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        RhoA is associated with invasion and poor prognosis in colorectal cancer

        JEONG, DONGJUN,PARK, SOYOUNG,KIM, HYUNGJOO,KIM, CHANG-JIN,AHN, TAE SUNG,BAE, SANG BYUNG,KIM, HAN JO,KIM, TAE HYUN,IM, JUNGKYUN,LEE, MOON SOO,KWON, HYOG YOUNG,BAEK, MOO JUN Spandidos Publications 2016 International journal of oncology Vol.48 No.2

        <P>Colorectal cancer is one of the most common cancers and is the fourth leading cause of cancer death in Korea. Mortality of colorectal cancer is strongly associated with the metastatic spread of the disease. As such, it is important to find and characterize signaling pathways involved in colon cancer metastasis. We investigated the functional importance of RhoA using human cell lines as well as 150 colorectal cancer patient-derived samples as it remains unclear whether RhoA functions as either an oncogene or a tumor suppressor in colon cancer. RhoA was highly expressed in metastatic cancer cell lines. Although cancer cell proliferation was only moderately impaired after depletion of RhoA, RhoA-depleted cancer cells exhibited markedly reduced migration and invasion ability in vitro. Furthermore, we found that RhoA is associated with the invasion of lymph nodes and blood vessels in the patient colorectal cancer samples. Most notably, patients with higher RhoA expression had a significantly poorer 5-year survival rate after surgery. These results suggest that RhoA is a marker of poor prognosis in colorectal cancer and may be a promising target for cancer treatment.</P>

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        An estimation to measure and to evaluate the work times following the trajectory of workers during decommissioning of nuclear facilities

        Jeong, KwanSeong,Choi, ByungSeon,Moon, JeiKwon,Hyun, Dongjun,Lee, Jonghwan,Kim, IkJune,Kim, GeunHo,Kang, ShinYoung,Choi, JongWon,Jeong, SeongYoung,Ahn, SangMyeon,Lee, JungJun Elsevier 2016 Annals of nuclear energy Vol.94 No.-

        <P><B>Abstract</B></P> <P>This paper is intended to suggest an approach to an estimation of the work time to optimize the trajectories of workers during decommissioning of nuclear facilities. The working times during decommissioning for nuclear facilities have a great effect on safety and costs. The key feature of this work is to analyze and to evaluate the working times in virtual decommissioning environments. The measured data are statistically analyzed into the mean and variance work time and radiation exposure dose. It is expected that the safety of decommissioning will be improved and decommissioning costs can be reduced. It can be concluded that this work will make it possible to efficiently establish the ALARA plan for decommissioning of nuclear facilities.</P> <P><B>Highlights</B></P> <P> <UL> <LI> Estimation on work time to optimize the trajectories of workers. </LI> <LI> The scenario-based system in virtual decommissioning environments. </LI> <LI> Statistical analysis and evaluation of work time and radiation exposure dose. </LI> </UL> </P>

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      • KCI우수등재

        백제의 지방통치제도에 미친 중국왕조의 영향

        정동준(Jeong, Dongjun) 역사학회 2016 역사학보 Vol.0 No.232

        This article compares and examines the organization and duties of local government officials during Baekje (百濟) and Lianghan (兩漢)-Weijin (魏晉)- Nanbeichao (南北朝) Periods with the aim of examining the so-called “three classes interpretation” of the local administrative system in the kingdom of Baekje. Local administration during the Baekje Period was composed of three classes for the military system - Bang (方: province), Gun (郡: county) and Seong (城: castle) - and two classes for the civil administrative system - Bang, Gun and Seong, Eup (邑: town). In Baekje the post of bangryeong (方領) was institutionally influenced by governor-general(州牧: zhoumu ) of the Later Han dynasty, and gun of Baekje by xian(縣: prefectures) of dynastic China since Han dynasty. Baekje was mainly influenced by Chinese local government officials of Lelangjun(樂浪郡) and Daifangjun(帶方郡). The author concludes from the above comparision that the local administrative organization of Baekje was not influenced by China’s three class system of zhou-jun-xian (州郡縣: province, county and prefecture) instituted during the Nanbeichao period, but rather by the two class jun-xian (郡縣: county and prefecture) system, which predated it.

