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North Korean Corporate Governance Reform and the State‐Market Nexus
Gray Kevin,이종운 인하대학교 국제관계연구소 2023 Pacific Focus Vol.38 No.1
The question of economic reform has been one of the most debated issues in the study of North Korean political economy. Through examining the case of corporate governance reform under the Kim Jong Un government, we argue that existing discusions of North Korea reform rest on a problematic ontological separation of state and market that fails to capture the extent to which the state uses economic reform to embed itself in and in certain respects deepen market dynamics to ensure its own reproduction. As we argue, the Socialist Enterprise Responsibility Management System has sought to reduce the role of central planning, increase management rights and incentives, institutionalize SOE engagement with the market, and provide more scope for performance-related pay for workers. In recognizing the role of private capital, it has placed enterprises' market activities on a firmer legal basis, albeit without fully legalizing private property rights. The measures represent not only the recognition of existing market dynamics but also their institutionalization, giving the reforms both a reactive and a proactive dimension. However, there are also strict limits placed on this process as part of the state's strategy of political control. While the state's policies can to a degree be seen as “pro-market,” policy makers are reluctant to allow space for a genuine non-state sector to emerge and accept the market only to the extent that it contributes to and strengthens the state sector.
[특집 : 노동시장 밖으로 밀려나는 사람들] '계급 이하의 계급'으로서 한국의 이주노동자들
케빈 그레이(Kevin Gray) 고려대학교 아세아문제연구소 2004 亞細亞硏究 Vol.47 No.2
Migrant workers in Korea, as elsewhere, occupy a low social position due to their objective economic position within the division of labour as well as the hegemonic socio-cultural norms of racial homogeneity. These economic and socio-cultural structures are combined to produce a government policy that seeks to extract the labour power from migrant workers without recognizing their substantive human and workers' rights. Despite the existence of an official system for the employment of so-called 'industrial trainees' , the dominant system has been a tacitly accepted market for illegal labour. This system allows the government both to provide a cheap easily exploitable source of labour for the small and medium business sector, and due to their illegal nature, absolves the government of any responsibility to them.<br/> A strong civil-society movement has emerged within Korea to provide day-to-day support for the migrant workers as well as propose an alternative policy framework for their employment. Despite their important role, through viewing migrant workers as primarily a 'human rights' problem, this movement's challenge to the prevailing socio-cultural norms in society and their manifestation in government policy has been somewhat limited. However, a migrant worker centred labour union movement has also emerged which although still in its early stages, has more directly begun to challenge these socio-cultural norms and to achieve a common identity with the Korean working class. This is a development that is significant not only in terms of Korean society, but also is a direct challenge to conceptions of democracy based on blood-lineage in an era of globalisation.<br/>
이종운 ( Jong-woon Lee ),케빈그레이 ( Kevin Gray ) 한국경제지리학회 2020 한국경제지리학회지 Vol.23 No.4
The strengthening of multilateral international sanctions against North Korea has raised questions as to how effective they are in exerting pressure on the country’s economy. In this paper, we address this question by examining their impact on the country’s integration into regional and global apparel production networks. North Korea has in the past decade become an increasingly competitive exporter of apparel on the basis of consignment-based processing arrangements. Official trade data shows a sharp drop in North Korean exports of clothing since the sectoral ban in 2017. There is evidence to suggest, however, that exports have continued on a more informal and clandestine basis. North Korea’s integration into apparel production networks has also taken the form of the dispatch of workers to factories in China’s northeastern border regions. Yet there is evidence that the recent sanctions imposed on such practices has similarly led to illicit practices such as working on visitors’ visas, often with the help of Chinese enterprises and local government. The resilience of North Korea’s integration into apparel production networks follows a capitalist logic and is result of the highly profitable nature of apparel production for all actors concerned and a correspondingly strong desire to evade sanctions. As such, the analysis contributes to the literature on sanctions that suggests that the measures may contribute to emergence of growing informal and illicit practices and to the role of the clandestine economy.