장시간 서서 일하는 여성의 하지 부종에 대한 발목 펌핑운동과 탄력 압박스타킹 적용의 효과

황병하,송시욱,김수민,Hwang, Byung-Ha,Song, Si-Wook,Kim, Soo-Min 대한고유수용성신경근촉진법학회 2014 PNF and Movement Vol.12 No.1

Purpose: This study was to identify the effects of the application of ankle pumping exercise versus elastic compression stockings for the women lower leg edema and pain due to continuous standing work. Methods: The participants were 20 women with leg edema and pain, divided into two group, 10 ankle exercise group and elastic compression stockings group. Low leg circumference were measured before and after work. Ankle pumping exercise group, elastic compression stockings were divided into groups, individual working one week during the arbitration to arbitration and work around the legs before and after retesting were compared before and after arbitration. Arbitration to stop and keep the information a week after the re-measurement of intervention before and after the arbitration and the degree of intervention were maintained. Statistical methods before and after working around the average value of each the legs was repeated measures ANOVA. Results: The participants had edema and leg problems because of their work. The ankle pumping exercise gorup and elastic compression stockings group showed statistically decrease in leg circumference value. there was no statistically value about the lasting effect of intervention after 1 week. Conclusion: The results of this study revealed that the application of elastic compression stockings and ankle pumping exercises during the hours of work is effective the relief of edema of lower extremity.

2014년 이집트 헌법의 이슬람관련 주요 내용 분석

황병하(Hwang, Byung-Ha) 한국중동학회 2015 韓國 中東 學會 論叢 Vol.35 No.3

This paper is intended to research the analysis of the main topics related to Islam in Egyptian Constitution 2014, focused on the political power structure and power balance. The Egyptian Constitution 2012 was annulled by the military coup in the 3 July, 2013. The Egyptian Constitution 2014 was drafted and revised by the request of the civil society and Egyptian military. So It was regarded as a product of military coup and Tamarrud movement. But the Islamic movement and MB had raised questions and protests against the military coup and some big change of the articles on Islam. During discussions of the new constitution, Article 219 of the Constitution 2012 was the main target to be perished. Article 219, embodied the principles of the Islamic Sharia in the Constitution 2012, provoked so many controversies from the opposition party, religious minorities, military, and women activists. However, Article 2 of the Constitution 1971(amended in 1980, reproduced in the 2012 draft) had already proclaimed the Islamic Sharia as the main source of legislation. In chapter Ⅱ, the comparison of the articles related to the Islam and Military between the Constitution 2012 and Constitution 2014 were given. Because the Constitution is the main source to understand and analyze the political power structure and power balance. In Chapter Ⅲ, the process of revision on the Constitution 2014 and political power structure between Islamism and Secularism in Egypt were presented. Also the formation and main roles of the 50 member council in Egyptian Constitution 2014 were researched. In Chapter Ⅳ, the Constitution 2014 and power balance between Islamism and Secularism in Egypt were presented. In Constitution 2014, articles on Secularism overwhelmed Islamism, and the article 219 in the Constitution 2012 was annulled. In Chapter Ⅴ, the meaning and the characteristics of articles related on Islam in the Constitution 2014 and its evaluation were given. In Egypt, from drafting the Constitution 2012, the interpretation of Article 219 fell into the Supreme Constitutional Court (SCC), the Judicial authority. This authority has been regarded as a very secular institution. So it is said the confrontation between Islamism and Secularism in Egypt has been prolonged from the period of Nasser till now. On this regard, the Islamic Sharia has provoked a lot of intellectual inquiries and questions from Constitution 1971. In Egypt, the Islamic Sharia has regarded as a authoritative tradition and principles. However, SCC had no choice except accepting Sharia as a tradition in the Constitution 2012 and treating it a little bit roughly and unimportant, the cooperation between the Military and SCC had agreed on annulling the Article 219 in the Constitution 2014. Most of Article 219's terms came from the traditional Sunni methodology based on the Quran and Sunna. In fact, ex-president Mursi and MB had tried to include Article 219 in the Constitution 2014 to reduce the Military’s political and economic power. But the Military had acknowledged MB's intention and tried to collapse Mursi government and Islamic power, and finally taken a chance of military coup through the Tamarrud movement. The relationship between MB and the Military had been worsen from the elections of 2012, and the Egyptian Military never accepted the Mursi government. So it is said the annulling of Article 219 in Constitution 2012 was a product of the Military and al-Sisi, and the Constitution 2014 will be revised whenever al-Sisi wants for the Military.