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        6세기 동아시아 정세와 무령왕의 대고구려전략

        정동준 ( Jeong Dongjun ) 백제학회 2022 백제학보 Vol.- No.42

        In this article, I tried to understand the diplomacy with Liang(梁) that Baekje developed during the King Muryeong’s reign in connection with the situation of the Chinese continent at that time, and examine the influence of Baekje on expanding its influence on the Yeongsan River and Seomjin River basins and the situation on the Korean Peninsula by linking foreign relations for Goguryeo and diplomacy with Silla. The situation of the Chinese continent changed to the inferiority of Southern Dynasty from the second half of the 5th century, and in the first half of the 6th century, the internal conflict of Beiwei(北魏) created a favorable situation for Liang. Baekje developed diplomacy in response to the situation of the Chinese continent, which was the growth of the Southern Dynasty and the decline of the Northern Dynasty, but failed to send envoys frequently due to internal situations and transportation routes. During the King Muryeong’s reign, Baekje strengthened its control over the Yeongsan River and Seomjin River basins, which led to the foreign strategy to completely territorialize the Yeongsan River and Seomjin River basins and expand its influence in the Gaya region during the King Seong’s reign. The Baekje’s strategy for Goguryeo during the King Muryeong's reign was an offensive shift, and its strategic goal, the Han River basin, was continuously targeted, resulting in tangible results during King Seong's reign. The strategy of offensive shift for Goguryeo was a preemptive attempt to extend the royal authority and secure the legitimacy. Baekje had a discriminatory perception while maintaining friendly relations with Silla. Since the discriminatory perception that contradicts the reality of Silla's rapid growth did not disappear even during the King Seong’s reign, in result Silla plunder the Han River basin due to cracks in friendly relations.

      • KCI우수등재

        백제 관등제의 변천과 의사결정구조

        정동준(Jeong Dongjun) 한국사연구회 2010 한국사연구 Vol.149 No.-

        This study aims to examine the change of the decision - making structure according to the transition of Gwandeung(官等: official rank) system and the council. The member of the ruling community to be able to call 'Proto-Bsekje people(原百濟人)' was appointed as Sol-group(率系 : 達率~奈率) Gwandeung on the tribal base during the reign of King Goi(古爾王 : 234~286). 'Jwapyeong(佐平 : 1st official rank)' composed the council with the king and Dalsol(達率 : 2nd official rank) as the highest determinative organization, and existed as an mediator between the king and the nobles. It was the political structure in the early period that the council determines not only the ordinary administration but also the affairs of State and the military. During the reign of King Jeonji(?支王 : 405~420), Jwapyeong was separated from Dalsol on the name and the class, so the former council before was divided into Jwapyeong - council (佐平會議) to be composed by three -Jwapyeongs(三佐平: 上佐平ㆍ中佐平ㆍ下佐平) and Jesol - council(諸率會議) to include Sol- group(率系 : 達系~奈率) Gwandeung. Sometime before or after the reign of King Muryeong(武寧王 : 501~523), Nasol(奈率 : 6th official rank) was installed and Deok-group(德系 : 將德~對德) Gwandeung was branched. 5 Jwapyeongs were member of council who had no specific duty and determined important matter of the State. 'Six-Jwapyeongs(六佐平 : six ministers) and 18 offices(部)' had two determinative organization; first, which was comparable with the council of ministers in Sui-tang(隋唐)'s system, substituted for Jwapyeong - council; the other, which was comparable with the council of the monarch and retainers, substituted for Jesol- council(諸率會議) that discussed important matter of the State.

