Phosphorus Removal in Pilot Plant Using Biofilm Filter Process from Farm Wastewater

Shin, Sung-Euy,Choi, Du-Bok,Lee, Choon-Boem,Cha, Wol-Suk The Korean Society for Biotechnology and Bioengine 2006 Biotechnology and Bioprocess Engineering Vol.11 No.4

Various environmental conditions affecting total phosphorus removal from farm wastewater in a biofilm filter process were investigated using loess balls and Chromobacterium LEE-38 at a pilot plant. When Chromobacterium LEE-38 was used, the removal efficiency of total phosphorous was approximately 10- or 5-fold higher than that of Acinetobacter CHA-2-14 or Acinetobacter CHA-4-5, respectively. When a loess ball of $11{\sim}14mm$ manufactured at a $960^{\circ}C$ calcining temperature was used, the removal efficiency of total phosphorous was 90.0%. When 70% of the volume fraction was used, the maximum efficiency of total phosphorus removal was 93.1%. Notably, when the initial pH was in the range of 6.0 to 8.0, the maximum removal efficiency of total phosphorus was obtained after 30 days. When the operating temperature was in the range of 30 to $55^{\circ}C$, the maximum removal efficiencies of total phosphorus, 95.6 to 94.6%, were obtained. On the other hand, at operating temperatures below $20^{\circ}C$ or above $40^{\circ}C$, the removal efficiency of total phosphorous decreased. Among the various processes, biofilm filter process A gave the highest removal efficiency of 96.4%. Pilot tests of total phosphorus removal using farm wastewater from the biofilm filter process A were carried out for 60 days under optimal conditions. When Acinetobacter sp. Lee-11 was used, the average removal efficiency in the p-adsorption area was only 32.5%, and the removal efficiencies of chemical oxygen demand (COD) and biological oxygen demand (BOD) were 56.7 and 62.5%, respectively. On the other hand, when Chromobacterium LEE-38 was used, the average removal efficiency was 95.1%, and the removal efficiencies of COD and BOD were 91.3 and 93.2%, respectively.

