난자공여를 통한 체외수정 시술에서 성선자극호르몬 유리호르몬 효능제 장기요법과 길항제 단기요법 사이의 임상 결과 비교

이정호,박준철,김종인,Rhee, Jeong-Ho,Park, Joon-Chul,Kim, Jong-In 대한생식의학회 2003 Clinical and Experimental Reproductive Medicine Vol.30 No.1

Objective : To assess and compare the clinical outcomes between GnRH agonist long protocol and GnRH antagonist short protocol in oocyte donation program. Materials and Methods: Of total 18 oocyte donation cycles, controlled ovarian hyperstimulation (COH) were performed with GnRH agonist long protocol and GnRH antagonist short protocol in initial 9 cycles and later 9 cycles, respectively. Oral estradiol valerate and progesterone in oil we re administrated to all recipients for endometrial preparation. Oral estradiol administration was started from donor cycle day 1 after full shut down of gonadal axis with GnRH agonist in patients with ovarian function. Progesterone was injected from oocyte retrieval day of donor initially, then continuously till pregnancy 12 weeks if pregnancy was ongoing. We compared the parameters of clinical outcomes, such as number of the retrieved oocytes, fertilization rate, high grade embryo production rate, clinical pregnancy rate, implantation rate, ongoing pregnancy rate, COH duration, total gonadotropin dose for COH between GnRH agonist long protocol group and GnRH antagonist group. Statistical analysis was performed using Mann-Whitney test, p<0.05 was considered as statistically significant. Results: The number of retrieved oocytes, fertilization rate, high grade embryo production rate, clinical pregnancy rate, implantation rate, ongoing pregnancy rate were $14.89{\pm}7.83$, 81%, 64%, 78%, 31%, 78%, respectively in GnRHa long protocol group and $11.22{\pm}8.50$, 79%, 64%, 67%, 34%, 56%, respectively in GnRH antagonist group. There was no significant differences in parameters of clinical outcomes between 2 groups (all p value >0.05). Duration and total gonadotropin dose for COH were $10.94{\pm}1.70$ days and $43.78{\pm}6.8$ vials in 18 cycles, $12.00{\pm}1.73$ days and $48.00{\pm}6.93$ vials in agonist group, $9.88{\pm}0.78$ days and $39.55{\pm}3.13$ vials in antagonist group, respectively. In GnRH agonist long protocol group, significantly longer duration and higher gonadotropin dose for COH were needed (p=0.012). Conclusion: In oocyte donation program, clinical outcomes from controlled ovarian hyperstimulation with GnRH antagonist were comparable to those from GnRH agonist long protocol group, so controlled ovarian hyperstimulation with GnRH antagonist may be effective as GnRH agonist long protocol. At least there may not be harmful effects of GnRH antagonist on oocyte development and quality.

비만 지표 (Body Mass Index)가 만성 무배란 여성의 혈중 기저 호르몬치와 포도당 대사에 미치는 영향

이정호,정은정,김종인,Rhee, Jeong-Ho,Jeong, Eun-Jeong,Kim, Jong-In 대한생식의학회 2002 Clinical and Experimental Reproductive Medicine Vol.29 No.1

Objective: To assess the difference of baseline hormonal status and pathophysio logy, and confirm the risk factors for long term complication according to Body Mass Index in women with polycystic ovary syndrome. Materials and Methods: Serum level of LH, FSH, Estradiol, Prolactin, Testosterone, DHEA-S, fasting insulin were measured and 100 gm oral glucose tolerance test and endometrial biopsy were performed in total 75 chronic anovulation patients and 20 normal cycling infertility patients. 95 evaluated patients were divided into 3 groups including patients with chronic anovulation having BMI below 25, BMI beyond 25.1, normal cycling infertility patients, Group 1 (n=39), Group 2 (n=36), Group 3 (n=20), respectively. Statistical analysis was performed respect to relationship between BMI and measured hormone level, sum of glucose level during 100 gm OGTT, insulin resistance using t-test, ANOVA test, Post Hoc test, Mann-Whitney test. p<0.05 was considered as statistically significant. Results: Serum LH level and LH/FSH ratio was significantly higher in Group 1, compared than Group 2 or 3 (p<0.05), BMI and LH, LH/FSH ratio was negatively correlated (r=-0.351, r=-0.318). There was no significant difference according to BMI in FSH, testosterone, estradiol, prolactin, DHEA-S level. Fasting insulin and sum of glucose level during 100 gm OGTT were significantly higher in Group 2 compared than Group 1 or Group 3 (p<0.05), there was no significant difference between Group 1 and Group 3. Insulin resistance was more frequently identified in Group 2 compared than Group 1 (p=0.001). Conclusions: BMI and LH, LH/FSH ratio were negatively correlated, so clinical significance of LH, LH/FSH ratio in diagnosis of PCOS may be attenuated by increasing body weight. Overweight patients with chronic anovulation may be the risk group for developing insulin resistance, hyperinsulinemia, glucose intolerance, later type 2 DM. Hyperinsulinemia may operate mainly in overweight chronic anovulation patients in development of hyperandrogenism.