      • KCI등재

        『임나흥망사』를 통해 본 스에마츠 야스카즈의 역사관

        정동준(Jeong Dongjun) 역사비평사 2020 역사비평 Vol.- No.132

        In this article, as a characteristic of positive historiography, we presents a history book based on conventional wisdom, and analyzes how it appears in The Rise and Fall of Mimana(任那興亡史) written by Suematsu Yasukazu (末松保和), In addition to the positive historiography as a methodology, we found out what his historical view was like. In short, it is as follows. Although Suematsu’s conventional wisdom, which was revealed in the unproven descriptions of The Rise and Fall of Mimana, was based on the premise of Japan’s dominance over Baekje and Silla, and a huge Yamato regime which ruled the entire Japanese archipelago. It was as well as the limitations of the contemporary historical community, more likely to be the result of the reflection to the perception about Japan and Joseon during the Japanese colonial period, and the influence of the managing Southern Korea theory(南鮮經營說). Other than that, some of the effects of the theory of heteronomy were also revealed, and there were signs that seemed to have directly reflected modern diplomatic relations into ancient diplomatic relations. In the end, such historical view of Suematsu was simply a result of being faithful to quellenkritik and substantiation, but rather a result of being overly faithful to the contemporary conventional wisdom.

      • KCI등재

        張楚金의 『翰苑』 편찬과 복고적 유가사상

        정동준(Jeong Dongjun) 백산학회 2021 白山學報 Vol.- No.120

        이 글에서는 장초금과 관련된 여러 사료들을 분석하여, 『한원』 편찬까지의 생애와 중앙정계 진출 후 관인으로서 활동하는 모습을 파악한 후, 양자의 관계를 검토해 보았다. 장초금은 병주 기현에서 유가적 윤리에 충실한 품행을 보이는 가문의 분위기 속에서 탄생하여, 17세 때 병주도독 이적에 의해 향공진사로 추천되어 과거에 합격하였고, 660년에 태원현령으로 재직하면서 복고적인 성격의 유가적 윤리에 충실하려는 목적에서 『한원』을 편찬한 것으로 추정된다. 그는 670년대에 형부시랑으로 재직하면서 676년 8월에는 토번의 침입에 대한 득실을 간언하고 율과 격식의 편찬에도 관여하였다. 680년대에는 이부시랑‧사형경‧추관상서와 같은 요직에 재직하였는데, 사형경 재직시기로 추정되는 686년 경에는 무고사건을 해결하기도 하였다. 이렇게 측천무후 정권에서 승승장구하던 그는 혹리 주흥이 서경업의 반란에 연루되었다고 무고한 것으로 인해 689년 8월에 유배되었다가 690년 8월에 사망하였다. 이 사망과정과 관련해서는 표면적으로는 이적과의 인연이 빌미가 된 것이었지만, 실제로는 무고사건의 해결을 통해 측천무후의 정치적 행보에 제동을 걸었던 것이 실질적 원인이었다고 추정되었다. 보다 근본적으로는 690년 무주 정권의 성립을 준비하는 과정에서 689년 경에 이용가치가 떨어진 복고적 유가 관련 관인들의 숙청과정에 그도 희생된 것이라고 생각되었다. In this article, we analyzed various historical materials related to Zhang Chujin(張楚 金) and examined the relationship between the two after learning about his life until the compilation of Hanyuan(翰苑) and his activities as government officials after entering central politics. Zhang Chujin was born in Qixian(祁縣) of Bingzhou(幷州) in the atmosphere of a family faithful to Confucian ethics. He was recommended as a Xianggongjinshi(鄕貢進 士: prefectural nominee as presented scholar) by Bingzhou Dudu(都督: supervisorin- chief) Li Ji(李勣) and passed Keju(科擧: regular recruitment) at the age of 17, and is believed to have been compiled Hanyuan as Taiyuan(太原) Xianling(縣令: head of prefecture) in 660 with the aim of being faithful to the retroC onfucian ethics. He served as Xingbushilang(刑部侍郎: vice president of bureau of justice) in the 670s, and in August 676, he admonished the benefits and losses about Tufan(吐蕃: Tibet)’s invasion and was also involved in the compilation of Lu(律: criminal code) and Geshi(格 式: rules for operation). In the 680s, he served in important posts such as Libushilang(吏 部侍郎: vice president of bureau of personnel), Sixingjing(司刑卿: chief minister of court of judicial review), and Qiuguanshangshu(秋官尙書: president of bureau of justice), and in 686, he was able to resolve the incident of false accusation, which was presumed to be during his tenure as Sixingjing. But he was exiled in August 689 and died in August 690 due to Zhou Xing(周興)’s false accusation that he was involved in the rebellion of Xu Jingye(徐敬業). In relation to the death process, the relationship with Li Ji was ostensibly an excuse, but in fact, it was assumed that it was the actual cause of putting the brakes on the political moves of Zetianwuhou(則天武后) through the resolution of the false accusation. More fundamentally, in preparing for the establishment of Wuzhou (武周) dynasty in 690, he was also thought to have fallen victim to the purging process of retro Confucian officials, whose value fell around 689.

