한일 양국 사회교과서를 통해 본 젠더사회화 비교분석: 초등학교 6학년 일반사회 영역을 중심으로

황영주 ( Young Ju Hoang ) 비교민주주의연구센터(비교민주주의학회) 2013 비교민주주의연구 Vol.9 No.1

이 연구는 한국과 일본의 젠더사회화 이해를 위하여 한국과 일본의 초등학교 사회교과서 분석을 시도하여, 교과서에 나타난 양국의 젠더고정관념을 비교하고 있다. 보다 구체적으로 이 연구는 양국의 초등학교 6학년 과정에서 사용하고 있는 일반사회영역 교과서를 분석하여 양국의 교과서가 어떤 젠더 고정관념을 가지고 있는지를 살펴보려고 하였다. 사회교과서는 현재 사회의 실제 모습을 그대로 표현하지만, 동시에 바람직하고 이상적인 사회상을 그려내기 때문에 젠더관계의 분석에 용이한 것으로 판단하였다. 분석의 결과 교과서는 일종의 젠더고정관념을 둘러싼 역동적인 교차점인 것을 확인하였다. 즉, 한일 양국 교과서 모두 사회의 일방적인 젠더고정관념이 그대로 투영되는 곳도 아니며, 그렇다고 해서 젠더고정관념이 철저하게 교정되는 장소도 아닌, 젠더고정관념의 다양한 층위가 역동적으로 얽혀 있는 곳으로 해석될 수 있었다. 다만, 양국 사회교과서가 젠더고정관념의 역동적 교차점을 역할을 하지만, 일부 서사(narration)에서는 뚜렷한 차이를 보였는데, 이때 일본 교과서가 좀 더 젠더관계에서 전향적인 태도를 보인 것으로 확인되었다. The main purpose of this study is to analyze Korean and Japanese elementary social studies textbooks in order to understand and compare gender socialization between two countries. More specifically, the study is analyzing the 6th grade social studies textbooks to understand how gender relations has been formulated in the textbooks. Generally, it is believed that the social studies textbooks have two aspects: one is that the textbook represents the real appearance of dominant society; another is that the textbook also contains desirable and ideal points for the better society. In this regard, gender relations in the textbooks has been showed very complex ways. The results of the analyzing and comparing textbooks in both countries are followings. First of all, gender relations in two textbooks shows very dynamic aspects. Some cases of textbooks contains very gendered and gender stereotypes of social practices, other cases of textbooks also try to overcome prevailed gendered and gender stereotypes of the present society. In this regard, the textbooks can be interpreted as the dynamic crossroad of gender relations. Also, some differences have been found, the Japanese textbook shows more gender sensitive approach in the ways of narration.

르네상스 이탈리아 외교의 성격 : 근대 외교와의 관계를 중심으로

황영주(Young-ju Hoang) 고려대학교 일민국제관계연구원 2007 국제관계연구 Vol.12 No.1,2

This article deals with the character of Italian Renaissance diplomacy. The many scholars hinge on that the Italian Renaissance diplomacy has the innovative aspect: in the Middle Ages the goal of diplomacy was the peace of Christendom; in the Renaissance the goal of diplomacy was the interests of the individual states. This article argues that the innovative aspect of Renaissance diplomacy would be overestimated, in other words, the Renaissance diplomacy should not be categorized as "the modern diplomacy." The reason why would be followings: on the one hand, the operation of Renaissance Italian diplomacy could not be come from the sufficient state system, in which the international law and the balance of power is working as the symbolic power and social constraint, respectably on the other hand the practice of Renaissance Italian diplomacy didn't rise from the concept of raison d'?tre in the modern state, namely the understanding of modern phase of sovereignty. Overall, the article argues that the character of Italian Renaissance diplomacy should not be belonged to the modern diplomacy.

초기근대국가 형성에서 폭력의 문제

황영주(Young-ju Hoang) 고려대학교 일민국제관계연구원 2010 국제관계연구 Vol.15 No.2

이 연구에서는 초기근대국가 형성에 있어서 폭력이 어떤 역할을 하였는지에 대하여 중점적으로 살펴보고자 하였다. 근대국가는 합법적 폭력 조직의 생성과 운영이 반드시 필요했다. 국내적으로 관료제의 발달은 전쟁기구로 작동하는 국가에 대하여 효과적인 지원을 위한 국가노력의 산물이었다, 즉, 국가의 대내외적인 물리적 능력의 신장을 위해서 조세징수와 국가경비의 지출에 대한 효율적 관리를 위해 국가 관료제가 발전된 것이다. 근대국가의 형성에서 국내적 폭력의 또 다른 요소인 경찰력의 발전 또한 국내의 내적 평온화와 직접적으로 관련되어 있었다. 근대국가라는 제도가 일상에 숨어 있는 모습으로서 경찰력은 사회질서를 유지하며 지배를 위한 사회적 기반을 구축한다. 다시 말해서 경찰은 새로운 모습의 국가가 자신의 가치와 질서를 국민들에게 요구하는 사회적 통제의 기구로 만들어진 것이었다. 근대국가의 형성에서 국외적 폭력으로서의 전쟁에도 보다 주목이 필요하다. “전쟁은 국가를 만들고, 국가는 전쟁을 만든다”는 명제를 빌리지 않더라도 지금까지의 여러 연구는 근대국가 형성과 성장에 전쟁이 불가피하였음을 보여주고 있다 특히 이 연구는 전쟁과 전쟁준비를 위한 여러 노력들은 궁극적으로 국가만들기에 직접적으로 연관되어 있었다는 점을 확인하고 있다. 우선, 전쟁에 투입되는 군대의 양성은 결국 근대국가의 자신의 신민(臣民)에 대한 자원추출능력의 신장을 의미하는 것이었다. 자원추출능력의 확대는 다시 전쟁능력의 증대로, 이는 다시 자원추출능력의 확대로 일련의 국가 능력 확대의 순환구조가 완성된다. 아울러 전쟁준비는 새로운 관료제의 확대와 운용으로 이어졌다. 전쟁(준비)을 통해서 국가는 다시 자신의 국민에 대한 감독과 침투를 확대시킬 수 있었다. 마지막으로 전쟁은 “적과 우리의 관계”를 보다 명백하게 함으로써 근대국가 형성초기에 필요한 내적 평온화에 직접적으로 기여하였다. 전체적으로 이 연구에서는 국내외적 폭력과 그것의 구체적인 기제가 초기근대국가 형성과정에서 필수불가결한 요소임을 확인하고자 하였다. This article concerns the connection and relationships between the state and violence during the formation of modern state in the Western society. As it is well known, the modern state has capability of monopolizing the legitimate use of violence within a given territory. This article explores what the functions and roles of violence are in the period of state formation. On the one hand, the article examines internal aspect of state violence. The state had required a lot of coercive control for integrating their subject to its given territorial area. The process contains set up new bureaucratic and police system, which made ‘internal pacification.’ On the other hand, the article shows external aspect of state violence. “War made state, state mad war” may well express the roles of war for state formation, so that the articles try to show the influence of war for state making; war enhanced the state capability of extraction resources, induced new bureaucracy, and consolidated identity of state. Overall the articles try to show that the necessity of internal and external state violence for its formation and development.