공공선택론적 관점에서 본 부산의 지역주의와 공천

이정호(Rhee Jungho) 부경대학교 인문사회과학연구소 2017 인문사회과학연구 Vol.18 No.2

이 연구는 지난 30년 가까운 세월 동안 부산의 정치를 지배해 온 지역주의의 메커니즘을 공공선택이론의 관점에서 탐구한다. 기존의 지역주의 연구들이 투표행위자에 초점을 맞춘 미시적 수준에서의 분석에 집중했던 것과는 달리, 본 연구는 공천을 중심으로 한 정당 정치의 수준에서 새롭게 분석하였다. 즉 지역의 지배정당과 지도자 가 그 지역주의를 온존시키기 위해 공천에서 구사하는 전략적 선택을 공공선택이론의 상호의존모델을 통해 분석하고자 하였다. 이를 위해 지역지배정당의 공천권자가 현역의원들의 공천 물갈이의 폭을 결정함 에 있어서 고려해야 할 두 가지의 정치적 비용함수와 비용곡선을 도출하였다. 하나 는, 공천에서 탈락하는 현역의원들의 조직적이고 집단적인 반발에 따르는 정치적 비용이다. 이 정치적 비용은 탈락하는 현역의원의 수가 많으면 많을수록 커지게 된다. 다른 하나는, 유권자들의 반발로 인해 발생하는 정치적 비용이다. 지역주의로 인해 공천이 곧 당선으로 이어지는 지역에서 ‘묻지마 지지’에 안주해서 식상한 기존 정치인들을 줄곧 공천하면서 기득권에 안주하는 모습을 보이는 것은 유권자들의 반 발을 불러일으킬 수밖에 없기 때문이다. 따라서 물갈이의 폭이 적으면 적을수록 유권자들의 반발로 인한 정치적 비용은 커지게 된다. 지역지배정당의 공천권자가 직면하는 두 가지의 정치적 비용함수는 사실상 상반 된 성격을 지니고 있다. 일정한 폭의 공천 물갈이를 통해 새로운 인물들을 수혈함으로써 변화를 바라는 유권자들의 기대에 부응하는 한편, 지나치게 큰 폭의 물갈이로 인한 공천 탈락자들의 집단적인 반발과 저항도 피할 필요가 있는 것이다. 이 두 가지 의 상반된 정치적 비용은 공천권자가 선거의 승리를 위해 고려해야 할 핵심적인 사 안이 아닐 수 없다. 공공선택이론의 상호의존모델은 두 비용을 최소화하는 선에서 공천 물갈이의 폭이 결정될 것임을 보여주고 있는 바, 역대 총선에서의 공천 물갈이 는 대체로 절반 가까이에서 결정되어왔다는 것을 본 연구에서 지적하고 있다. 또한 공천이 곧 당선인 지역에 공천을 신청하는 정치인들의 행위와 선택을 구속하는 구조적 조건이 어떻게 작용하고 있는지를 탐구하였다. 그리하여 지역지배정당의 ‘공천이 곧 당선’인 독점적인 지역주의 정치지형에서 공천은 ‘지대’이며, 공천을 받고자 하는 정치인들의 선택과 행위를 ‘지대추구’의 관점에서 그 함의를 분석하였다. The purpose of this study is to theoretically analyze the mechanism of regionalism which has dominated the elections of Busan for a long time. Especially, this study focuses on the strategic considerations of the party leader’s decision making in the nomination for the general elections. For that, this study figures out the leader’s cost function which is suggested by the public choice theory. In Korean electoral competition, especially in the region where the party predominates, the party nomination is quite an essential task to the party leader. Through the party nomination, the leaders have pursued to reshuffle certain portion of incumbent politicians and to introduce new faces to the voters of the traditional strongholds. But, it should be noted that too many reshuffled incumbent politicians may cause organized rebellion. It may lead them to form another competitive political party. In that situation, the result of the election is quite uncertain. Therefore the party leaders have to strategically decide how many incumbents to reshuffle. And it also analyses how the leader’s considerations work as a structural condition to those incumbent National Assembly members who try to get the party’s nomination for re-election. To the incumbent politicians of the support base region, the party nomination is vital to his/her political fortune. Without the party nomination, the chance to win the election is almost zero in that region. Therefore, those incumbent politicians have no choice but to assure the nomination by showing their loyalty to the leader who has the power to grant the nomination. Thus, winning the predominant party’s nomination, which has directly connected to the victory in the election, has been a (political) rent in the public choice perspective. But the problem to the incumbents is that, almost half of them have failed to get nomination of the region’s predominant party. To the incumbents, it has worked as an structural constraint in their political lives. Their political survival probabilities have been around 50%. And the power of nomination has been under the hand of the party leader(s). It is quite clear that, in order to survive under the regionalistic political condition, the incumbents had to be loyal to the leader. Even if it meant that they turn away the region’s interest, the incumbents had to follow the party leader’s order or interest. So, the real master of the region has been the party leader not the voters.

