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RISS 인기검색어
- 검색키워드
- 저자 : 呂井東 (검색결과 42 건)
- 무료
- 기관 내 무료
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여정동 세계평화교수협의회 1984 아카데미論叢 Vol.12 No.1
제 3 세계의 비동맹방침과 국민국가 형성과정에서의 統治構造의 特性을 고찰하려는 것이 본고의 目的이다.
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呂井東 慶北大學校 1964 論文集 Vol.8 No.-
The purpose of this thesis to find out a of international politics, and to diagnose methodological geneology of international politics in U.S. A. and Britain. The science of international politics is in its infancy, grown and developed after the World War Ⅰ and it is not so well organized with theory as to be generally recognized. The early international politics had utopian methodology which sought after world peace purposeful aspiration of mankind. In 1930's, this methodology had to be generally changed. Especially after World War Ⅱ there was a tendency that persisted in pure realistic methodology, not only rejecting utopianism on the ground of "Power Politics", but claiming utopian and realist belonged to quite different thought schools. Neither of thoroughly utopian methodology and realistic one is proper as the right way of studing international politics. It is because in the phenomena of international politics, as in all the social phenomena, realistic facts and utopian facts have both their place. In study of international politics, therefore, utopia and reality shouldn't be considered as definitely antithetic and different two facts, but two depending upon earth other. Therefore, sound international politics and sound methodology of international politics will be found only where both have their place. In this bipolarized world, international politics in U.S.A. and Britain of today couldn't help adopting power political position on account of the motive to carry out liberal world policy against the Bolshevism. International politics in both countries has grown and developed with the background of pragmatism, and so you can find the same quality in them. It is natural, however, that international politics have made more development in U.S.A. after the World War Ⅱ than in Britain. Though most of American scholars of international politics regards "Power and National Interest" the fundamental concept in the theory of international politics, their definitions of power are various. This is one of the fundamental facts that make it hard for you to systematize international polities. Recently, there is a tendency in U.S.A. that they study divisionally "policy-making", "decision-making", "political process" and "political institution", and they adopt the result of this divisional study to the systematic study of international politics. And it is characteristic that international politics thus systematized are classified into four categories; first, the problem of elements of power; second, problems of diplomatic activities of a state and object of its policy: third, method of practice of national objects i. e. diplomacy, war, propaganda and imperialistic policy ; fourth, the problems of international organization. It is remarkable in U.S.A. that behavioral sciences are used in talc method of integral study of the above four categories. In conclusion, many difficulties remain to be solved in order to systematize the theory of international politics in U.S.A. For example, what is certain way how to develop this science? What is the subject and the object matter of international Politics? Whether power is the object in itself or a means for the object ? What is the definite meaning of such terms as international politics, international relations, world politics, world relations, etc. ? What is the mutual influence between general study of forteign policy and the concrete study?
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集團安全保障의 特性 : With emphasis on the Characteristics of the Collective Security
呂井東 慶北大學校 1962 論文集 Vol.6 No.-
The major purpose of this small thesis is to illuminate the Characteristics of Collective Security. In writing this thesis, we took the following as basic premise: Collective Security and the study of it should have been caught between the extremes of legalistic idealism and power political realism. The study of Collective security must be based on a recognition of the independence and practice, which can be attained only through a combination of Utopia and Reality.