만나기, 뛰어넘기, 새로만들기

황영주(Hoang Young-ju) 한국국제정치학회 2007 國際政治論叢 Vol.47 No.1

‘적극적 국제주의’와 ‘선택적 협력’

황영주(Hoang Young-ju) 한국국제정치학회 2004 國際政治論叢 Vol.44 No.2

평화, 안보 그리고 여성

황영주(Hoang Young-ju) 한국국제정치학회 2003 國際政治論叢 Vol.43 No.1

강건한 “국가,” “페미니즘”의 약화

황영주(Young ju Hoang) 21세기정치학회 2009 21세기 정치학회보 Vol.19 No.1

The main object of this study is to measure the possibilities and limits of the state-feminism through working mechanism and effects of the Gender Impact Assessment(GIA). On the one hand, state-feminism can be seen as the acts of the state organization on improving the female rights and position. On the other hand, GIA can also be seen as a tool which can make equally balanced gender policies to be developed and carried out by evaluating and analyzing the main issues on the characters between two different genders and the social and economical differences through the police moves. This GIA was introduced in 2004 by the Ministry of Gender Equality, Korea and currently functioning on various areas of the state policies. In this respect, the study shows possibilities and limits of the state-feminism from the analysis of GIA. In other words, GIA can be one of the representative cases of state-feminism in Korea. The work for analysis of GIA classified into three parts: firstly, it focuses on the introductory background; secondly, it focuses on the actual procedures in which the study is examining legal and institutional binding forces; lastly it shows how the analysis of GIA can practically help improving female rights and the existing gender relations. Even GIA is one of the representative case of the state-feminism and the positive gender policy, it contains several problems. For example GIA is rather focusing on inequal gender issues with statistical data and charts than focusing on equal gender issue. Overall, the GIA as state-feminism can be criticized when it contains only the formal results, which are not practical results for carrying out the actual meaning of the state-feminism.

비교정치학과 국제정치학의 (다시) 만남

황영주(Young ju Hoang) 21세기정치학회 2008 21세기 정치학회보 Vol.18 No.2

The division of discipline of comparative politics and international relations has recently blurred. This kind of convergence between two sub-fields of politics has reflected by the recent several political changes. This study deals with why and how two disciplines are meeting to each other. In the study of comparative politics, the change of state centric tradition, the growing of governance approaches and the rising of external factors, which are caused by impact of globalization, has been influenced the change of scope and method of discipline itself. Especially, the study of European integration has been reflected this kind of changing. As one of best examples, this study examines the theory of “Multi-Level Governance” in which why and how two sub-filed of politics has encountered to each other. Overall, the study argues the shifting of comparative politics contains and reflects the political transformation of global scale.

중세 유럽에서의 외교

황영주(Young ju Hoang) 21세기정치학회 2007 21세기 정치학회보 Vol.17 No.1

This article deals with the characters of diplomacy in the middle ages. Many scholars regard that diplomacy of medieval period had very retard, less developed, then empty space compared to the modern diplomacy. This article argues that the medieval diplomacy had its own logic and features, which should not be judged from the perspectives of modern diplomacy; in other words, the medieval diplomacy had not contained the sufficient state system and the concept of raison d’être in the modern state which are assumed the foundation of modern diplomacy. In fact, the pope and secular monarch had dispatched occasionally their eclectical, political, economical and personal representatives to the other political authority. But they had also developed their own norms, practices and procedures in the diplomatic relations amongst the various levels of political authority. Overall, the article argues that the characters of diplomacy in the middle ages should not be counted on the concept of modern diplomacy.

부산지역발전을 위한 사회복지·문화정책 모형 연구

황영주(Young ju Hoang) 21세기정치학회 2014 21세기 정치학회보 Vol.24 No.3

This study is looking for what is the best model of gender policy in the local level. This study tries to overcome two criticisms: one is that local gender policy shows no difference from that of the central’s; the other is that sometimes local gender policy has been treated as a kind of ornament. In this respect, the study to set out the desirable model of gender policy in the local level. The model contains several aspects of local activating and development: it should contains the cooperation and duty?sharing between local and central government; it must have a local gender governance which including the subjectivity of women, the healthy relations with other local agencies; it ought to make with other local government to consider more solid gender policy.