新協會積荷約款上의 擔保危險과 免責危險에 관한 硏究

李廷浩(Rhee, Jung Ho) 조선대학교 지식경영연구원 1986 기업과 혁신연구 Vol.9 No.-

정치학방법론 교육의 현황과 과제

이정호(Rhee Jung ho) 21세기정치학회 2002 21세기 정치학회보 Vol.12 No.1

This study aims to figure out the educational situation of Political Methodology in Korean universities. For this study, the researcher surveyed 58 departments which offer political science-related programs, like politics, diplomacy, international relations etc. Through this study, I could find out the followings. First of all, the number of courses for Political Methodology was increased for two years from 1999 to 2001. And the departments has come to offer various methodology-related courses, which can be seen as a positive move. But the problem is that we still suffer from the lack of professors who can teach these courses. And another problem is that political methodologist did not pay much attention on the issue of college education in this field. Hence, I hope that this study would stimulate communication among political methodologist for this subject.

미국 하원 국방위원회 구성의 정치경제학

이정호(Rhee Jungho) 한국정치학회 1996 한국정치학회보 Vol.29 No.3

이 연구는 미 의회에서의 군사정책 결정과정에서 핵심적인 역할을 하는 국방상임위원회의 구성상의 특징을 분석하였다. 특히 이 상임위원회의 구성에 영향을 미치는 일련의 정치적ㆍ경제적 요인들을 실증 분석하였다. 그리하여, 제 2차 대전 이후 지속되어온 미국 군산복합체의 성장에 대한 여러 이론들에 대한 비판을 제기하며, 동시에 미국 국방정책 결정과정의 구조적 특성에 천착한 연구의 필요성을 강조하고자 하였다. 국방상임위원회의 구성에 관해서는 배분정치론의 입장과 이데올로기적 요인을 강조하는 입장이 대립해 왔지만, 기존의 연구에서는 이 이론들이 제시하는 주요 변인들을 분석모형에서 통제해 내지 못한 오류가 있었다. 따라서 이 연구에서는, 하와이와 알래스카를 제외한 48개 주들의 1959년 부터 1989년 까지의 30년에 걸친 군수구매의 실적과 이데올로기적 성향 및 그 변화가, 하원 국방위원회에 소속된 그 주 출신 의원들의 수와 그 변화에 미치는 영향을 분석하였다. 분석모델로는 종속변수 분포의 특성에 따라, 각각 포아송 회귀분석 모델과 프로빗 모델을 사용하였다. 이들 분석모델을 사용한 연구 결과는 다음과 같다. 첫째, 보수성향이 강한 주에서 소속의원들을 국방위원회에 많이 진출시켜 왔고; 둘째, 하원 국방위원회는 군수산업이 발달한 지역을 과잉 대표해 왔으며; 셋째, 국방위원회의 충원에 있어 민주당과 공화당은 그 패턴이 각기 다르다는 것이 밝혀졌으며; 마지막으로 지난 30년 간 각 주들이 점유하는 국방위원회의 의석은 관례적인 할당에 의해 이루어진 일종의 평형상태를 유지해 온 것으로 나타났다. 그리하여 일시적으로 이 평형이 흔들리면 다음 회기에 곧 바로 이전의 평형상태로 되돌아 가는 경향이 존재한다는 것이다. 이러한 연구 결과는 국방상임위원회가, 정치적으로 보수적인 지역과 군수산업의 경제적 영향이 강한 지역 출신의 의원들로 구성되고, 또 이러한 구성은 지난 30년 간 큰 변화없이 유지됨으로써, 의회에서의 팽창적인 군수산업정책의 중요한 연결고리로서의 역할을 해 왔다는 것을 보여주고 있다.