이집트 무슬림형제단(MB)의 미래에 대한 고찰

황병하(Hwang, Byung-Ha) 한국중동학회 2015 韓國 中東 學會 論叢 Vol.36 No.2

To investigate the current social strife, polarization, and violence in Egypt, it is necessary to explore on the confrontation between the Military-based secularism and Muslim Brotherhood(MB)-based Islamism. It means the potential for Islamist integration and the regime's ability to achieve political stability greatly depends on the MB's current situation and its future. The MB has been in crisis after the ouster of Mursi on July 3, 2013, regime's bloody crackdown in Raba'a, and regime's designation the MB as a terrorist organization. To overcome this crisis, the MB has changed its structure, ideology, and leadership. In the process of its changes, there happened internal conflicts between old generation and new generation. Youth members are now assuming a more active role in the MB, calling for revolutionary action against the regime. It means the internal conflicts between them are on the use of violence against the regime. The moderates and old leadership are worrying about youth members' joining radical groups like the Islamic State(IS), and hoping to use peaceful non-violent method. The youth members including members of Raba'a Islamist Youth and new leadership are calling for revolutionary action using violence against regime's bloody crackdown. Under these circumstances, the MB's future will be one of three possibilities. They are reconciliation with the regime, fragmentation into factions, and eradication by the regime. In spite of Mursi's overthrow, the MB remains an important role in Egypt. So it is needed the MB must recognize the failures of current protest, change the structure, withdraw from politics, and rethink its future for the future of Egypt's Islam and political Islam.

중국 무슬림의 종교적 정체성과 인권 침해

황병하 ( Byung Ha Hwang ) 한국중동학회 2013 韓國 中東 學會 論叢 Vol.33 No.3

사우디 여성운전 허용 가능성에 대한 연구

황병하(Hwang, Byung-Ha) 한국중동학회 2014 韓國 中東 學會 論叢 Vol.34 No.4

This paper is designed to prospect the possibility of permitting women to drive in Saudi Arabia. Saudi women are banned from driving in the Kingdom, and needed permission from a close male relative(guardian) to travel, work, and open a bank account. Despite the modernization of Saudi, its society is ruled by conservatism, traditional Wahhabism, and fatwa. King Abdullah has recently introduced some cautious political and social reforms, and announced to give the Saudi women the right to vote and run in future municipal elections. In chapter Ⅱ, the situation of Saudi women rights is presented. More than half of Saudi's university graduates are women. But according to ILO, in 2009 just 17% of Saudi women were in employment. It is one of the lowest in the world. All restrictions enforced to Saudi women are regarded as a big loss. As for the Saudi women rights, women activists say the issue of being allowed to drive is key point to gaining other social and educational rights. In chapter Ⅲ, the October 26 Women's Driving Campaign is described. As for the women's driving campaign in Saudi, there were 3 times in 1990, 2011(Women2Drive), and 2013(Hamlat26Uktubir). The 2011 and 2013 campaigns were social media campaigns using Twitter, Facebook, and You-tube. Despite conservatives' denouncing the campaign in 2013, it was regarded as a practical necessity and another step forward gaining women's rights and freedom. In chapter Ⅳ, the relationship between banning from women's driving and Wahhabism is described. The ban against women driving in Saudi dates back to a fatwa in 1991 issued by the late grand mufti against gender mixing. Saudi women's rights group have been agitating for a change in the rule of banning from women's driving. In chapter Ⅴ, the view of Ibn Abd al-Wahhab on women is presented. Saudi is still split over the question of women driving. In addition to the driving ban, Saudi women are very critical on the issue of conservative guardianship for women. Ibn Abd al-Wahhab, the founder of the Wahhabism, sought to ensure women's right and give the appropriate place of women in Muslim society. He consistently urged the principles of social justice, the equality of all believers, and the need to preserve equality of status between men and women. So on the basis of Ibn Abd al-Wahhab's approach on women, it is positively anticipated that Saudi women's driving will be permitted soon, and their social activities will be increased without legal regulations or fatwa.