金剛誕游錄 硏究

李信馥 단국대학교 인문대학 국어국문학과 1978 國文學論集 Vol.9 No.-

東學 革命을 전후한 韓ㆍ美 關係의 硏究

李邦錫,申福龍 건국대학교 1972 學術誌 Vol.14 No.1

(1) This dissertation was written to bring light on the subject of the Dong-hak (meaning Eastern Learning in Korean) Revolution from the angle of Korean-American relations, which has been neglected in spite of its singificance in the history of Korea. It answers the following flour questions: 1.What were the mutual interests and intentions of both Korea and the U.S. before the Dong-hak Revolution? 2. What were the feelings, behaviors, and transitional attitudes of the Korean people and Government to the U.S. during the course of the Dong-hak Revolution? 3. What did the Americans and their Government think about the Korean Kingdom during and after the Dong-hak Revolution? 4. What can we learn from Korean-American relations in connection with the Dong-hak Revolution? (2) The U. S., having been absorbed in the exploitation of the internal market, began to consider the Far East as a foreign market for its incipient capitalism from the late 19th century. The direct motivations of the U.S. to approach the Hermit Nation, we can point out, were ; first, to keep the American sailor from beeing maltreated by the Korean people, second, to obtain an open pert at which they could call for fresh water and coal while trading with China, and third, the propagation of Christianity. For the completion of such purposes, the U.S. Government caused the accident of General Sherman (1866) and invasion or Admiral John lodgers (1871), which contrary to its initial intention caused unfavourable feelings among the Korean people. Even so Commodore R. W. Shufeldt was able to concluded "The Treaty of Amity and commerce between the United States of America and Corea" in 1882, with the surpport of China, which was much afraid of southern penetration by Russia and the spread of Japanese influence. (3) Korean people, having the Chung'hwaism (devotion to China), had had xenophobia, especially to Westerners, on account of the following facts ; First, Christian teachings were contrary to Korean Confucian Philosophy which emphasized ancestor worship and royal court. Secondly, the Korean people and Government took the Westerner for opium sellers after the Opium War(1839-1842) and the Tai-ping Rebellion (1850-1864). And thridly, the Far Eastern policy of of the Western powers was so intolerable as to bring about antagonism of the Korean people. In its evolutional process the Dong-hak adherents skewed hostility to Westerners, but abandoned such a feeling in the period of the Dong-hak Revolution (1894), because they came to understand the real feelings of the Westerners and had to concentrate their efforts to defend themselves from Japanese and Chinese aggression. The royal house, having adhered to a closed-door policy, began to place reliance on Americans after the conclusion of the Treaty of 1982. (4) A few years after the conclusion of the Treaty, the U.S. Government began to disengage itself from Korea, not only because of the mingled intrigues of Russia, Japan, China and Britian on the Korean peninsula, but also because there were no such advantages as they had expected before. As it were, the U. S. Government insisted on the open-door policy when it would be advantageous, and reverted to isolationism when it became dangerous. As a result of the Department of States' fickle policy the behavior of American diplomats serving in Korea was usually contrary to the official policy. While the U. S. Government observed strict neturality, the American envoys did their best for Korea and her people for whom they had deep affection. When the Sino-Japanese War broke outs the U. S. Government, though not the civillians in Korea, betrayed Korean trust in her by surpporitng the Japanese Mikado, who had vicious intention to swallow up the Korean peninsula. This was the beginning of the tragedy of Korean-American relations. (5) As a conclusion we can say that the Government of the U.S. made the Treaty of 1882 "a waste paer" by giving up her obligations to Korea, when she found, President C. A. Arthur once slated, no profit in the Amity Treaty but as "a soot Samaritan." If the United States of America had wanted from her heart the peace of Korea and had been concerned for her future, she could have escaped from a tragic and resentful Sino-Japanese War. We, the Korean and American peoples, must be cautious to restrain ourselves from the repetition of such a tragedy.