무당파 층의 정당 인식에서 드러난 지역주의 균열의 징후

이정호(Rhee Jung ho) 21세기정치학회 2014 21세기 정치학회보 Vol.24 No.1

The purpose of this study is to analyse the political perception of the Independents of Busan, one of the nucleus cities in the Korean regionalism. For this study, I analysed data of a series of ‘Focused Group Interviews’ which have been conducted in early 2012 before the 19th General Election in Korea. Therefore, the study relies on qualitative analysis rather than quantitative one. In analysing the data, the theoretical classification by Dennis(1988b) has been the basic analytic framework. This study classified the Independents into four groups. Each group of Independents has its distinct characteristics. 1) apoliticals who are traditional independents; 2) anti-partisans who are dissident to the politics or political parties; 3) independents of partisan variability who cast vote for a personal candidate rather than a party; 4) withholding independents who withdraw their support to the ‘predominant party’ of the region. The last group is peculiar to the Korean politics, and can be a sign of the crack in the regionalism of Busan.

무증상 자궁외임신에서 경질초음파의 진단 정확도

이정호 ( Jeong Ho Rhee ),박준철 ( Joon Cheol Park ),김종인 ( Jong In Kim ) 대한주산의학회 2004 Perinatology Vol.15 No.2

목적 : 경질초음파의 자궁외임신 진단 정확도를 평가하고 최종 진단으로서의 임상적 안정성을 확인하기 위함. 연구방법 : 58명의 자궁외 임신 의증 환자 중 급성 증상으로 응급 수술을 시행한 14명을 제외하고 재태기간 37일 이상 또는 융모성성선자극호르몬 혈중치 1,500 mIU/ml 이상에서 경질초음파 진찰상 자궁내 임신낭이 확인되지 않은 44명의 환자를 연구 대상으로 정하였다. 모든 대상 환자에서 복강경과 초음파 소견을 비교하고 수술 표본은 병리조직 검사를 통해 확인하였다. 초음파, 복강경 소견, 병리조직 검사 결과가 일치하는 경우를 바른 진단으로 간주하여 경질초음파의 진단 정확도를 계산하였다. 결과 : 44명의 연구 대상군 중 42예에서 경질초음파상 자궁외임신 부위로 의심할 수 있는 소견이 있었으며 우측 난관, 좌측 난관, 우측 자궁간질부, 좌측 자궁간질부가 각각 20, 15, 3, 4예씩이었고 정상 초음파 소견이 2예이었다. 42예 중 41예에서 복강경 및 병리조직 검사상 자궁외임신이 확인되었는데 1예에서는 자궁외임신 부위가 일치하지 않았고 1예에서는 자궁외임신 부위를 확인할 수 없었다. 정상 초음파 소견을 보였던 2예에서는 복강경 소견도 정상 소견을 보였다. 경질초음파의 자궁외임신 진단에 대한 민감도, 특이도, 양성예측도, 음성예측도는 각각 100%, 50%, 98%, 100%였다. 결론 : 경질초음파는 매우 유용하고 신뢰할 수 있는 진단 수단이며 융모성성선자극호르몬과 경질초음파를 혼용한 진단 결과는 진단 복강경을 대체할 수 있으리라 사료된다. Objective : To assess diagnostic accuracy of the transvaginal ultrasonography and confirm the clinical safety as a final diagnosis in the asymptomatic ectopic pregnancy. Methods : Total 58 women which were suspected with ectopic pregnancy were recruited during 1 year period. Women without sonographic evidence of the intrauterine gestational sac with serum β-hCG level beyond 1,500 mIU/ml or gestational periods beyond 37 days were included (n=44), and women with acute symptom were excluded (n=14). We performed the laparoscopy and compared them with the ultrasonographic findings. We regarded the cases with accordance between two findings as an accurate diagnosis, and calculated diagnostic accuracy. All surgical specimens were confirmed by the pathological examination. Results : Of 44 subjects, we suspected ectopic pregnancy by ultrasonography in 42 patients and classified as right fallopian tube (20 cases), left fallopian tube (15 cases), right interstitial (3 cases), left interstitial (4 cases), normal finding (2 cases). Of 42 cases, 41 cases were confirmed as an ectopic pregnancy by laparoscopical and pathological examination. There were two cases of inaccurate diagnosis, in one case, suspected site was not concordant, in another case, ectopic pregnancy focus was not identified in laparoscopy. In 2 cases with normal ultrasonographic findings, any other findings suspicious of ectopic pregnancy were not identified in laparoscopy. By 2X2 contingency table analysis, sensitivity, specificity, positive predictive value, negative predictive value of the transvaginal ultrasonography for diagnosis of the ectopic pregnancy were 100%, 50%, 98%, 100%, respectively. Conclusion : Diagnostic capability of the transvaginal ultrasonography in the ectopic pregnancy was very powerful and reliable, and sonographical diagnosis may replace the diagnostic laparoscopy if medical treatment is intended.

