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Chinese Classifiers and Count Nouns
( Byeong Uk Yi ) 서울대학교 인지과학연구소 2009 Journal of Cognitive Science Vol.10 No.2
Many linguists, philosophers, and anthropologists hold that classifier Languages, including Chinese, Japanese, Korean, and Thai, have no count nouns, and that all their common nouns are mass nouns. This paper argues that Chinese draws a syntactic, as well as semantic, distinction between mass and count nouns, and suggests how the approach taken to clarify the distinction can be extended to other classifier Languages.
Zeno Series, Collective Causation, and Accumulation of Forces
Yi, Byeong-Uk Korean Association for Logic 2008 論理硏究 Vol.11 No.2
This paper aims to present solutions to three intriguing puzzles on causation that Benardete presents by considering the results of infinite series of telescoping events. The main conceptual tool used in the solutions is the notion of collective causation, what many events cause collectively. It is straightforward to apply the notion to resolve two of the three puzzles. It does not seem as straightforward to apply it to the other puzzle. After some preliminary clarifications of the situation that Benardete describes to present the puzzle, however, we can apply the notion to resolve it as well.
Attributes and Abstract Mass Nouns
Byeong-uk Yi 한국분석철학회 2017 철학적 분석 Vol.0 No.37
Abstract singular nouns (e.g., ‘whiteness’, ‘humanhood’), on the standard account, refer to attributes. But many of them (e.g., ‘whiteness’) are mass nouns. Like concrete mass nouns (e.g., ‘water’), they can combine with determiners relating to amounts of stuff (e.g., ‘a little’, ‘much’, ‘less’). Levinson (1978; 1980) argues that this means that a large group of attributes are stuffs of some kind, abstract stuffs. This view, the stuff view, is widely considered indefensible. But it would be hard to resist the view without rejecting the usual account of determiners that combine with mass nouns, the quantity account, according to which such determiners relate to amounts of stuff. This paper argues against both the stuff view and quantity account, and presents an account of abstract mass nouns based on an adequate account of determiners that combine with them.
Byeong-uk Yi 한국분석철학회 2011 철학적 분석 Vol.0 No.23
A wide variety of languages (e.g., Chinese, Japanese, and Korean) employ special expressions, numeral classifiers, in numeral noun phrases that pertain to the number of some things, e.g., their counterparts of ‘three cows’. This paper discusses what numeral classifiers are, and what distinguishes them from measure words and other related expressions. The paper argues that numeral classifiers are para-numerals for one serving as numeratives (the para-numeral account). Numeratives are expressions belonging to a wide syntactic class that includes not only numeral classifiers but also their syntactic cousins, including (a) various kinds of measure words, and (b) group numeratives. Included among group numeratives are para-numerals, grammatical cousins of numerals: ‘pair’, ‘couple’, ‘dozen’, ‘score’, etc., and their counterparts in numeral classifier languages. On the para-numeral account, numeral classifiers are siblings of the usual para-numeral numeratives. While these are grammatical cousins of numerals for numbers greater than one, numeral classifiers are cousins of numerals for one. The view of classifier languages presented in the paper contrasts sharply with the prevailing view of classifier languages in contemporary linguistics. The prevailing view holds that all classifier language nouns are mass nouns (the mass noun thesis), while taking numeral classifiers to be measure words (the measure word account). The para-numeral account contrasts with the measure word account of the function of classifiers, and meshes well with a thesis of classifier language nouns opposite to the mass noun thesis: classifier languages have count nouns as well as mass nouns (the count noun thesis).