李朝 妓女文學 研究

李信馥 공주교육대학교 초등연구원 1975 公州敎大論叢 Vol.12 No.1

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韓國 妓流文學 硏究

李信馥 단국대학교 1977 論文集 Vol.11 No.-

The appearance of Gisaeng can be traced so far back in the Three-States-Age, and itgrew rapidly in number and in its activities since establishment of Kyo-bang (敎坊), a school for Gisaeng, at the beginning of Ko-ryo Dynasty, which as well cultivated as administered its activities. As the Yi Dynasty succeeded and developed the Ko-ryo's system of official Gisaeng, they were, being accelerated up to the golden stage of activities, busily engaged in performing music at various courtly feasts and entertaining foreign missionaries and domestic high-ranking officials or bosses. Though Gisaeng were of lower class by birth, they could approach literature through the course of performing the courtly music and broader intercourse with masculine world. Free as they were in making social connection with, and becoming the objects of affection of, men who had been thirsty for the more open form of love in the closed society as far as in the matter, they could have never been able to acquire men'sstable permanent love, because of the lowness of their birth. And, as the result, they could not but live their later lives in doomed sorrow and heart-breaking loneliness. They sang and poeticized their sorrows, that is, parting of lovers, loneliness and aspiration for unattainable love, etc;however, there can be seen no grudge or resentment, no resignation or abandonment in their literary works; and that is, I think, the very factor that had sublimated their works, which might be otherwise read as the writings or reports of their sad lives, into "literature of pathos." Considering in another direction, they are detached from the strict norms of boudoir, which restricted the liberty of all the genteel women of then Confucian society and were deviated from the ordinary way of genteel women; but they did not lose balance or harmony of their emotional life, the result of which being the quest for the taste or gusto and the achievement of "literature of taste." In short, Gisaeng-literature can be characterized as "the literature of broken heart" and "the literature of taste." Men's idea of predominance over owmen could hardly produce any literary works of disappointed love, and men's gusty romantic taste, naturally, differs from that of women. Moreover, the works by the ladies living within royal court or boudoir lack persistent, exhaustive, and unrestrained probing into the world of romantic love, because of the norms and rules which restricted their way of life. On the other hand, the writing of Gisaeng had a specific expressional charactaristic that they should often be sung, as their method of communication, in "chang" (唱), a traditional Korean chanting technique. Well-educated Gisaeng were mostly skilled both in poetry and "chang", so that their literary works inevitably had the most compact relation with music. At this points Gisaeng-literature differs conspicuously from other literary works by women-writers of that age. the remaining property of Gisaeng-literature is limited in number: poems in Chinese character by Mae-Chang (梅窓) and some fifty writers and about sixty Shi-jo (時調) pieces by Jin-ee Whang (黃眞伊) and other some twenty writers. However, if it can be recognized that their numerable poetic pieces got itsindependent location by its specific qualities, Gisaeng-literature might be established as a genre in the women's literature. Late Dr. Byoung-gi Lee (李秉岐) had classified the women's literature of the Yi Dynasty into two categories: "boudoir-literature," of civilian mistresses or Gisaeng, and "coutly literature," of queens, royal concubines and court-lidies. I, however, propose that the literary works of Gisaeng should be established as an independent category, as Gisaeng-literature, seperated from the above mentioned "boudoir-literature," classifying Korean woman's literature into three categories: courtly literature, boudoir literature, and Gisaeng literature. Courtly literature reaches a peak of prose literature with the queens' letters, messages, and diaries; boudoir literature is consisted of Ka-sa (歌辭) pieces, memorial addresses, private letters, and poems in Chinese character; and Gisaeng literature culminated the lyrical literature. Courtly literature involves the joys and sorrows of courtly-ladies disturbed in the political turmoils;boudoir literature speaks for the norm-stricken women's solicitation; and Gisaeng literature characterizes itself by its quest for romantic love and refined taste. As the patience shown in the aspiration for love in Gisaeng literature and the quest for the specific taste proper to the romantic women are directly interconnected with the tradition of Korean literature, Gisaeng might be acclaimed as contributor to the establishment and inheritance of our literary tradition.

영이록고-이조소설로서의 변모된 몇가지 양상을 중심으로-

이신복 공주교육대학교 초등연구원 1971 公州敎大論叢 Vol.8 No.1

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고능률 소형 전자석에 의한 자왜 및 자기이방성 측정

이용호,신용돌,김병걸,민복기,송재성 全北大學校 基礎科學硏究所 1994 基礎科學 Vol.17 No.-

자왜 또는 자기이방성의 측정에 사용되는 전사석의 여자전류를 측정에 필요한 수초간만 흘려서 에너지 소모 및 측정시의 최대난점인 시료의 온도변화의 문제를 극소화하였다. 따라서 전자석의 냉각장치는 생략되고 크기와 전원의 용량도 극소화되었다. 공기간격 22㎜, 자극의 단면적 40 × 25㎟에서 0.5 T의 자장발생에는 180 W의 전원으로 족하였다. 시료의 자왜와, 자기이방성에 의한 토크를 전기용량센서에 의하여 측정하여 10^-8의 자왜분해능과 1 nJ의 토크 분해능을 얻었다. 0.02× 0.8× 10㎟의 연자성 리본의 형상이방성을 이용하여 이방성 측정시의 토크값을 교정하였다. A high efficiency small electromagnet(22㎜ air gap and 40 × 25㎟ core's cross section) suitable for measuring magnetostriction and magnetic anisotropy was built. The magnet could be miniaturized by reducing the measuring space and time. The excitation current of the electromagnet was supplied for only a few second of small. An 0.5 T magnetic field was generated with 180 W power consumption. The values of magnetostriction and magnetic anisotropy were measured with a very sensitive capacitance cell with resolution of 10^-8 and 1 no. The torque was calibrated using a soft magnetic ribbon's shape anisotropy.