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        경제적 측면에서 본 고대사회의 진휼

        정동준(Jeong Dongjun) 한국고대사학회 2020 韓國古代史硏究 Vol.0 No.99

        진휼은 재해 구호와 빈민 구제를 목적으로 하는 행위를 가리킨다. 재해 구호는 진급, 각종 구호, 조세 감면, 안무(순무)의 4가지와 고구려의 진대법으로, 빈민 구제는 진급, 각종 구호, 조세 감면, 안무(순무), 생활 보호의 5가지로 구분할 수 있었다. 고대 중국의 진급, 진대, 의창, 기타 창고 등을 검토한 결과, 어떠한 방식이건 간에 정규의 조세와 같은 안정된 재원을 확보하고, 지출이 증가할 때 다른 재정으로의 전용을 방지하며, 안정적인 운영을 위해 장기간 창고에 보관할 필요가 있었다. 실시 여부의 결정권이 지방보다는 중앙에 있었던 것도 특징이었다. 고대 일본의 진급, 의창 등을 검토한 결과, 진급에 두 종류가 있어서 재해 구호의 측면은 의창과 중복되었는데, 실시 여부의 결정권이 지방에 있었던 것이 특징이었다. 삼국의 경우 식량 형태의 조세는 비중이 적었고, 진휼할 때 창고의 출납 권한은 중앙정부에 있었다. 이에 따라 식량 형태의 조세가 군량 등의 용도로 전용되기도 하고, 진휼할 때 신속히 대응하기 위하여 사자 파견이 자주 이루어졌다. 진대는 제도로서 유지되더라도 상시적으로 실시되기 어려웠을 것이며, 진휼의 재원 마련이나 운영에는 많은 어려움이 있었다고 추정되었다. Relief(賑恤) refers to actions aimed at disaster aid and help for the poor. The disaster aid was divided into five types: free support(賑給), various aids, taxation reduction, consolation(按撫), and Goguryeo’s interest-free loan system(賑貸法). The help for poor was divided into five types: free support, various aids, taxation reduction, consolation, and livelihood protection. As a result of reviewing the free support, interest-free loan, relief warehouse(義倉), and other warehouses of ancient China, it is confirmed that long term storage was necessary to secure stable resources in any way such as regular taxation, prevent appropriation to other finances when spending increases, and to operate stably. Another characteristic was that the central government rather than the provincial government had the right to decide whether to expense or not. According to a review of the free support and relief warehouse of ancient Japan, there were two types of free support, so the aspect of disaster aid overlapped with the relief warehouse, which was characterized by the local authority to decide whether to expense or not. In the case of the three kingdoms, the taxation in the form of food was small, and the central government had the authority to receive and disburse the warehouse when relief was carried out. As a result, the taxation in the form of food was diverted to military purposes, and the dispatch of envoys was frequently carried out to respond quickly in times of relief. It was estimated that the interest-free loan was difficult to carry out on a regular basis even if it was maintained as a system, and that there were many difficulties in raising and operating funds for relief.