아랍 스프링 이후 튀니지 극단주의에 대한 연구

황병하 ( Hwang Byung-ha ) 한국외국어대학교 중동연구소 2016 중동연구 Vol.35 No.2

This paper is designed to research on the radicalism in Tunisia after Arab Spring. While Tunisia is the only Arab country to undergo a successful democratic transition as of 2015, it also has witnessed a growing radical Jihadi-Salafism movement since January 2011. Five years after Arab Spring, Tunisia continues its transition toward democracy and has established a political dialogue to overcome its fragile new political system and its inability to respond to the economic and social needs of Tunisians. The ruling party Nidaa Tounes will face with the continuing power struggle between Islamists and secularists, if not solving political instability, economic and social injustice, and religious unbalance and conflicts. Tunisia`s radicalism has come from Ben Ali`s political repression, Jihadi-Salafi movement, Ennahda party and IS propaganda. The fall of regime created a vacuum that allowed radical groups to preach their ideas and recruit new youth members. Ennahda focused on political struggles and has not solved a healthy balance between politics and religion. The socioeconomic instability has worsened since 2011, and has created new social polarization. So to protect Tunisa`s violent radicalization and take its democratic transition forward, the Tunisan government has to solve Tunisian youth`s economic frustration and unemployment, strengthen political inclusion of the Jihadi-Salafi movement, allow all nonviolent religious actors to have their own voices, separate religious and political activities for creating balance between Islamism and Secularism, and coordinate for implementing de-radicalization policies and system.

무굴제국의 종교정책 연구

황병하 ( Byung Ha Hwang ) 한국이슬람학회 2008 한국이슬람학회논총 Vol.18 No.3

This study is designed to analyze the religious tolerance and conflict of the Mughul empire. The Mughul Empire was founded in 1526 by Babur. In November 1525 Babur set out his historic march into India, and 1526 he reached the plain of Panipat on the northern part of Delhi. At present, the Muslim community in India is a minority group. Despite a small percentage of Indian population(11-12%), Muslims in India will remain as a public and people of India. However their public role as a body of Islamic doctrine, beliefs and rituals is bound to be restricted in India. India was fragmented from the time of Aryans` invasion. The fragmentation of India had continued till the beginning of 16th century. But this fragmentation came to an end with the rise of the Mughul empire. For the next two hundred years the Mughul Islamic power ruled the Hindu subcontinent. In order to analyze the Mughul`s religious policy, this study will present the process of spreading Islam into India, the religious conditions of the early Mughul Empire, Mughul`s Islamic tolerance with Hinduism, Awrangzeb`s anti Hinduism policy, and the decline of Mughul Empire. The history of spreading Islam into India is very important to understand the history of Islamic Da`wah in Asia, especially in Central Asia, China, and India. In conclusion, the comparison of religious policies between Akbar, Awrangzeb and Dara Shikoh is presented to understand the relationship between Islam and Hinduism in India. The Islamic tolerance of Akbar strengthened the relations with Hiduism, but the anti Hinduism policy of Awrangzeb threatened the Mughul`s destiny.