DEA技法에 의한 韓國輸出入港灣의 效率性 測定에 관한 硏究

이정호(Rhee Jeong-Ho) 한국항만경제학회 1998 韓國港灣經濟學會誌 Vol.14 No.-

The purpose of this thesis is to investigate ports and efficiencies analytically in the theoretical side by reviewing previous studies conducted in Korea and America, and also to make an attempt to construct the dynamic model and to analyze empirically the efficiency of the 11 main ports in Korea by using DEA(Data Envelope Analysis) for the general export and import cargo with policy implications.<br/> For the empirical analysis on the efficiency of 11 main ports in Korea, statistical data are quoted from "Statistical Yearbook of Shipping and Ports" during 1992-1996 . And to investigate customers' satisfaction of individual ports, questionnaires to 55 companies which have used the related ports were done by using the telephone interview.<br/> The empirical results for the efficiency of main export-import ports in Korea can be summarized as follows: <br/> First, DEA results during 1992-1996 by using 3 input variables and 3 output variables showed us that Ulsan, Jeju, Yeosu kept the efficiency point 1.0 continuously, Donghae, Mogpo increased the efficiency and continued 1.0, Masan, Kunsan, Incheon, Busan showed relative efficiency higher than 0.50, and Kwangyang, Pohang showed efficiency below 0.50.<br/> Second, efficiency ranking according to the weighted average of yearly DEA efficiency is as follows:<br/> 1. Ulsan, 1. Jeju, 1. Yeosu, 1. Mogpo, 5.Donghae, 6. Masan, 7. Kunsan, 8. Incheon, 9. Busan, 10. Kwangyang, 11. Pohang.

국회 외교위원회의 운영과 그 특성에 대한 검토

이정호(Rhee Jung ho) 21세기정치학회 2004 21세기 정치학회보 Vol.14 No.3

This study examines various features of the make-up of the Foreign Relations Committee in the National Assembly of Korea. And it also tries to figure out the role and its influence of the committee on foreign policy making. First of all, this article focuses the composition of the Foreign Relations Committee in various ways. In doing so, it tests the so called 'political prestige' hypothesis of the committee by analysing the distribution of senior members of the committee from the 11th National Assembly to the 15th. And it also tries to figure out how many incumbent members continue to serve at the committee after they get re-elected during that period. To analyse the role and its influence of the committee on foreign policy, it compared the number of proposed bills and resolutions to the number of passed bills and resolutions in each term. This study finds out that the committee has been politically more prestigious as Korean society gets more democratized. But the committee fails to show important role in law making on foreign policy during the period.