李奎報의 文學思想

李信馥 단국대학교 1981 論文集 Vol.15 No.-

Lee Kyu-Bo is a representative figure of the newly-rising literary and scholarly group in the period of the military administration of Koryo Dynasty. As a poet and scholar, he led the van of the revitalization of Chinese-lettered literature (漢文學) that had gone through a severe trial, and paved the way for its further development. His achievements as a literary critic is also great, for he established his own unique literary theory when there was virtually no literary criticism of any significance. The spiritual basis his poetry is primarily laid upon is his missionary ardor for nationalistic independence. It is well acknowledged the his epic, "King Dongmyung" (東明王篇), is the best illustration of such ardor. It is this spirit of nationalistic independence that led up to his thoery of New Meaning (新意論), which provided a firm stand for our Chinese-lettered literature to develop along its own independent line, not as a mere branch of Chinese literature. He advanced the so-callep "theory of the primacy of meaning" (主意論), affirming that "poetry should deal primarily with meaning (意)" and that "it is most difficult to bestow meaning". He also sided with the "theory of the primacy of Ki" (主氣論), with a belief that meaning inheres in Ki. This philosophical attitude is well reflected in his emphasis on the connotation of meaning in poetry rather than the decoration and ornamentation. The quintessence of his poetic theory is his theory of New Meaning. In his poems he exerted himself to create new meanings of words in his own unique ways, denouncing imitation, plagiarism, and indiscriminate acceptance of the conventional poetic diction and mode of expression. This creative spirit, inherited by such distinguished writers as Huh, Kyun (許筠), Park, Ji Won (朴趾源), Chung, Yak Yong (丁若鏞), established a firm groudn for the originality and uniqueness of our Chinese-lettered literature. So long as he advocated the theory of new meaning, he took the negative attitude to the quotation of historical facts as well as rigid classical rules of rhythm and meter.

청소년의 가정폭력, 학교폭력, 우울불안, 자살 간의 관계 : 가정위탁, 양육시설, 쉼터, 보호관찰 청소년들을 중심으로

신복기,이성진 부산대학교 한국민족문화연구소 2012 한국민족문화 Vol.44 No.-

Domestic violence, school violence, depression/anxiety, and Suicide have been regarded as critical and increasing problems among adolescents. Effective solutions to their problems is urgently need. The purpose of this study is to analyse the pathway among domestic violence, school violence, depression and anxiety, and suicide in adolescents in Korea. In order to accomplish this purpose, this study gathered data of 205 adolescents inhabited foster homes, home for orphans, refuge, and on probation. These adolescents are need more policy concern and support system than common adolescents. Path analysis conducted to examine relations of four factors. The major findings of this study appeared as follows. First, results of the path analysis illustrated that domestic violence indicator had directly impacted on school violence, depression-anxiety, but indirectly effected on suicide. Second, depression-anxiety had a positive relationship with adolescents’ suicidal behaviors, and was the leading causes of adolescents suicide. This show that depression-anxiety is the most prevalent mental health problems of them. Third, school violence is classified between two separate categories. While violence bullying was an significant predictors, violence victimization has not direct impact on suicide. 현대 청소년들의 가장 큰 문제는 가정폭력, 학교폭력, 우울불안, 자살 등 이며, 이에 대한 정책적인 대응방안의 모색이 중요해지고 있다. 따라서 본 연구는 청소년들의 가정폭력, 학교폭력, 우울불안, 자살 등의 관계를 알아보고자 하였으며, 특히 일반청소년들에 비해 더 많은 정책적인 관심과 지지체계가 필요한 가정위탁, 양육시설, 쉼터, 보호관찰 청소년들을 연구 대상으로 하였으며, 관계는 경로분석을 통해 고찰하였다. 분석결과 가정폭력은 학교폭력과 우울불안에 직접적인 영향을 미치며, 자살에는 간접적인 영향력만 가진다. 우울불안은 자살과 정적인 영향관계를 가지며, 청소년 자살의 주요 요인으로 나타났다. 학교폭력은 폭력가해와 폭력피해로 구분되는데, 이중 폭력가해는 자살로 진행되는 반면에, 폭력피해는 직접적인 경로가 존재하지 않았다.

시조에 있어서의 한시 인용방법에 대한 고찰

이신복 공주교육대학교 초등연구원 1974 公州敎大論叢 Vol.11 No.-

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