초기 이슬람에서 통치권 확립의 방법과 변화

황병하(Hwang, Byung-Ha) 명지대학교 중동문제연구소 2011 중동문제연구 Vol.10 No.2

This paper is designed to research the criteria of sovereignty in the early Islam and its method and its changes. For this purpose, chapter Ⅱ described the methods of acquiring sovereignty in the early Islam. There are two criteria of sovereignty in Islam. The one is proclaiming the name of the Khalifa or the head of the state in the khutba at the Friday Jum’a Prayer in the Masjid. The other is inscribing the name of the Khalifa on the coins. The Friday khutba is the mirror of what is going on in the politics, and the barometer of subtle negotiations between the Khalifa and the military chieftains. The minting of coins is one of the privileges of sovereignty. The khutba is a symbol of Muslim power in the political and religious senses. The minting of coins is a symbol of Muslim power in the cultural and economical senses. In chapter Ⅲ, the role of Friday khutba and its function was described. In the early Islam, the Friday khutba was performed by the Prophet Muhammad, and was the occasion of the Umma’ meeting together, to inform of the latest news, to give instructions, to announce planned expeditions and strategic plans for the future. In chapter Ⅳ, the hijab system was explained. The Friday khutba was a heavy burden and the psychological tension for the sovereigns. So some of the sovereigns changed the system, and adopted hijab system. According to this system, the hajib delivered the Friday khutba instead of the sovereign. The hijab system was a barrier that separated the sovereign from the people and impeded their access to him. In chapter Ⅴ, the reason why the women’s entering Masjid was forbidden was described. The hijab system was considered an important event in pushing the Khaliphate and democratic Islam into the despotism and political Islam. It developed into the prohibition women from entering Masjid and a misogyny in Islam. One of the sovereigns said ‘the Friday service is not a duty of women.’ But the Hadith said ‘Do not forbid the mosques of Allah to the women of Allah.’ This means the sovereign has to develop his ability to communicate directly with the men and women in the masjid through the Friday’s khutba. This is very heavy responsibility for the sovereigns, because they have to keep the political function of the khutba, inform of the latest news, give their opinions, and take Muslims’ opinions. However, some of the sovereigns tried to get out of this responsibility and avoided the anxiety of direct contact with the Muslims through hijab system. For understanding khutba’s role and function in Islam, it is also needed to understand the history of women’s sovereignty, their roles and functions to acquire sovereignty in Islam correctly.

이슬람 역사에서 종파주의 관련 용어의 등장 배경

황병하 ( Hwang Byung Ha ) 한국이슬람학회 2019 한국이슬람학회논총 Vol.29 No.2

The purpose of this paper is to analyze the historical background of sectarian terms in Islam used in online. As the conflicts in Iraq, Syria, and Yemen have increased, hostile expressions based on sectarianism are increased sharply in online, SNS, and media channels. After following the Syrian civil war and IS's violent activities in Iraq and Syria, some derogatory anti-Shi'ite terms have appeared. They are Rafidha, Hizb al-Shaytan, Majus, Nusayri, and Safawi. And some hostile anti-Sunni terms also have appeared. They are Wahhabi, Takfiri, and Umawi. However, the use of hostile sectarian anti-Shi'a and anti-Sunni terms is not a new phenomenon, they have deep historical backgrounds. Since 2011 Arab Spring, the number of Arabs using online social networks has grown dramatically from 60 to 81%. It means they can discuss and communicate each other in online on the politics, Muslim societies, and religion. Most of the anti-Shi'a sectarian terms are related with the history of Rafidha, Nusayri(or Alawite), and Safawid, and most of the anti-Sunni sectarian terms are related with the history of Wahhabism and Umayyid. The future of sectarianism in the Middle East will be decided by increasing amount of counter-sectarian rhetorics.

초기 이슬람역사의 도시형성에서 모스크의 역할

황병하 ( Byung Ha Hwang ) 한국이슬람학회 2009 한국이슬람학회논총 Vol.19 No.2

This paper is designed to present the role of Masjid in the Arab city in the Early Islam. For this purpose, firstly the history of major traditional Arab cities is described. Understanding their historical background of construction is important to analyze their social and religious characteristics. In the early Islamic history, Arab muslims had constructed a garrison city for military purposes after their conquest. After construction of the military city, there comes construction of Masjid and Jami` and Suq for the religious and political and social purposes. So generally the early Arabic-Islamic buildings has classified as a civil building, a religious building and a military building. In chapter 2, the process of constructing Mecca, Medina, Basra, Kufa, Fustat, Damascus, Baghdad, Samarra, and Cairo is described. In chapter 3, the formative characteristics of Arab cities are described. The shape of Arab city is divided into the chain of Madina, Qasaba, Rabat, Qasaba, Maqbara. In chapter 4, the social characteristics of Arab cities are described. The Masjid is a symbol of religious authority, and the Qasr is a symbol of political authority. In chapter 5, the religious characteristics of Arab cities are described. The Masjid is a pivotal center of Arab-Islamic city, and a place of education, religious rituals, politics and Muslims` unification.