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The Role of Energy Flux in Weight Management
Clemens Drenowatz(Clemens Drenowatz ),Klaus Greier(Klaus Greier ) 사피엔시아 2017 Exercise Medicine Vol.1 No.-
Excess body weight has been identified as one of the leading threats to public health. In addition to health concerns at the individual level, the increased medical costs put a significant burden on the health care system. Even though an imbalance between energy intake and energy expenditure is ultimately responsible for changes in body weight and body composition such a simple opposition does not reflect the complex interaction of various contributors to energy balance. The limited understanding of the regulation of energy balance is also reflected by rising obesity levels, despite considerable efforts. In addition to energy balance, energy flux, which represents the rate of energy intake and energy expenditure, has been suggested to play an important role in the regulation of energy balance. Particularly a higher energy flux has been associated with a better matching of energy intake and energy expenditure resulting in stable body weight. While a high energy flux has been traditionally attributed to increased levels of physical activity it should be considered that increased body weight also affects energy expenditure and accordingly energy flux. In fact, total daily energy expenditure, and accordingly energy flux, does not differ between people in industrialized countries, living a predominantly sedentary lifestyle and people following a traditional lifestyle, characterized by high physical activity even though there are significant differences in body weight and body composition. It can, therefore, be argued that energy flux, rather than energy balance is a physiologically regulated entity. In this situation body weight and physical activity levels work in opposition to maintain a constant energy flux and weight gain would be a means to maintain a high energy flux with a sedentary lifestyle.
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Lehrerbildung für Inklusion in Deutschland
Clemens Hillenbrand(클레멘스 힐렌브란트),Conny Melzer(코니 멜쩌),Junggyung Sung(성정경) 한독교육학회 2014 교육의 이론과 실천 Vol.19 No.2
이 연구는 UN-장애인권리협약 이후 교육체제의 개혁과 맞물려 쟁점이 되고 있는 독일의 ‘통합교육을 위한 교사교육’의 최근 논의 동향과 향후 과제를 고찰하였다. 독일은 한국과 같은 해인 2009년 UN-장애인권리협약(UN-Behindertenrechtskonvention)이 발효 되었으며, 독일 정부는 비준국의 의무에 따라 협약이행 영역이 제시된 국가실행계획안(Nationler Aktionsplan)을 발표하였다. 이 가운데 학교교육체제 영역은 UN-장애인권리협약의 완전통합교육 원칙에 따라 지금까지의 독일 학교체제와 달리 통합교육의 도입이 보편화 되면서 개혁의 중점에 서게 되었다. 최근 독일 교육계에서는 이러한 통합교육 정책에 따른 학제개혁과 맞물려 교사교육의 제도적 개편이 쟁점으로 부각되고 있다. 특히, 국가실행계획안의 목표 및 절차 구성과 관련하여 정부발주 프로젝트의 일환으로 2013년 개최된 정부주최 국내 컨퍼런스(주제-“통합은 전문성이 요구된다”)에서 교사교사육 정책에 관한 6개의 다양한 전문가 소견(Expertise)이 발표되었는데, 공통적으로 질적 통합교육 실행을 위한 교사양성제도와 교사요인에 주목하고 있다. 이와 관련하여 이 연구에서는 첫째, UN-장애인권리협약 이후 독일의 통합교육과 교사교육제도의 동향에 대해 살펴보고 둘째, 최근 독일에서 논의되고 있는 통합교육을 위한 교사교육제도 개편의 쟁점을 전문가의 소견들을 중심으로 공통점과 차이점을 비교 분석하여 보았다. In Deutschland zog die Ratifizierung der UN-Behindertenrechtskonvention eine ausführliche Diskussion nach sich, die politisch in einen Nationalen Aktionsplan mündete. Die schulische Bildung ist ein großer Handlungsbereich in diesem Aktionsplan, für den einige Ziele und Maßnahmen formuliert sind. Eine Maßnahme stellt die Veranstaltung einer Nationalen Konferenz dar, die im Juni 2013 in Berlin veranstaltet wurde. In Vorbereitung auf diese Maßnahme wurde ein Gutachten zur Lehrerbildung für Inklusion in Deutschland in Auftrag gegeben, dessen Grundlage insgesamt sechs Expertisen waren. Im vorliegenden Beitrag wird nicht nur der Weg von der Ratifizierung der UN-Behindertenrechtskonvention aufgezeigt, sondern auch zwei der sechs Expertisen für den schulischen Bereich gegenübergestellt, da diese die Diskussion um inklusive Bildung in Deutschland abbilden. Abschließend werden Konsequenzen für zukünftige Entwicklungen in diesem Bereich gezogen.
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New insights in the formation processes of Pu(IV) colloids
Walther, Clemens,Rothe, Jö,rg,Brendebach, Boris,Fuss, Markus,Altmaier, Marcus,Marquardt, Christian M.,Bü,chner, Sebastian,Cho, Hye-Ryun,Yun, J.-I.,Seibert, Alice De Gruyter Oldenbourg 2009 RADIOCHIMICA ACTA Vol.97 No.4
<P><B>Abstract</B></P><P>The high tendency of tetravalent plutonium to form polymeric complexes and colloids is well known but the exact processes underlying their formation are still controversially discussed. In the present work, the nucleation of small polynuclear hydroxide complexes,<I>i.e.</I>, ionic species containing more than one Pu ion, their aggregation and formation of larger colloids (polymers exceeding some 5 nm in size) and finally ripening processes of freshly formed amorphous Pu(IV) colloids towards more crystalline particles are investigated by use of a combination of various spectroscopic techniques. By electrospray mass-spectrometry small polymers such as dimers, trimers and tetramers containing mixed oxidation states of Pu were observed. These polymers might be responsible for the equilibration between the Pu(III)/Pu(IV) and the plutonyl species Pu(V)/Pu(VI) even in dilute solutions in the absence of colloids or precipitates.</P>
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Can—Should—Must We Negotiate with Evil?
Walter C. Clemens, Jr. 인하대학교 국제관계연구소 2011 Pacific Focus Vol.26 No.3
How should the United States and its allies deal with regimes that abuse their own people and threaten world order? Are some regimes so evil that it is wrong and unwise to engage with them--even on matters of shared concern? The answer depends not only on the “facts of the case” but also on priorities and frames of reference. Thus, two Soviet citizens, each a Nobel Prize winner, disagreed on whether Western governments should treat the Kremlin as a viable partner in negotiations to control the arms race. . Alexander I. Solzhenitsyn said “yes,” because a regime that oppressed its own people could not be trusted. But Andrei D. Sakharov answered “no,” because the stakes for humanity were so high. Solzhenitsyn put human rights first; Sakharov, the survival of humanity. Today a similar choice confronts Washington, Seoul, and Tokyo as they confront leaders in Pyongyang moving to expand their nuclear and missile capabilities. President George W. Bush placed North Korea on an “axis of evil.” He loathed a leader who permitted more than a million of his subject to starve. But even if this repugnance was justified, did it serve U.S. and allied interests to end the dialogues that, in the Clinton years, offered hope of limiting and perhaps terminating the North’s nuclear weapons and missile programs?“We are good and they are bad” is dangerous as an approach to foreign affairs. But it is also wrong and reckless to assume that all actors are equally flawed. Still, if a cruel dictatorship is willing to negotiate security arrangements likely to limit arms competition and make war less likely, democratic governments should engage and seek verifiable arrangements.
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