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呂井東 서울大學校 附設 國際問題硏究所 1982 論文集 Vol.- No.7
Among conspicuous disputes of today's international politics, North-South problemsprecede, in priority of important issues, East-West problems. One of the urgent demands that all developing countries have been making about North-South problems is a prompt establishment of a New International Economic Order by means of which they aim to accelerate their economic independence and self-reliance. "The Declaration on the Establishment of a New International Economic Order" was adopted at the 6th Extraordinary Generial Assembly of United Nations on May 1st 1974, and also "the Charter of Economic Rights and Duties of States" was officially accepted at the 29th General Assembly of United Nations on december 12th 1974. To the adoption of the "Declaration and Charter in the United Nations," advanced nations of capitalists have made very sensitive responses; that is to say, they have made clear their Intentions or attitudes tourard the plan of establishing NIEO by showing either total reservation, opposition or abstraction. Furthermore, some of them go so far as to take some counteractions that may be deemed effectual. The circumstances and atmosphere of present-day It world brings home to us forcibly that it will take rather long before the establishment of NIEO is a do facto reality. Mutual dependence is to tightly related as if one body in today's international society that the international order or organization should preferably be analyzed with a concept of interdependence in this thesis. Interdependence greatly varies in meaning according to the context; that is, it could be meant by either through policy-consultation, propoganda device, concept as ananalyisis tool, or situation as objects of analysis and In this thesis, it is used in the sense of both the concept as a tool for analysis and the situation as objects of analysis. The problems in this thesis will be dealt with in the following way: the interdependence level will be clarified in terms of the Asian area level; the interdependence function in terms of politico-economic function; the exchange :signifying quality of interdependence in terms of the aspect of quantity and quality; interdependence contents in terms of the multiple-mechanism containing both cooperation (signifying harmony) and competition (signifying opposition). When dealing with the transition process of either an internationa order or international organization, we should take into due consideration such factors as follows: (1) divisions of interest and costs and distributional l phenomena of influence, (2) the relationship between an environment and a role-system, in other words, the problem of how to share roles compatible with their situation and capability, (3) the problem of how to clarity the relation between situational factors and policy-making factors, (4) the problem of how to contrive the politico-diplomatic strategy. With special reference to the factors above-quoted, some tentative proposals are presented here for the establishment of the regional cooperative organization in Asia. A triangular-reciprocal model should be given full consideration for its realization between three groups of nations, both forward, middle and backward. In present-day Asian politico-economic scene, there emerges a group of new industrial nations, forming a conspicuous section of nations in the Asian region. In the situation where nations forward and backward have the tendency to follow the rather firm and innexible policy, an emerging group of New Industrial Asian Countries. should pursue the fexible strategy of politico-diplomacy, which is of higher dimensions, so that they may carry out the policy of strengthening cooperations between themselves. The present atmosphere of Asian situation makes it necessary that Korean people, whether government officials and civilians, should not merely conduct considerable researches into the real fact or nature of "the Order and Organization" but also have positive, continuous shares in various activities of international conference. To add one last remark to the conclusion: the plans of establishing NIEO and the Regional Economic Cooperative Organigaion in the Asia would be far from realization unless Japan is willing to take up attitude of approval and make their political decision to back up the plans.
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新生國과 外交 : 非同盟의 始動과 그 實相 The Roots and Contemporary Situations of Non-alignment
呂井東 서울大學校 附設 國際問題硏究所 1984 論文集 Vol.- No.8
Third world countries share some characteristics and some patterns of behavior. On the most general level, they are what "system-ineffectual" states that "can never, acting alone or in a small group, make a significant impact on the system." Third world countries have tied together, above and beyond the shared problem of weakness and poverty, comprise a strongly felt sense of deprivation and resentment aganist the developed countries and they share non-alignment as an orientation of foreign policy. The behavior of the nonaligned countries diners from the behavior of the older generation of small powers not only because the environment in which they live is different but also because they are, in many respects, a different kind of small powers. It is not simply that they Ire weak, inexperienced, based on regional conflicts, nationalistic and unstable domestically, The critical difference does not lie so much in their external circumstances as it does in the fact that many of the cotemporary nonaligned states lack any identification with, or attachment to the traditions of the Western state system. Non-alignment is the policy of avoiding alliance with, or strong dependence upon, either side in the cold war. This appeal. is based partly on the normtive desire of states anywhere to avoid the involvements, restraints, risks, costs, and other liabilities of an alliance if their security does not seem to require one. Another appeal of non-alignment stems from the desire to recieve economic and other benefits from both sides and takes advantage of American-Soviet competition for favor and influence in the Third World. Non-alignment reflects the tendency of the new and weak states to be far more concerned with their internal problems, and in some cases with local conflicts and rivalries, than with the cold war, which they view as a distraction. They would like the dominant currents of international politics to revolve around the issues of anti-colonialism and economic development rather than around the power competition between Communist and Non-communist states.
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