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        백제 사비시대 관인의 인사제도 복원 시론 - 동아시아 인접국가의 사례를 참고하여 -

        정동준 ( Jeong Dongjun ) 백제학회 2024 백제학보 Vol.- No.47

        이 글에서는 백제에서 관인 신분을 획득하기 위한 절차로서 관직에 취임하는 구체적 방법과 관인 신분 획득 이후 백제 관인의 근무와 고과, 승진과 인사 이동에 대해서 추정해 보았다. 요약하면 다음과 같다. 백제에서 관인이 될 수 있는 나이는 최소 15세 이상의 성인, 처음에 취임하는 관등은 하위 덕계 관등 이하라고 추정되었다. 관직 취임을 위한 절차에서 귀족은 주로 음서제와 유사한 제도로, 중하급 관인의 자손은 태학과 연관된 제한적 시험으로 등용되었을 것으로 추정되었다. 백제 관인의 근무일수는 추정하기 어렵지만, 정황상 당(唐)과 일본보다는 고과에 필요한 최소 근무일수가 많았을 가능성이 높았다. 휴가의 경우 일정한 날짜마다 휴일이 존재하고 농번기에 전가를 준다는 것 이외에는 구체적 내용을 추정하기 어려웠다. 백제에서는 6세기 중반~620년대 전후에 3년 임기의 고과제가 실시되었는데, 고과 주기는 1년과 3년 중 판단하기 어려웠지만 고과대상은 지방관 중심에 중앙관이 포함될 가능성이 있었고, 고과의 주관기구는 외사부 또는 공덕부일 가능성이 있지만 결론짓기 어려웠다. 고과의 평가지표 중 공적은 지방관에 대해서 추정할 수 있었고, 목간에서 군공에 대한 관리를 통해 고과에 반영하였을 가능성도 엿볼 수 있었다. 백제 관인의 승진은 좌평의 승진 방식이 다른 관등과는 전혀 달랐고, 달솔과 나솔을 경계로 승진 절차가 달랐을 것으로 추정되었다. 사료상 보이는 승진 관련 사례를 검토해 보면, 고과에 따른 승진 기회 1회당 1관등 승진 사례도 2관등 승진 사례도 존재하였지만, 관등이 그대로 유지된 사례도 적지 않아서 항상 승진되는 것이 아님도 확인할 수 있었다. 백제 관인의 인사 이동은 좌평 관등의 소지자가 인사 문제에 깊이 관여하고, 외사부 또는 공덕부가 보조적인 역할을 하였을 가능성이 높았다. In this article, I estimated the specific method of taking public office as a procedure for acquiring official status in Baekje, and the work, performance assessment, promotions, and personnel transfers of Baekje officials after acquiring official status. In summary, it is as follows. In Baekje, it was estimated that the age to become a government official was at least 15 years of age, and that the government officials who first took office were below the lower level of Deok (德, 7th~11th official rank). In the procedure for taking public office, it was estimated that the nobles were mainly employed as the protected appointment system, and the descendants of middle and lower-level government officials were recruited as limited tests related to Taehak (太學, National university). It is difficult to estimate the number of working days of Baekje officials, but it was more likely that the minimum number of working days required for performance assessment was higher than in Tang(唐) and Japan due to circumstances. In the case of vacation, it was difficult to estimate the details except that holidays exist every certain date and give additional farming break on to the farming season. In Baekje, a threeyear term of performance assessment system was implemented around the mid-620s, and it was difficult to judge the performance assessment cycle between one and three years, but it was possible that the central government office was included centering the local government office, and the organization in charge of performance assessment administration was likely to be the Oesabu(外舍部) or the Gongdeokbu(功德部), but it was difficult to conclude. Among the evaluation indicators of performance assessment, the public performance could be estimated for local officials, and the possibility that it was reflected in the performance assessment through the management of military achievements could be seen. In Baekje, It was estimated that the promotion method of Jwapyeong (佐平, 1st official rank) was completely different from that of other official rank, and the promotion process was different before and after Dalsol and Nasol. When examining the cases related to promotion, which seems from historical records, there were cases of promotion of one or two official rank per promotion opportunity by the performance assessment, but there were not a few cases where the official rank remained the same, so it was confirmed that the promotion was not always promoted. In the personnel transfers of the Baekje officials, it was highly likely that the holder of the Jwapyeong (official rank) was deeply involved and the Oesabu or Gongdeokbu played an auxiliary role.

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