자가 소수이고 대인지뢰매설지가 상대적으로 작기 때문에, 비정부기구는 풀뿌리 운동을 전개하지 않고, 국회의원과 협업을 선택한다. 셋째, 국회의원의 이념 성향과 당적이 대인지뢰금지 규범을 담은 의원입법에 공동발의자로 참여하는지 여부에 영향을 미친다. 반면, 지역구 이해, 소관상임위원회 소속 여부, 성별, 과거 사회운동 경험등은 유의미한 영향을 주지 못한다. 이 글은 대인지뢰금지규범이 진보적 이념 성향을 보이는 인사에 의하여 국회 안에서 확산되고 있으며 정당 안에서“법안 품앗이”가 존재하고 있음을 경험적으로 확인한다. This paper identifies the two paths where the Ottawa Convention to prohibit the use of anti-personnel landmines has been introduced into the National Assembly of the Republic of Korea: constituencies’ interest and transnational advocacy network. National Assemblymen, whose districts include minefields, have been active in internalizing the norm to get rid of landmines in their districts; those who have been involved in transnational advocacy networks tend to be lobbied intensively by anti-personnel landmines activists. In addition, this paper shows that National Assemblymen’s ideological position has stronger impacts than their partisan identification in the co-sponsorship of the two bills which incorporate antipersonnel landmines norm in the Korean legislature.

탈냉전기의 미일관계

남궁곤(Gon Namkung) 고려대학교 일민국제관계연구원 2004 국제관계연구 Vol.9 No.1

This article aims to ascertain whether and to what extent the income, occupation and educational level of a Japanese individual separately or jointly affect their image of the United States. The paper concludes that there are some connections between the socioeconomic variables of the Japanese and their images of the United States. That is, the cognitive, affective, and behavioral dimensions of Japanese attitudes towards the United States are not independent from the socioeconomic status of respondents. Favorable images of the United States are far more common among the affluent Japanese than among the poor. Recognition of the importance of the United States to Japan and affective feelings towards the United States are also more widely shared among Japanese opinion? leaders such as decision? makers, professionals and management groups. Among the socioeconomic variables that are considered in this article, a higher educational level is most likely to signify a favorable image of the United States. Favorable images of the United States and the acknowledgment of the United States' importance to Japan's well? being are more widespread among the highly educated Japanese than the less-educated. Similarly, positive evaluations of the United States' role during the post-Cold War era are more frequently expressed among the highly educated and affluent than the less-educated and poor. It is argued that the attitudes of the attentive Japanese public towards the United States are different from that of the general public. This reasoning suggests that the attitudes of the attentive public towards the United States will be similar to those of the Japanese elite because the socioeconomic status and background of the attentive public are generally closer to those of the elite than to the rest of the mass public. This reasoning can also be applied to the fact that elements of the internationalist world view are more widely embraced by the elite than the general public because better-educated people are more attentive to foreign policy and supportive of a more active Japanese role in the international community.

탈냉전기 일본내 미일 무역 및 안보 여론에 관한 연구

남궁곤(Namkung Gon) 한국국제정치학회 1999 국제정치논총 Vol.39 No.1

오바마 행정부 국제주의 외교정책 이념의 역사적 유산과 실제

남궁곤(Gon Namkung) 한국국제정치학회 2010 국제정치논총 Vol.50 No.1

This study explores and defines Obama administration’s foreign policy ideologies by discussing traditional American foreign policy ideology of internationalism. With regard to American foreign policy strategies, Obama administration’s ideologies have a strong root in American exceptional and messian traditions. Both exceptionalism and messianism continue to have their positions from the independence of the United States to the present. Obama’s adminstration also owes its ideological basis to paternalism and moralism provided by their founding forefathers. Concerning the execution of its diplomacy, Obama administration is likely to prefer legalism, institutionalism and multi-lateralism to unilateralism which was adopted by the Bush administration. Obama administration appreciates the efficacy of international organizations and cooperates with its international partners. Obama’s administration foreign policy ideologies are comparable to Wilson’s and Jackson’s diplomatic traditions.

1950년대 미국 대외원조 확대론 연구

남궁곤(Gon Namkung),이서영(Seo Young Lee) 한국국제정치학회 2011 국제정치논총 Vol.51 No.4

There was a debate on the volume of foreign aid implemented by ‘Mutual Security Act’ in the U.S. congress during 1950’s. The debate on ‘Mutual Security Act’ clearly presented the logics and moral obligations of expansionists. The purpose of this paper is to analyse backgrounds and logical frameworks of the expansionists-who insisted on expanding foreign aid- through investigating the revision procedure of ‘Mutual Security Act’ in 1956. Eventually it explores political implications of foreign aid as one of the U.S. intervention foreign policy. The expansionists were so active to persuade people of necessity and effectiveness of foreign aid. The idea of expanding foreign aid was supported by some critical scholars in 1950’s. Moreover, the President, Eisenhower, the representative of expansionists, and some policy makers convinced congressmen and people by using their political influences. With clear criteria and principles, they attained logical justification of foreign aid. Their arguments were more persuasive than the opponents when it comes to the recognition of the changing world, the effectiveness of foreign aid, and the reaction from recipient countries. Furthermore, the idea that foreign aid is decisive for the U.S. security paved the way for success and it became the main idea of the foreign aid afterwards.